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Journal articles on the topic 'Sallust'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Batstone, William W. "Incerta Pro Certis: An Interpretation of Sallust Bellum Catilinae 48.4-49.4." Ramus 15, no. 2 (1986): 105–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00003374.

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Sallust's style is provocative and tendentious, but does his admitted moral tendentiousness carry over into a political or partisan tendentiousness? For centuries we have heard of Sallust the partisan, Sallust the propagandist, Sallustian bias. The history of this perceived bias began at least in the age of Augustus when the anonymous writer of the Invectio in Ciceronem set stylus to wax and began his fraud. Less than a century later (before 96 A.D.) Quintilian regarded the work as genuine Sallust (I.O. 4.1.68; 9.3.89). The deception had worked; and both the fraud itself and Quintilian's acquiescence indicate a perceived anti-Gceronian bias to Sallust's writing.In the modern period, the history of perceived bias, already resisted by Voss, came to its climax in 1897 with an article by E. Schwartz which argued for a systematic and extreme anti-Ciceronian and pro-Caesarian bias and purpose to the Bellum Catilinae. The charges seemed to Schwartz necessary to explain (1) Sallust's chronology, (2) the significantly small role played by Cicero in Sallust's monograph, and (3) the report of certain rumours which implicated Cicero and Crassus and the denial of rumours which implicated Caesar. A systematic review of the arguments, however, gradually undermined or called into question the validity of most of Schwartz's points. By 1964 Syme could say that the main charges against Sallust had collapsed upon inspection. And they had; all but one.

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2

Leventi, Maria. "Memoria and Endings in Sallust's Bellum Catilinae." Phoenix 77, no. 1-2 (March 2023): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phx.2023.a926363.

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Abstract: Memoria intersects with deferred endings across Sallust's Bellum Catilinae . The conspiracy's memorialization depends on a debatable assumption of closure. The BC 's composition temporally blends into its material, which exposes Sallust to charges of partiality. The inclusion of its reception in the work's timeline admits the reader into an open-ended process. Réesumé: La memoria est entrelacée avec l'idée d'une fin différée tout au long du Bellum Catilinae de Salluste. L'inclusion du complot dans la memoria repose sur la supposition discutable que celui-ci est terminé. La composition du BC est contemporaine des faits rapportés, ce qui expose Salluste à des accusations de partialité. L'oeuvre inclut les suites du complot dans sa chronologie des faits, ce qui introduit le lecteur dans un débat ouvert.

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3

Xu, Haoyang. "The Problem with ‘Accurate’ History: Complexity within Sallust’s Bellum Catilinae." International Journal of Social Science Studies 8, no. 6 (October 22, 2020): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v8i6.4952.

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Sallust’s Bellum Catilinae has long interested historians as one of the few primary accounts of Catiline’s conspiracy and for its complicated portrayal of its protagonist. Rather than depicting Catiline’s conspiracy as either a villainous rebellion or a courageous attempt at revolution, Sallust allows Catiline and his contemporaries to be complex, sometimes contradictory characters in complicated circumstances. In this paper, I begin by suggesting how Sallust nuances Catiline’s character by making him a symptom of widespread decline in the late Roman Republic. I then consider how Sallust’s inclusion of four speeches by Catiline, Caesar, and Cato helps him depict history as complicated by allowing his historical figures to represent their viewpoints in their own persuasive voices. I conclude that Sallust draws attention to the complexity of history in his analysis of Catiline, in order to help his contemporary readers realize the danger that the Republic was facing.

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4

King, Hubert. "The Power of Dialogism in Sallust’s Bellum Catilinae." Studies in Linguistics and Literature 4, no. 4 (October 17, 2020): p105. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sll.v4n4p105.

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The purpose of this paper is to highlight and analyze cases of dialogism between Sallust and Younger Cato in the Bellum Catilinae. Through close reading and linguistic analysis, prominent dialogue and its historical implications were examined. Afterwards, I used existing literature on dialogism and speeches in Ancient Historiography to speculate on Sallust’s motivation for incorporating dialogism into the Bellum Catilinae. I posit that Sallust uses dialogism as a tool to inspire introspection in the reader.

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5

Kahn, Victoria. "Revisiting Agathocles." Review of Politics 75, no. 4 (2013): 557–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670513000582.

