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Journal articles on the topic 'Sallusto'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2025

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1

Leventi, Maria. "Memoria and Endings in Sallust's Bellum Catilinae." Phoenix 77, no. 1-2 (2023): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phx.2023.a926363.

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Abstract: Memoria intersects with deferred endings across Sallust's Bellum Catilinae . The conspiracy's memorialization depends on a debatable assumption of closure. The BC 's composition temporally blends into its material, which exposes Sallust to charges of partiality. The inclusion of its reception in the work's timeline admits the reader into an open-ended process. Réesumé: La memoria est entrelacée avec l'idée d'une fin différée tout au long du Bellum Catilinae de Salluste. L'inclusion du complot dans la memoria repose sur la supposition discutable que celui-ci est terminé. La compositio

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2

Batstone, William W. "Incerta Pro Certis: An Interpretation of Sallust Bellum Catilinae 48.4-49.4." Ramus 15, no. 2 (1986): 105–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00003374.

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Sallust's style is provocative and tendentious, but does his admitted moral tendentiousness carry over into a political or partisan tendentiousness? For centuries we have heard of Sallust the partisan, Sallust the propagandist, Sallustian bias. The history of this perceived bias began at least in the age of Augustus when the anonymous writer of the Invectio in Ciceronem set stylus to wax and began his fraud. Less than a century later (before 96 A.D.) Quintilian regarded the work as genuine Sallust (I.O. 4.1.68; 9.3.89). The deception had worked; and both the fraud itself and Quintilian's acqui

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3

Xu, Haoyang. "The Problem with ‘Accurate’ History: Complexity within Sallust’s Bellum Catilinae." International Journal of Social Science Studies 8, no. 6 (2020): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v8i6.4952.

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Sallust’s Bellum Catilinae has long interested historians as one of the few primary accounts of Catiline’s conspiracy and for its complicated portrayal of its protagonist. Rather than depicting Catiline’s conspiracy as either a villainous rebellion or a courageous attempt at revolution, Sallust allows Catiline and his contemporaries to be complex, sometimes contradictory characters in complicated circumstances. In this paper, I begin by suggesting how Sallust nuances Catiline’s character by making him a symptom of widespread decline in the late Roman Republic. I then consider how Sallust’s inc

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4

King, Hubert. "The Power of Dialogism in Sallust’s Bellum Catilinae." Studies in Linguistics and Literature 4, no. 4 (2020): p105. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sll.v4n4p105.

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The purpose of this paper is to highlight and analyze cases of dialogism between Sallust and Younger Cato in the Bellum Catilinae. Through close reading and linguistic analysis, prominent dialogue and its historical implications were examined. Afterwards, I used existing literature on dialogism and speeches in Ancient Historiography to speculate on Sallust’s motivation for incorporating dialogism into the Bellum Catilinae. I posit that Sallust uses dialogism as a tool to inspire introspection in the reader.

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5

Martin, Paul-Marius. "Présence de César dans La conjuration de Catilina de Salluste." Vita Latina 197, no. 1 (2018): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/vita.2018.1918.

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This paper aims at proving that Caesar is much more present in Sallust’s Catilina than it would appear reading the few chapters where his name is cited. One shouldn’t be surprised at this since, at the very center of Roman political strife at the time Sallust was writing this book, Caesar and his fame were still well remembered by those who would still abide by his political views as well as by those who rejected them. We’ll examine as well Sallust’s distant judgment on Caesar through the analysis of some key notions within Caesar and Sallust’s writings such as libertas and dignitas.

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6

Demina, S. S. "Sallust on Emotions in the Roman Political Life." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Historical studies, no. 4 (2019): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2312-1300.2019.4.7-12.

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The article investigates Sallust's thoughts about emotions in the Roman political life. This Roman author demonstrates with various historical examples that their influence is sufficiently considerable. Sallust pays attention to the emotions of the people, different social strata and the persons who played an important role in the State. In his description of various events, the emotions destroy the concord between citizens, cause the determined actions or political passivity, influence on the individual and collective political decisions. According to Sallust, one must arrive at the important

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7

Levene, D. S. "Sallust'sCatilineand Cato the Censor." Classical Quarterly 50, no. 1 (2000): 170–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/50.1.170.

