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Journal articles on the topic 'Salluste'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 14 February 2022

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1

Zecchini, Giuseppe. "Sylla selon Salluste." Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz 13, no. 1 (2002): 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ccgg.2002.1558.

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2

Brook, Leslie C. "Jean Ie Bègue, interprète iconographique de Salluste." Le Moyen Français 51-52-53 (January 2003): 103–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.lmfr.2.303005.

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3

Lajevardi, Leila. "Incidences de la comparaison parallèle chez Du Bartas dans la réécriture de la Génèse." Voix Plurielles 9, no. 2 (2012): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/vp.v9i2.674.

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Cette étude examine l’emploi d’une figure de rhétorique dans La Sepmaine, poème épique de Guillaume Salluste Du Bartas. Je propose une étude de la comparaison ou, plus précisément, ce qu’Alvin Emerson Creore appelle « parallel simile », que je traduirai par « la comparaison parallèle ».

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4

Delarue, Fernand. "Pour une lecture "verticale" du Catilina de Salluste." Vita Latina 136, no. 1 (1994): 37–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/vita.1994.915.

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5

Boëls-Janssen, Nicole. "Conjuratus gloriosus: [Salluste, Conjuration de Catilina, chapitre XXIII]." Vita Latina 137, no. 1 (1995): 30–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/vita.1995.1383.

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6

Spath, Thomas. "Salluste, Bellum Catilinae : un texte tragique de l'historiographie ?" Pallas 49, no. 1 (1998): 173–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/palla.1998.1513.

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7

LEDENTU, Marie. "Salluste et la posture d'auteur dans leBellum Catilinae." Vita Latina 176 (April 30, 2007): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/vl.176.0.2020793.

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8

DEVILLERS, Olivier. "Les procédés de la persuasion historique dans leCatilinade Salluste." Vita Latina 176 (April 30, 2007): 134–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/vl.176.0.2020795.

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9

LIPIŃSKI, E. "Les Mèdes, Perses et Arméniens de Salluste,Jug.18." Ancient Society 23 (January 1, 1992): 149–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/as.23.0.2005878.

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10

Devillers, Olivier. "La rapidité des principaux personnages dans le Jugurtha de Salluste." Vita Latina 156, no. 1 (1999): 16–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/vita.1999.1055.

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11

THOMAS, Jean-François. "La représentation de la gloire dans leDe Catilinae coniurationede Salluste." Vita Latina 175 (December 31, 2006): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/vl.175.0.2019393.

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12

Vassiliades, Georges. "Les sources et la fonction du metus hostilis chez Salluste." Bulletin de l'Association Guillaume Budé 1, no. 1 (2013): 127–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bude.2013.6989.

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13

Foro, Philippe. "Charles de Brosses entre Salluste et le patrimoine antique de Rome." Anabases, no. 5 (March 1, 2007): 149–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/anabases.3163.

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14

Xu, Haoyang. "The Problem with ‘Accurate’ History: Complexity within Sallust’s Bellum Catilinae." International Journal of Social Science Studies 8, no. 6 (2020): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v8i6.4952.

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Sallust’s Bellum Catilinae has long interested historians as one of the few primary accounts of Catiline’s conspiracy and for its complicated portrayal of its protagonist. Rather than depicting Catiline’s conspiracy as either a villainous rebellion or a courageous attempt at revolution, Sallust allows Catiline and his contemporaries to be complex, sometimes contradictory characters in complicated circumstances. In this paper, I begin by suggesting how Sallust nuances Catiline’s character by making him a symptom of widespread decline in the late Roman Republic. I then consider how Sallust’s inc

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15

Hellegouarc’h, Joseph. "Le Bellum Iugurthinum et l'œuvre historique de Salluste : conception et signification politique." Vita Latina 156, no. 1 (1999): 8–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/vita.1999.1054.

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16

King, Hubert. "The Power of Dialogism in Sallust’s Bellum Catilinae." Studies in Linguistics and Literature 4, no. 4 (2020): p105. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sll.v4n4p105.

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The purpose of this paper is to highlight and analyze cases of dialogism between Sallust and Younger Cato in the Bellum Catilinae. Through close reading and linguistic analysis, prominent dialogue and its historical implications were examined. Afterwards, I used existing literature on dialogism and speeches in Ancient Historiography to speculate on Sallust’s motivation for incorporating dialogism into the Bellum Catilinae. I posit that Sallust uses dialogism as a tool to inspire introspection in the reader.