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AbstractThis article traces Machiavelli's indebtedness to Sallust in his discussion of Agathocles the Sicilian in chapter 9 of The Prince. In distinguishing between virtù and glory, Machiavelli was influenced by Sallust's discussion of Catiline and Caesar, and of true and false glory, in the Bellum Catilinae. Writing to Caesar at the height of his power, Sallust needed to negotiate a delicate political situation that was in some ways analogous to Machiavelli's own difficult position vis-à-vis the Medici. Just as, in addressing Caesar, Sallust points up the difference between Caesar as he was and as he might have been, so in the example of Agathocles Machiavelli presents the Medici with a choice between mere virtù and the glory achieved by the really excellent men. It was the prospect of this glory that Machiavelli held out to the Medici in the concluding chapter of The Prince.

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6

Korolenkov, Anton V. "Bocchus in Sallust: some considerations." Vestnik drevnei istorii 84, no. 1 (March 15, 2024): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032103910025868-7.

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The article is devoted to the image of the Mauretanian king Bocchus in Sallust’s Bellum Iugurthinum. At the beginning Bocchus is portrayed as a puppet of Jugurtha and his own advisers bribed by the Numidian king, but soon he begins to act quite independently, not being a reliable partner neither for the Romans nor for the Numidians. Sallust focuses on Bocchus’ endless doubts (whom to betray: Romans or Jugurtha) and on the changes of his own decisions, which, however, are not always followed by any real actions. The Roman author calls Bocchus a bаrbarus and accuses him of fides Punica, while there are no such accusations against Jugurtha. According to Sallust, kings often come into contradiction with themselves (Iug. 113. 1), but Bocchus remains completely true to his nature, since the essence of his character, as shown by Sallust, lies precisely in his contradictions, which are reflected in his endless hesitation and change of decisions.

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7

Levene, D. S. "Sallust'sCatilineand Cato the Censor." Classical Quarterly 50, no. 1 (May 2000): 170–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/50.1.170.

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That Sallust owed a considerable debt to the writings of Cato the Censor was observed in antiquity, and the observation has often been discussed and expanded on by modern scholars. The ancient references to Sallust's employment of Cato are mainly in the context of his adoption of an archaic style, and specifically Catonian vocabulary. But the choice of Cato as a model had an obvious significance that went beyond the purely stylistic. Sallust's works articulate extreme pessimism at the moral state of late-Republican Rome, and do so partly by contrasting the modern age with a prelapsarian time of near-untrammelled virtue, brought to an end only by the fall of Carthage and the consequent dominance of Roman power, which in turn led to moral corruption. Similarly, Cato famously stood in his own day for moral rectitude—and specifically appealed to past virtue as the standard to which he wished to hold his contemporaries. Sallust, by writing in a Catonian style, aligns himself with that tradition.

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8

Salamon, Gérard. "La Conjuration de Catilina : une réflexion sur la crise de la République romaine." Vita Latina 199, no. 1 (2019): 92–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/vita.2019.1905.

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The paper aims to show that the subject of Sallust’s first monograph is not so much Catilina’s conjuration as the crisis of the Roman Republic, for which the conspiracy stands as an illustration. Indeed, nothing is settled nor solved by Catilina’s failure. Actually, Sallust attributes this crisis to the weakening of political uirtus amongst Roman leaders, which he defines as the ability to make the interests of the city prevail over one’s own. In the past, the city was strong enough to compensate for the shortcomings of those who governed it ; but at a time when the institutions themselves are collapsing, the risk is great for Rome to lose its supremacy. Distancing himself from any political discourse, Sallust calls his contemporaries to save Rome.

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9

Konrad, C. F., and Patrick McGushin. "Sallust, The Histories." American Journal of Philology 115, no. 4 (1994): 619. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295492.

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10

Martin, Paul-Marius. "Présence de César dans La conjuration de Catilina de Salluste." Vita Latina 197, no. 1 (2018): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/vita.2018.1918.