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That Sallust owed a considerable debt to the writings of Cato the Censor was observed in antiquity, and the observation has often been discussed and expanded on by modern scholars. The ancient references to Sallust's employment of Cato are mainly in the context of his adoption of an archaic style, and specifically Catonian vocabulary. But the choice of Cato as a model had an obvious significance that went beyond the purely stylistic. Sallust's works articulate extreme pessimism at the moral state of late-Republican Rome, and do so partly by contrasting the modern age with a prelapsarian time o

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8

Korolenkov, Anton V. "Mithridates’ Letter in Sallust’s Historiae: Roman and Pontic Propaganda." Philologia Classica 18, no. 2 (2023): 216–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu20.2023.206.

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According to the author of the article, Mithridates VI Eupator’s letter to the Parthian monarch Arsaces in Sallust’s Historiae does not reproduce the genuine document from the personal archives of the Pontic king as some researchers believe. The opinion that Sallust criticized Roman politics under Mithridates’mask is rejected; many scholars consider this letter to be a condemnation of deep moral decline of the Roman society. On the contrary, the Roman writer attributes to the Pontic king the weak and vulnerable arguments based on the false facts (at least from the Roman point of view) to discr

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9

Kahn, Victoria. "Revisiting Agathocles." Review of Politics 75, no. 4 (2013): 557–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670513000582.

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AbstractThis article traces Machiavelli's indebtedness to Sallust in his discussion of Agathocles the Sicilian in chapter 9 of The Prince. In distinguishing between virtù and glory, Machiavelli was influenced by Sallust's discussion of Catiline and Caesar, and of true and false glory, in the Bellum Catilinae. Writing to Caesar at the height of his power, Sallust needed to negotiate a delicate political situation that was in some ways analogous to Machiavelli's own difficult position vis-à-vis the Medici. Just as, in addressing Caesar, Sallust points up the difference between Caesar as he was a

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10

Korolenkov, Anton V. "Bocchus in Sallust: some considerations." Vestnik drevnei istorii 84, no. 1 (2024): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032103910025868-7.

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The article is devoted to the image of the Mauretanian king Bocchus in Sallust’s Bellum Iugurthinum. At the beginning Bocchus is portrayed as a puppet of Jugurtha and his own advisers bribed by the Numidian king, but soon he begins to act quite independently, not being a reliable partner neither for the Romans nor for the Numidians. Sallust focuses on Bocchus’ endless doubts (whom to betray: Romans or Jugurtha) and on the changes of his own decisions, which, however, are not always followed by any real actions. The Roman author calls Bocchus a bаrbarus and accuses him of fides Punica, while th

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11

Salamon, Gérard. "La Conjuration de Catilina : une réflexion sur la crise de la République romaine." Vita Latina 199, no. 1 (2019): 92–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/vita.2019.1905.

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The paper aims to show that the subject of Sallust’s first monograph is not so much Catilina’s conjuration as the crisis of the Roman Republic, for which the conspiracy stands as an illustration. Indeed, nothing is settled nor solved by Catilina’s failure. Actually, Sallust attributes this crisis to the weakening of political uirtus amongst Roman leaders, which he defines as the ability to make the interests of the city prevail over one’s own. In the past, the city was strong enough to compensate for the shortcomings of those who governed it ; but at a time when the institutions themselves are

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12

Tsai, Wen-Yang, Yukie Lloyd, Yi-Chieh Wu, Hong-En Lin, and Wei-Kung Wang. "Study of binding characteristics of human monoclonal antibodies to differentially matured dengue virus particles (VIR2P.1172)." Journal of Immunology 194, no. 1_Supplement (2015): 75.11. http://dx.doi.org/10.4049/jimmunol.194.supp.75.11.

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Abstract Dengue virus (DENV) is the leading cause of arboviral disease. The ectodomain of envelope protein, containing three domains, DI, DII and DIII, is the major target of DENV vaccine. Studies on monoclonal antibodies (mAbs) showed that DIII mAbs are more potent neutralizing (NT) than those mAbs binding DII fusion-loop (FL). Due to the inefficiency of furin protease activity, produced DENV is a mixture of mature, immature and partially immature virions. It remains unknown regarding the epitope accessibility, avidity and NT potency of different mAbs on different maturation status of DENV. I

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13

Scanlon, Thomas F. "Textual Geography in Sallust's the War with Jugurtha." Ramus 17, no. 2 (1988): 138–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00003131.

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The apparent geographical inaccuracies in Sallust's account of the war with Jugurtha have attracted the attention of many scholars. Several years ago Etienne Tiffou devoted a study to the fact that Sallust's three historical works show a progressively greater interest in geography, but many topographical difficulties in The War with Jugurtha remain unexplained. Others see the geographical excursuses in The War with Jugurtha as simply traditional devices or perhaps structural fillers whose content is purely derivative and whose contribution to the themes of the work is minimal or nil: Sallust d

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14

Rich, J. "Review. Sallust's histories. Sallust. The histories. Volume II. Books iii-iv." Classical Review 46, no. 2 (1996): 250–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/46.2.250.