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17

Doukellis, Panagiotis N. "À propos de seruitium et des discours politiques dans les Histoires de Salluste." Dialogues d'histoire ancienne 11, no. 1 (1985): 448–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/dha.1985.1670.

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18

Chassignet, Martine. "« Grandeur et servitude » de l’édition des textes fragmentaires : l’historiographie romaine antérieure à Salluste." Ktèma : civilisations de l'Orient, de la Grèce et de Rome antiques 29, no. 1 (2004): 195–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ktema.2004.2539.

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19

Levene, D. S. "Sallust'sCatilineand Cato the Censor." Classical Quarterly 50, no. 1 (2000): 170–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/50.1.170.

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That Sallust owed a considerable debt to the writings of Cato the Censor was observed in antiquity, and the observation has often been discussed and expanded on by modern scholars. The ancient references to Sallust's employment of Cato are mainly in the context of his adoption of an archaic style, and specifically Catonian vocabulary. But the choice of Cato as a model had an obvious significance that went beyond the purely stylistic. Sallust's works articulate extreme pessimism at the moral state of late-Republican Rome, and do so partly by contrasting the modern age with a prelapsarian time o

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20

ESTÈVES, Aline. "La violence armée dans leBellum Catilinaede Salluste: chronique d'une République gangrenée par la confusion morale." Vita Latina 176 (April 30, 2007): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/vl.176.0.2020794.

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21

Maynard, Katherine S. "The Faces of Judith: Nationhood and Patronage in La Judit of Guillaume Salluste Du Bartas." Romanic Review 100, no. 3 (2009): 235–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26885220-100.3.235.

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22

Kahn, Victoria. "Revisiting Agathocles." Review of Politics 75, no. 4 (2013): 557–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670513000582.

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AbstractThis article traces Machiavelli's indebtedness to Sallust in his discussion of Agathocles the Sicilian in chapter 9 of The Prince. In distinguishing between virtù and glory, Machiavelli was influenced by Sallust's discussion of Catiline and Caesar, and of true and false glory, in the Bellum Catilinae. Writing to Caesar at the height of his power, Sallust needed to negotiate a delicate political situation that was in some ways analogous to Machiavelli's own difficult position vis-à-vis the Medici. Just as, in addressing Caesar, Sallust points up the difference between Caesar as he was a

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23

Sensal, Catherine. "Le discours de la décadence dans le Bellum Catilinae de Salluste : éléments d’une mise en forme du récit." Dialogues d'histoire ancienne. Supplément 4, no. 2 (2010): 469–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/dha.2010.3377.

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24

Sensal, Catherine. "Le discours de la décadence dans le Bellum Catilinae de Salluste : éléments d'une mise en forme du récit." Dialogues d'histoire ancienne S4.2, Supplement4.2 (2010): 469. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/dha.hs42.0469.

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25

Mironneau, Paul. "Aux sources de la légende d'Henri IV : Le Cantique de la Bataille d'Ivry de Guillaume de Salluste du Bartas." Albineana, Cahiers d'Aubigné 9, no. 1 (1998): 111–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/albin.1998.1391.

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26

Scanlon, Thomas F. "Textual Geography in Sallust's the War with Jugurtha." Ramus 17, no. 2 (1988): 138–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00003131.

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The apparent geographical inaccuracies in Sallust's account of the war with Jugurtha have attracted the attention of many scholars. Several years ago Etienne Tiffou devoted a study to the fact that Sallust's three historical works show a progressively greater interest in geography, but many topographical difficulties in The War with Jugurtha remain unexplained. Others see the geographical excursuses in The War with Jugurtha as simply traditional devices or perhaps structural fillers whose content is purely derivative and whose contribution to the themes of the work is minimal or nil: Sallust d

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27

Rich, J. "Review. Sallust's histories. Sallust. The histories. Volume II. Books iii-iv." Classical Review 46, no. 2 (1996): 250–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/46.2.250.

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28

Moreau, Philippe. "Ronald Syme, Salluste (traduit par Pierre Robin), Paris, Les Belles Lettres, Annales littéraires de l'Université de Besançon, 1982, 327 p." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 42, no. 2 (1987): 329–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900077519.