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This paper aims at proving that Caesar is much more present in Sallust’s Catilina than it would appear reading the few chapters where his name is cited. One shouldn’t be surprised at this since, at the very center of Roman political strife at the time Sallust was writing this book, Caesar and his fame were still well remembered by those who would still abide by his political views as well as by those who rejected them. We’ll examine as well Sallust’s distant judgment on Caesar through the analysis of some key notions within Caesar and Sallust’s writings such as libertas and dignitas.

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11

Rich, J. "Review. Sallust's histories. Sallust. The histories. Volume II. Books iii-iv." Classical Review 46, no. 2 (February 1, 1996): 250–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/46.2.250.

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12

Paul, G. M. "Sallust, "Catiline" 14. 2." Phoenix 39, no. 2 (1985): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088826.

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13

Rawson, Elizabeth. "Sallust on the Eighties?" Classical Quarterly 37, no. 1 (May 1987): 163–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800031748.

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In Lucan′s second book, an old man looks back to the atrocities perpetrated in the civil strife of the eighties, chiefly on the return of Marius and Cinna to Rome in late 87 and on that of Sulla in 82 (lines 70–233). The episodes that Lucan briefly refers to are all otherwise known, and there seems no particular reason to assume that he is not drawing on Livy as his principal source, as he does for the events of his main narrative, the civil war between Pompey and Caesar. The scholia to the passage may be a different matter.

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14

Chornobaі, Olena. "Рer argumentum from Sallust." Visnik Nacional’nogo universitetu «Lvivska politehnika». Seria: Uridicni nauki 2017, no. 861 (February 20, 2017): 213–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/law2017.861.213.

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15

Ash, Rhiannon. "AN INTRODUCTION TO SALLUST." Classical Review 54, no. 1 (April 2004): 93–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/54.1.93.

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16

Pobežin, Gregor. "Sallust and Jean Bodin." Ars & Humanitas 16, no. 1 (December 22, 2022): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ars.16.1.97-111.

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One of the most recognizable thinkers of the 16th century France, Jean Bodin, wrote what is perhaps the first methodological treatise of instructions and guidelines on how to not only read and write but also understand history. With his universal interest in all things human, Bodin predated Marc Bloch’s postulate that historians should ideally be interested in all forms of life if they were to perform their task as dutifully as possible. In 1566 Bodin published one of the most frequently reprinted works, the Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem – “The Method for the Easy Understanding of History”. Although he expressed keen interest and good knowledge of a score of ancient historians, listing them in the fourth chapter of his work (De historicorum delectu – “On the Choice of Historians”), one of them was particularly close to his heart. The Roman historian Gaius Sallustius Crispus who is, according to Bodin, “a most honest author [who] possessed experience of important affairs”, provided Bodin and many of his colleagues with a model (stasis) narrative for discussing a changing world in turmoil – something Bodin was no stranger to in the time of the French religious wars. However, the explanation that it was the rhetorically efficient model narrative that inspired Bodin to copy Sallust’s argument seems unsatisfactory and biographically superficial. Instead, this paper closely analyses the Sallustian chapters that purportedly motivated Bodin’s thinking and proposes that there are little grounds in Sallust for Bodin’s legal and historical framing of absolutist sovereignty.

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17

Mccreight, Thomas. "Apuleius, Lector Sallustii: Lexicographical, Textual and Intertextual Observations on Sallust and Apuleius." Mnemosyne 51, no. 1 (1998): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525982611740.

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18

Stone, Martin. "Tribute to a Statesman: Cicero and Sallust." Antichthon 33 (November 1999): 48–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400002331.

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Sallust had something to say about Cicero. It could not be otherwise in the circumstances: the conspiracy of Catiline was the chosen subject of his first historical essay, and he agreed with Cicero that it was a crime unparalleled to that date. Cicero's activities in suppressing it would be central to the narrative, and his character relevant to anything in it covered by the term ‘human interest’. Even minimisation of Cicero would require preparation in the text for the natural questions of Sallust's readers. As he wrote, Cicero was either engaged in a political duel with Mark Antony or had recently succumbed. Was the orator a troublemaker or a hero? He would be the same man in 44-3 as he was in 63 unless the historian enforced a contrast; which he does not.

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19

Lössl, Josef. "Sallust in Julian of Aeclanum." Vigiliae Christianae 58, no. 2 (2004): 179–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007204323120292.