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15

Mccreight, Thomas. "Apuleius, Lector Sallustii: Lexicographical, Textual and Intertextual Observations on Sallust and Apuleius." Mnemosyne 51, no. 1 (1998): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525982611740.

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16

Stone, Martin. "Tribute to a Statesman: Cicero and Sallust." Antichthon 33 (November 1999): 48–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400002331.

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Sallust had something to say about Cicero. It could not be otherwise in the circumstances: the conspiracy of Catiline was the chosen subject of his first historical essay, and he agreed with Cicero that it was a crime unparalleled to that date. Cicero's activities in suppressing it would be central to the narrative, and his character relevant to anything in it covered by the term ‘human interest’. Even minimisation of Cicero would require preparation in the text for the natural questions of Sallust's readers. As he wrote, Cicero was either engaged in a political duel with Mark Antony or had re

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17

Evans, Jenyth H. "Patterns of conquest, kingship and conflict. Sallustian intertext in Geoffrey of Monmouth's De gestis Britonum." North American journal of Celtic studies 8, no. 2 (2024): 131–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cel.00002.

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abstract: This article argues that Geoffrey of Monmouth engaged with the Roman historian Sallust in a more meaningful way than has been previously understood. First, it examines how Geoffrey structures the De gestis , and argues that it can be read through the lens of Sallustian historiography: the British kingdom rises and falls in a similar manner to Rome in Sallust's works. This offers a new way of reading the De gestis in the context of the civil war between King Stephen and Empress Matilda. By drawing upon Sallust's model, Geoffrey removes individual blame as a cause of civil war and inst

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18

Regent, Nikola. "Sallust, Machiavelli and the Divorce of virtus from res publica*." English Historical Review 135, no. 575 (2020): 775–803. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceaa254.

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Abstract Montesquieu famously stated that virtue is the principle of republican government. This article examines how virtue is dissociated from res publica in the works of Sallust, the great Roman republican historian, and Machiavelli, usually regarded as the central figure of the republican tradition. Both thinkers cut the crucial link between virtue and republic, ascribing the former to the main villain of the tradition, Caesar. Furthermore, virtue is simultaneously dissociated from being bonus/buono, a good man/good citizen. The paper examines Sallust’s idea of virtus, and then demonstrate

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19

Muse, Kevin. "Sallust’s Imitation of Greek Models at Catiline 14.2-3." Mnemosyne 65, no. 1 (2012): 40–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852511x547749.

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Abstract Sallust’s description of Catiline’s profligate retinue at Catiline 14.2-3 contains a well-known textual problem. It is certain that the prodigals at the beginning of the sentence wasted their property by means of three body parts (manu ventre pene). Problematic, however, are the three types of wastrel that immediately precede the body parts, printed in most editions as inpudicus adulter ganeo. Because of the imprecise correspondence between these characters and the body parts, a number of remedies have been proposed, ranging from various emendations that create a more straightforward

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20

Powell, J. G. F. "Pseudo-Sallust - W. Schmid: Frühschriften Sallusts im Horizont des Gesamtwerkes. Pp. ix+379. Neustadt/Aisch: Ph. C. W. Schmidt, 1993." Classical Review 45, no. 1 (1995): 39–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00292020.

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21

Zecchini, Giuseppe. "Sylla selon Salluste." Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz 13, no. 1 (2002): 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ccgg.2002.1558.

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22

Pobežin, Gregor. "Sallust and Jean Bodin." Ars & Humanitas 16, no. 1 (2022): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ars.16.1.97-111.

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One of the most recognizable thinkers of the 16th century France, Jean Bodin, wrote what is perhaps the first methodological treatise of instructions and guidelines on how to not only read and write but also understand history. With his universal interest in all things human, Bodin predated Marc Bloch’s postulate that historians should ideally be interested in all forms of life if they were to perform their task as dutifully as possible. In 1566 Bodin published one of the most frequently reprinted works, the Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem – “The Method for the Easy Understanding o

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23

Konrad, C. F., and Patrick McGushin. "Sallust, The Histories." American Journal of Philology 115, no. 4 (1994): 619. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295492.

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24

Lössl, Josef. "Sallust in Julian of Aeclanum." Vigiliae Christianae 58, no. 2 (2004): 179–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007204323120292.