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29

Mccreight, Thomas. "Apuleius, Lector Sallustii: Lexicographical, Textual and Intertextual Observations on Sallust and Apuleius." Mnemosyne 51, no. 1 (1998): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525982611740.

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30

Stone, Martin. "Tribute to a Statesman: Cicero and Sallust." Antichthon 33 (November 1999): 48–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400002331.

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Sallust had something to say about Cicero. It could not be otherwise in the circumstances: the conspiracy of Catiline was the chosen subject of his first historical essay, and he agreed with Cicero that it was a crime unparalleled to that date. Cicero's activities in suppressing it would be central to the narrative, and his character relevant to anything in it covered by the term ‘human interest’. Even minimisation of Cicero would require preparation in the text for the natural questions of Sallust's readers. As he wrote, Cicero was either engaged in a political duel with Mark Antony or had re

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31

Regent, Nikola. "Sallust, Machiavelli and the Divorce of virtus from res publica*." English Historical Review 135, no. 575 (2020): 775–803. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceaa254.

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Abstract Montesquieu famously stated that virtue is the principle of republican government. This article examines how virtue is dissociated from res publica in the works of Sallust, the great Roman republican historian, and Machiavelli, usually regarded as the central figure of the republican tradition. Both thinkers cut the crucial link between virtue and republic, ascribing the former to the main villain of the tradition, Caesar. Furthermore, virtue is simultaneously dissociated from being bonus/buono, a good man/good citizen. The paper examines Sallust’s idea of virtus, and then demonstrate

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32

Muse, Kevin. "Sallust’s Imitation of Greek Models at Catiline 14.2-3." Mnemosyne 65, no. 1 (2012): 40–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852511x547749.

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Abstract Sallust’s description of Catiline’s profligate retinue at Catiline 14.2-3 contains a well-known textual problem. It is certain that the prodigals at the beginning of the sentence wasted their property by means of three body parts (manu ventre pene). Problematic, however, are the three types of wastrel that immediately precede the body parts, printed in most editions as inpudicus adulter ganeo. Because of the imprecise correspondence between these characters and the body parts, a number of remedies have been proposed, ranging from various emendations that create a more straightforward

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33

Porta, Giuseppe. "La Symbolique des animaux dans les lettres de Cola di Rienzo." Reinardus / Yearbook of the International Reynard Society 11 (November 15, 1998): 175–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rein.11.13por.

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Résumé Les lettres de Cola di Rienzo constituent un des témoignages les plus intéressants sur les milieux culturels de la Rome du XIVe siècle. A ce sujet on peut confronter d'une part l'édition critique et le commentaire de Konrad Burdach et de Paul Piur, qui ont été les premiers à donner de cette correspondance une version complète et fiable, en 1912-1929, d'autre part l'oeuvre de Bartolomeo di Iacovo da Valmontone, contemporain de Cola, chroniqueur attentif et fidèle témoin de la parabole politique du tribun. Dans ces lettres, l'interprétation symbolique du monde animal trouve l'expression l

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34

Powell, J. G. F. "Pseudo-Sallust - W. Schmid: Frühschriften Sallusts im Horizont des Gesamtwerkes. Pp. ix+379. Neustadt/Aisch: Ph. C. W. Schmidt, 1993." Classical Review 45, no. 1 (1995): 39–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00292020.

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35

Konrad, C. F., and Patrick McGushin. "Sallust, The Histories." American Journal of Philology 115, no. 4 (1994): 619. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295492.

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36

Lössl, Josef. "Sallust in Julian of Aeclanum." Vigiliae Christianae 58, no. 2 (2004): 179–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007204323120292.

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AbstractThe importance of Cicero in the debate between Augustine of Hippo and Julian of Aeclanum has been extensively studied. This includes Augustine's and Julian's use of the Catilinarian speeches in their polemics against each other. In comparison the use of Sallust, the other classical authority on Catiline, especially by Julian of Aeclanum, has been neglected. This paper intends to remedy that situation. Textual evidence may be meagre: barely two literal citations in three of the extant fragments of Julian's writings. But Julian's use of these, also compared with Jerome's and Augustine's,

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37

Paul, G. M. "Sallust, "Catiline" 14. 2." Phoenix 39, no. 2 (1985): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088826.