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AbstractThe importance of Cicero in the debate between Augustine of Hippo and Julian of Aeclanum has been extensively studied. This includes Augustine's and Julian's use of the Catilinarian speeches in their polemics against each other. In comparison the use of Sallust, the other classical authority on Catiline, especially by Julian of Aeclanum, has been neglected. This paper intends to remedy that situation. Textual evidence may be meagre: barely two literal citations in three of the extant fragments of Julian's writings. But Julian's use of these, also compared with Jerome's and Augustine's, and the way his use of Sallust is reflected in the rest of his extant writing and thought gives the impression that he may have been far more deeply influenced by Sallust than has hitherto been thought.

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20

Woodman, Anthony J. "Sallust and Catiline: Conspiracy Theories." Historia 70, no. 1 (2021): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2021-0003.

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21

Bates, Richard L., Sallust, and Patrick McGushin. "Sallust: The Histories. Vol. I." Classical World 88, no. 1 (1994): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351623.

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22

Grethlein, Jonas. "The Unthucydidean Voice of Sallust." Transactions of the American Philological Association 136, no. 2 (2006): 299–327. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apa.2006.0012.

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23

Dymskaya, Dariya. "Cicero and Sallust About Catiline’s Conspiracy." Vestnik drevnei istorii, no. 1 (2019): 177–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032103910005027-2.

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24

Ginsburg, Judith, and Thomas F. Scanlon. "Spes Frustrata: A Reading of Sallust." Classical World 83, no. 3 (1990): 248. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350620.

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25

Pagán, Victoria E. "Forestalling Violence in Sallust and Vergil." Mouseion: Journal of the Classical Association of Canada 10, no. 1 (2010): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mou.2010.0023.

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26

Walker, William. "Sallust and Skinner on Civil Liberty." European Journal of Political Theory 5, no. 3 (July 2006): 237–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885106064659.

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27

Williams, Kathryn F. "Manlius' Mandata: Sallust Bellum Catilinae 33." Classical Philology 95, no. 2 (April 2000): 160–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/449483.

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28

Turner, Andrew J. "Reading Sallust in Twelfth-Century Flanders." International Journal of the Classical Tradition 21, no. 3 (May 18, 2014): 198–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12138-014-0344-0.

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29

Vassiliades, Georges. "Le Catilina de Salluste : une histoire du progrès et de la décadence de Rome." Vita Latina 199, no. 1 (2019): 108–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/vita.2019.1906.

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The idea that Rome was engaged in a process of moral and political degeneration runs through the literature of the Late RepubliC. Nevertheless, in Sallust, this theory is translated, for the first time, into a history proper of the progress and the decadence of the res publica. This article aims to examine the concrete narrative means by which Sallust constructs his first monograph, the Catilina, as a history of decadence, attributing to this moralising conception of history the status of the central theme of a continuous narrative.

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30

Regent, Nikola. "Sallust, Machiavelli and the Divorce of virtus from res publica*." English Historical Review 135, no. 575 (August 2020): 775–803. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceaa254.

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Abstract Montesquieu famously stated that virtue is the principle of republican government. This article examines how virtue is dissociated from res publica in the works of Sallust, the great Roman republican historian, and Machiavelli, usually regarded as the central figure of the republican tradition. Both thinkers cut the crucial link between virtue and republic, ascribing the former to the main villain of the tradition, Caesar. Furthermore, virtue is simultaneously dissociated from being bonus/buono, a good man/good citizen. The paper examines Sallust’s idea of virtus, and then demonstrates how closely Machiavelli follows him, and how he reaches a similar conclusion. Implications for understanding Machiavelli’s virtù within a framework of republics are shown: it is impossible for a citizen to exhibit virtue and remain good in a truly corrupted republic—in such circumstances one can become virtuous only by working against the public good/res publica.

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31

Wilson, Marcus. "Two polemics in want of a history: Sallust and Cicero." Acta Classica 65, no. 1 (2022): 94–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/acl.2022.a914039.

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ABSTRACT: Insight into the characteristics of Roman polemic can be revealed by contextualizing the two invectives transmitted among the works of Sallust alongside Cicero’s De optimo genere oratorum . The mutual attempts at character assassination of ‘Cicero’ and ‘Sallust’, usually considered of limited value by modern historians and biographers, show up the fault lines between genres (historiography and oratory), between education and entertainment, and between demolishing an opponent’s reputation and pairing oneself with him in perpetuity. These fictional defamatory attacks raise the participants to a level of fame analogous to, if not superior to, that of Aeschines and Demosthenes in the Greek rhetorical canon.