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AbstractThe importance of Cicero in the debate between Augustine of Hippo and Julian of Aeclanum has been extensively studied. This includes Augustine's and Julian's use of the Catilinarian speeches in their polemics against each other. In comparison the use of Sallust, the other classical authority on Catiline, especially by Julian of Aeclanum, has been neglected. This paper intends to remedy that situation. Textual evidence may be meagre: barely two literal citations in three of the extant fragments of Julian's writings. But Julian's use of these, also compared with Jerome's and Augustine's,

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25

Vassiliades, Georges. "Le Catilina de Salluste : une histoire du progrès et de la décadence de Rome." Vita Latina 199, no. 1 (2019): 108–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/vita.2019.1906.

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The idea that Rome was engaged in a process of moral and political degeneration runs through the literature of the Late RepubliC. Nevertheless, in Sallust, this theory is translated, for the first time, into a history proper of the progress and the decadence of the res publica. This article aims to examine the concrete narrative means by which Sallust constructs his first monograph, the Catilina, as a history of decadence, attributing to this moralising conception of history the status of the central theme of a continuous narrative.

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26

Paul, G. M. "Sallust, "Catiline" 14. 2." Phoenix 39, no. 2 (1985): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088826.

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27

Rawson, Elizabeth. "Sallust on the Eighties?" Classical Quarterly 37, no. 1 (1987): 163–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800031748.

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In Lucan′s second book, an old man looks back to the atrocities perpetrated in the civil strife of the eighties, chiefly on the return of Marius and Cinna to Rome in late 87 and on that of Sulla in 82 (lines 70–233). The episodes that Lucan briefly refers to are all otherwise known, and there seems no particular reason to assume that he is not drawing on Livy as his principal source, as he does for the events of his main narrative, the civil war between Pompey and Caesar. The scholia to the passage may be a different matter.

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28

Chornobaі, Olena. "Рer argumentum from Sallust". Visnik Nacional’nogo universitetu «Lvivska politehnika». Seria: Uridicni nauki 2017, № 861 (2017): 213–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/law2017.861.213.

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29

Ash, Rhiannon. "AN INTRODUCTION TO SALLUST." Classical Review 54, no. 1 (2004): 93–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/54.1.93.

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30

Green, C. M. C. "Did the Romans Hunt?" Classical Antiquity 15, no. 2 (1996): 222–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011041.

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It has long been thought that Romans did not hunt before the time of Scipio Aemilianus because hunting was not an activity for respectable citizens. This article shows that this tradition arose from a nineteenth-century bias for hunting on horseback. The tradition was supported principally by Polybius' account of Scipio's hunting and a quotation from Sallust. Although we now recognize that Greeks and Romans in general hunted on foot, this bias has predisposed the discussion against the discovery of evidence for the actual practice of hunting among the early Romans. The archaeological evidence

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31

Wilson, Marcus. "Two polemics in want of a history: Sallust and Cicero." Acta Classica 65, no. 1 (2022): 94–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/acl.2022.a914039.

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ABSTRACT: Insight into the characteristics of Roman polemic can be revealed by contextualizing the two invectives transmitted among the works of Sallust alongside Cicero’s De optimo genere oratorum . The mutual attempts at character assassination of ‘Cicero’ and ‘Sallust’, usually considered of limited value by modern historians and biographers, show up the fault lines between genres (historiography and oratory), between education and entertainment, and between demolishing an opponent’s reputation and pairing oneself with him in perpetuity. These fictional defamatory attacks raise the particip

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32

Samardzic, Gligor. "Sallunto-Bersumno-Scodra Roman roads." Зборник радова Филозофског факултета у Приштини, no. 47-4 (2017): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp47-15511.

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33

Rich, J. W. "Sallust's Histories - Patrick McGushin: Sallust, The Histories. Volume I. Books i–ii. (Clarendon Ancient History Series.) Pp. xi + 274. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992. £27.50." Classical Review 43, no. 2 (1993): 280–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00287313.

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34

Rosenblitt, J. Alison. "Sallust’s Historiae and the Voice of Sallust’s Lepidus." Arethusa 46, no. 3 (2013): 447–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/are.2013.0023.

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35

Bohny, C. Lukas. "Glossen und Scholien zu Sallusts Monographien Catilina und Iugurtha in einer Handschrift des 11. Jahrhunderts aus der Bibliothek des Klosters St. Emmeram in Regensburg (première partie)." Archivum Latinitatis Medii Aevi 70, no. 1 (2012): 91–145. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/alma.2012.1123.