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38

Rawson, Elizabeth. "Sallust on the Eighties?" Classical Quarterly 37, no. 1 (1987): 163–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800031748.

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In Lucan′s second book, an old man looks back to the atrocities perpetrated in the civil strife of the eighties, chiefly on the return of Marius and Cinna to Rome in late 87 and on that of Sulla in 82 (lines 70–233). The episodes that Lucan briefly refers to are all otherwise known, and there seems no particular reason to assume that he is not drawing on Livy as his principal source, as he does for the events of his main narrative, the civil war between Pompey and Caesar. The scholia to the passage may be a different matter.

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39

Chornobaі, Olena. "Рer argumentum from Sallust". Visnik Nacional’nogo universitetu «Lvivska politehnika». Seria: Uridicni nauki 2017, № 861 (2017): 213–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/law2017.861.213.

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40

Ash, Rhiannon. "AN INTRODUCTION TO SALLUST." Classical Review 54, no. 1 (2004): 93–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/54.1.93.

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41

GONZÁLEZ, CHRISTIAN R., CAROLINA REYES, VIVIANA RADA-CHAPARRO, and MÓNICA SALDARRIAGA-CÓRDOBA. "A new species of Aedes Meigen subgenus Ochlerotatus Lynch Arribálzaga (Diptera: Culicidae) from the coastal wetlands of the desert in northern Chile: morphological and molecular identification." Zootaxa 4273, no. 1 (2017): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4273.1.3.

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Aedes (Ochlerotatus) sallumae González & Reyes n. sp. is described and validated using morphological characters of the adult male and female, male genitalia and immature stages, and its cytochrome oxidase unit 1 mitochondrial gene sequence (COI). Aedes (Och.) sallumae is morphologically close to Ae. (Och.) albifasciatus (Macquart). However, these species can be distinguished based on characters of the males and females, male genitalia and fourth-instar larvae. Aedes (Och.) sallumae was collected in the geographically isolated desert zone of northern Chile, the Atacama Desert. This isolatio

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42

Green, C. M. C. "Did the Romans Hunt?" Classical Antiquity 15, no. 2 (1996): 222–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011041.

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It has long been thought that Romans did not hunt before the time of Scipio Aemilianus because hunting was not an activity for respectable citizens. This article shows that this tradition arose from a nineteenth-century bias for hunting on horseback. The tradition was supported principally by Polybius' account of Scipio's hunting and a quotation from Sallust. Although we now recognize that Greeks and Romans in general hunted on foot, this bias has predisposed the discussion against the discovery of evidence for the actual practice of hunting among the early Romans. The archaeological evidence

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43

Rosenblitt, J. Alison. "Sallust’s Historiae and the Voice of Sallust’s Lepidus." Arethusa 46, no. 3 (2013): 447–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/are.2013.0023.

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44

Mengue, Mélissa. "MAMBWINI KIVUILA-KIAKU (José), NSUKA NKOKO (Jean-Baptiste), L’Afrique vue par les Romains : les écrits de Salluste et de Lucain. Préface de Donatien Manzefo N’kuni. Paris : L’Harmattan, 2017, 163 p –ISBN 978-2-343-11301-2." Études littéraires africaines, no. 45 (2018): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1051643ar.

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45

Bates, Richard L., Sallust, and Patrick McGushin. "Sallust: The Histories. Vol. I." Classical World 88, no. 1 (1994): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351623.

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46

Woodman, Anthony J. "Sallust and Catiline: Conspiracy Theories." Historia 70, no. 1 (2021): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2021-0003.

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47

Grethlein, Jonas. "The Unthucydidean Voice of Sallust." Transactions of the American Philological Association 136, no. 2 (2006): 299–327. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apa.2006.0012.

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48

Rich, J. W. "Sallust's Histories - Patrick McGushin: Sallust, The Histories. Volume I. Books i–ii. (Clarendon Ancient History Series.) Pp. xi + 274. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992. £27.50." Classical Review 43, no. 2 (1993): 280–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00287313.

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49

Scanlon, Thomas F., Sallust, and J. T. Ramsey. "Sallust's Bellum Catilinae." Classical World 81, no. 5 (1988): 407. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350240.

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50

Ginsburg, Judith, and Thomas F. Scanlon. "Spes Frustrata: A Reading of Sallust." Classical World 83, no. 3 (1990): 248. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350620.

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