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32

MutschIer, F. H. "Plato’s Republic in the Monographs of Sallust." Ancient Philosophy 5, no. 2 (1985): 344–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil19855218.

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33

Armin Gãrtner, Hans. "POLITISCHE MORAL BEI SALLUST, LIVIUS UND TACITUS." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 40, no. 1-4 (December 2000): 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.40.2000.1-4.10.

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34

Woodman, A. J. "The Preface to Tacitus' Annals: More Sallust?" Classical Quarterly 42, no. 2 (December 1992): 567–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800016268.

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Commentators on the Annals naturally observe that the famous first sentence of Tacitus' preface (‘Urbem Romam a principio reges habuere’) alludes to the preface of Sallust's Bellum Catilinae (6.1 ‘Urbem Romam, sicuti ego accepi, condidere atque habuere initio Troiani’). But it seems that none of them has observed a further allusion to Sallust's preface in the last sentence of Tacitus', which is almost equally famous (1.1.3)

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35

Schierling, Stephen. "Rossi 508 and the Text of Sallust." Manuscripta 29, no. 2 (July 1985): 67–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.mss.3.1144.

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36

Bates, Richard L., and Patrick McGushin. "Sallust: "The Histories," Vol. 2, Books III-V." Classical World 89, no. 6 (1996): 519. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351891.

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37

Feldherr, Andrew. "Free Spirits: Sallust and the Citation of Catiline." American Journal of Philology 134, no. 1 (2013): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2013.0013.

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38

Osmond, Patricia J. ""Princeps Historiae Romanae": Sallust in Renaissance Political Thought." Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 40 (1995): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4238730.

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39

Scanlon, Thomas F. "Textual Geography in Sallust's the War with Jugurtha." Ramus 17, no. 2 (1988): 138–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00003131.

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The apparent geographical inaccuracies in Sallust's account of the war with Jugurtha have attracted the attention of many scholars. Several years ago Etienne Tiffou devoted a study to the fact that Sallust's three historical works show a progressively greater interest in geography, but many topographical difficulties in The War with Jugurtha remain unexplained. Others see the geographical excursuses in The War with Jugurtha as simply traditional devices or perhaps structural fillers whose content is purely derivative and whose contribution to the themes of the work is minimal or nil: Sallust does not contribute much more than ‘Greek erudition and fancies’. Yet many of the supposed inaccuracies and thematically empty excursuses can be better understood and appreciated as part of a consistent Sallustian technique of internal allusion. A careful reading of Sallust's references to places in The War with Jugurtha reveals the author's sophisticated use of a ‘textual geography’, i.e. the deliberate selection and arrangement of places in the text to allude to and support his central ideas. Most significantly he compares Rome to Carthage in their origins, growth and decline, he describes the reactions of the Roman people to the course of the war, and he characterizes Roman leaders in their conduct of the war against Jugurtha by using this device.

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40

Bohny, C. Lukas. "Glossen und Scholien zu Sallusts Monographien Catilina und Iugurtha in einer Handschrift des 11. Jahrhunderts aus der Bibliothek des Klosters St. Emmeram in Regensburg (seconde partie : Edition)." Archivum Latinitatis Medii Aevi 72, no. 1 (2014): 187–287. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/alma.2014.1154.

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Medieval commentaries of classic latin texts are to a large degree still not accessible through critical editions. This is particularly the case with commentaries to the works of Sallust the number of which increases significantly starting with the XIth century in the French and German cultural area. The present edition concerns manuscript Clm 14477 which originated in the library of Saint Emmeram Abbey in Regensburg and today is in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich. The manuscript contains in the first part besides the two texts by Sallust – Catilina and Jugurtha – an accessus for both followed by an incomplete commentary and also a short vita. These commentaries are considered the earliest evidence of the so-called Anonymus Monacensis B. The edition contains as well the commentaries as the following glosses and scholiast and is preceded by a detailed palaeographical examination.