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Les commentaires médiévaux de textes classiques latins sont encore en majorité inaccessibles en éditions critiques. C’est en particulier le cas des commentaires des oeuvres de Salluste, dont le nombre est de plus en plus important à partir du XIe siècle dans les domaines français et allemand. La présente édition s’occupe du manuscrit Clm 14477 de la Bayerische Staatsbibliothek de Munich, provenant de la bibliothèque de l’abbaye de Saint-Emmeram de Ratisbonne. Il transmet dans sa première partie, à côté du Catilina et du Jugurtha de Salluste, pour chacun un accessus, suivi d’un commentaire inco

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36

Woodman, Anthony J. "Sallust and Catiline: Conspiracy Theories." Historia 70, no. 1 (2021): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2021-0003.

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37

Bates, Richard L., Sallust, and Patrick McGushin. "Sallust: The Histories. Vol. I." Classical World 88, no. 1 (1994): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351623.

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38

Grethlein, Jonas. "The Unthucydidean Voice of Sallust." Transactions of the American Philological Association 136, no. 2 (2006): 299–327. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apa.2006.0012.

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39

Samardzic, Gligor. "The Roman communication Leusinium-Sallunto-Anderba." Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini, no. 46-4 (2016): 201–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp46-12184.

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40

Perl, Gerhard. "Kontroverse Stellen in den „Historiae“ Sallusts." Hermes 133, no. 2 (2005): 178–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/hermes-2005-0017.

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41

Lajevardi, Leila. "Incidences de la comparaison parallèle chez Du Bartas dans la réécriture de la Génèse." Voix Plurielles 9, no. 2 (2012): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/vp.v9i2.674.

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Cette étude examine l’emploi d’une figure de rhétorique dans La Sepmaine, poème épique de Guillaume Salluste Du Bartas. Je propose une étude de la comparaison ou, plus précisément, ce qu’Alvin Emerson Creore appelle « parallel simile », que je traduirai par « la comparaison parallèle ».

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42

Bohny, C. Lukas. "Glossen und Scholien zu Sallusts Monographien Catilina und Iugurtha in einer Handschrift des 11. Jahrhunderts aus der Bibliothek des Klosters St. Emmeram in Regensburg (seconde partie : Edition)." Archivum Latinitatis Medii Aevi 72, no. 1 (2014): 187–287. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/alma.2014.1154.

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Medieval commentaries of classic latin texts are to a large degree still not accessible through critical editions. This is particularly the case with commentaries to the works of Sallust the number of which increases significantly starting with the XIth century in the French and German cultural area. The present edition concerns manuscript Clm 14477 which originated in the library of Saint Emmeram Abbey in Regensburg and today is in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich. The manuscript contains in the first part besides the two texts by Sallust – Catilina and Jugurtha – an accessus for bot

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43

Scanlon, Thomas F., Sallust, and J. T. Ramsey. "Sallust's Bellum Catilinae." Classical World 81, no. 5 (1988): 407. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350240.

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44

Woodman, A. J. "The Preface to Tacitus' Annals: More Sallust?" Classical Quarterly 42, no. 2 (1992): 567–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800016268.

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Commentators on the Annals naturally observe that the famous first sentence of Tacitus' preface (‘Urbem Romam a principio reges habuere’) alludes to the preface of Sallust's Bellum Catilinae (6.1 ‘Urbem Romam, sicuti ego accepi, condidere atque habuere initio Troiani’). But it seems that none of them has observed a further allusion to Sallust's preface in the last sentence of Tacitus', which is almost equally famous (1.1.3)

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45

Dymskaya, Dariya. "Cicero and Sallust About Catiline’s Conspiracy." Vestnik drevnei istorii, no. 1 (2019): 177–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032103910005027-2.

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46

Ginsburg, Judith, and Thomas F. Scanlon. "Spes Frustrata: A Reading of Sallust." Classical World 83, no. 3 (1990): 248. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350620.

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47

Pagán, Victoria E. "Forestalling Violence in Sallust and Vergil." Mouseion: Journal of the Classical Association of Canada 10, no. 1 (2010): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mou.2010.0023.

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48

Walker, William. "Sallust and Skinner on Civil Liberty." European Journal of Political Theory 5, no. 3 (2006): 237–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885106064659.

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Williams, Kathryn F. "Manlius' Mandata: Sallust Bellum Catilinae 33." Classical Philology 95, no. 2 (2000): 160–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/449483.

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Turner, Andrew J. "Reading Sallust in Twelfth-Century Flanders." International Journal of the Classical Tradition 21, no. 3 (2014): 198–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12138-014-0344-0.

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