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41

Muse, Kevin. "Sallust’s Imitation of Greek Models at Catiline 14.2-3." Mnemosyne 65, no. 1 (2012): 40–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852511x547749.

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Abstract Sallust’s description of Catiline’s profligate retinue at Catiline 14.2-3 contains a well-known textual problem. It is certain that the prodigals at the beginning of the sentence wasted their property by means of three body parts (manu ventre pene). Problematic, however, are the three types of wastrel that immediately precede the body parts, printed in most editions as inpudicus adulter ganeo. Because of the imprecise correspondence between these characters and the body parts, a number of remedies have been proposed, ranging from various emendations that create a more straightforward chiastic structure to complete deletion of inpudicus adulter ganeo as glosses. This paper proposes to shed light on the passage by examining the Greek models that Sallust imitated in constructing it: Theopompus’ description of Philip’s courtiers in Macedon and a passage of invective by the orator Lycurgus. It is concluded that emendation, rather than radical truncation, is the best remedy.

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42

Burns, Paul C. "Augustine’s Use of Sallust in the City of God." Augustinian Studies 30, no. 2 (1999): 105–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augstudies199930215.

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43

Bush, Randall. "Republicanism, Rhetoric, and Roman Political Thought: Sallust, Livy, Tacitus." Quarterly Journal of Speech 99, no. 4 (November 2013): 526–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00335630.2013.835966.

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44

Powell, J. G. F. "Pseudo-Sallust - W. Schmid: Frühschriften Sallusts im Horizont des Gesamtwerkes. Pp. ix+379. Neustadt/Aisch: Ph. C. W. Schmidt, 1993." Classical Review 45, no. 1 (April 1995): 39–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00292020.

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45

Wolsing, Ivo. "William of Tyre, Orientalism and the (De)Construction of Latin Identity in Twelfth-century Jerusalem." Medieval Encounters 28, no. 6 (December 14, 2022): 485–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340152.

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Abstract This article examines the representation of Jerusalemite identity in William of Tyre’s Historia Ierosolymitana (c.1184). William laments that his contemporaries in Jerusalem did not live up to the standards of their forefathers anymore: they were not wise, virtuous men, but put their own needs before those of the community. In doing so, William makes use of a narrative strategy that is found in the Roman historians Livy and Sallust as well. In the histories of Livy and Sallust, it was contact with the Near East that prompted societal decline. The riches and dolce far niente of the East had, in their eyes, corrupted Roman morals. In William’s work, by contrast, the Eastern Other often functions as a mirror for the Self. This, in combination with William’s emphasis on former generations as reference point for the current generation allows for a much more dynamic interplay of identities than an orientalist binary East-West division.

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Gärtner, Thomas. "Cotta bei Sallust und Perikles bei Thukydides – eine übersehene Parallele." Historia 60, no. 1 (2011): 122–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2011-0006.

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Culhane, Peter. "Sallust, Jugurtha 31 in a Pamphlet War of 1708–09*." International Journal of the Classical Tradition 14, no. 1-2 (September 2007): 74–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12138-008-0001-6.

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Burczak, Krzysztof. "Chrześcijański styl życia w 32 homilii ze zbioru 38 homilii „Chrysostomus latinus”." Vox Patrum 32 (March 26, 1997): 145–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.7645.

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Die Homilie ist primar gekennzeichnet von pastoraler Sorge um die christliche Lebenspraxis. Zum wahren Leben kann nur eine Uberwindung des Kórperlichen am Menschen fiihren. Fur Sallust erreicht es, „qui aliquo negotio intentus praeclari facinoris aut artis bonae famam quaerit”; der Autor der Homilie iiberbitet ihn, indem er verlangt, man rniiBe gerade dieser Form von Leben absagen, um eine evangelica vita zu fuhren.

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Master, Jonathan. "ALLUSIVE CONCORD: TACITUS HISTORIES 2.37–38 AND SALLUST BELLUM CATILINAE 6." Phoenix 68, no. 1-2 (2014): 126–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phx.2014.0017.

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Ribeiro da Silva Jr., Airton. "Libertas as an Expression of Roman Identity in Cicero and Sallust." Rechtsgeschichte - Legal History 2021, no. 29 (2021): 200–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.12946/rg29/200-210.

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