Academic literature on the topic 'Salon (1890 : Paris, France)'

AbstractAry Scheffer (1795-1858) is so generally included in the French School (Note 2)- unsurprisingly, since his career was confined almost entirely to Paris - that the fact that he was born and partly trained in the Netherlands is often overlooked. Yet throughout his life he kept in touch with Dutch colleagues and drew part of his inspiration from Dutch traditions. These Dutch aspects are the subject of this article. The Amsterdam City Academy, 1806-9 Ary Scheffer was enrolled at the Amsterdam Academy on 25 October 1806, his parents falsifying his date of birth in order to get him admitted at the age of eleven (fifteen was the oficial age) . He started in the third class and in order to qualify for the second he had to be one of the winners in the prize drawing contest. Candidates in this were required to submit six drawings made during the months January to March. Although no-one was supposed to enter until he had been at the Academy for four years, Ary Scheffer competed in both 1808 and 1809. Some of his signed drawings are preserved in Dordrecht. (Figs. 1-5 and 7), along with others not made for the contest. These last in particular are interesting not only because they reveal his first prowess, but also because they give some idea of the Academy practice of his day. Although the training at the Academy broadly followed the same lines as that customary in France, Italy and elsewhere (Note 4), our knowledge of its precise content is very patchy, since there was no set curriculum and no separate teachers for each subject. Two of Scheffer's drawings (Figs. 2 and 3) contain extensive notes, which amount to a more or less complete doctrine of proportion. It is not known who his teacher was or what sources were used, but the proportions do not agree with those in Van der Passe's handbook, which came into vogue in the 18th century, or with those of the canon of a Leonardo, Dürer or Lebrun. One gets the impression that what are given here are the exact measurements of a concrete example. Scheffer's drawings show him gradually mastering the rudiments of art. In earlier examples the hatching is sometimes too hasty (Fig. 4) or too rigidly parallel (Fig.5), while his knowledge of anatomy is still inadequate and his observation not careful enough. But right from the start he shows flair and as early as 1807 he made a clever drawing of a relatively complex group (Fig. 6) , while the difficult figure of Marsyas was already well captured in 1808 and clearly evinces his growing knowledge o f anatomy, proportion , foreshortening and the effects of light (Fig. 7). The same development can be observed in his portrait drawings. That of Gerardus Vrolik (1775-1859, Fig.8), a professor at the Atheneum Illustre (the future university) and Scheffer' s teacher, with whom he always kept in touch (Note 6), is still not entirely convincing, but a portrait of 1809, thought to be of his mother (Fig.9, Note 7), shows him working much more systematically. It is not known when he left the Academy, but from the summer of 1809 we find him in France, where he was to live with only a few breaks from 1811 to his death. The first paintings and the Amsterdam exhibitions of 1808 and 1810 Ary Scheffer's earliest known history painting, Hannibal Swearing to Avenge his Brother Hasdrubal's Death (Fig. 10) Notes 8-10) was shown at the first exhibition of living masters in Amsterdam in 1808. Although there was every reason for giving this subject a Neo-Classical treatment, the chiaroscuro, earthy colours and free brushwork show Scheffer opting for the old Dutch tradition rather than the modern French style. This was doubtless on the prompting of his parents,for a comment in a letter from his mother in 1810 (Note 12) indicates that she shared the reservations of the Dutch in general about French Neo-Classicism. (Note 11). As the work of a twelve to thirteen year old, the painting naturally leaves something to be desired: the composition is too crowded and unbalanced and the anatomy of the secondary figures rudimentary. In a watercolour Scheffer made of the same subject, probably in the 1820's, he introduced much more space between the figures (Fig. 11, Note 13). Two portraits are known from this early period. The first, of Johanna Maria Verbeek (Fig. 12, Note 14), was done when the two youngsters were aged twelve. It again shows all the characteristics of an early work, being schematic in its simplicity, with some rather awkward details and inadequate plasticity. On the other hand the hair and earrings are fluently rendered, the colours harmonious and the picture has an undeniable charm. At the second exhibition of works by living masters in 1810, Ary Scheffer showed a 'portrait of a painter' (Fig. 13), who was undoubtedly his uncle Arnoldus Lamme, who also had work in the exhibition as did Scheffer's recently deceased father Johan-Bernard and his mother Cornelia Scheffer-Lamme, an indication of the stimulating surroundings in which he grew up. The work attracted general attention (Note 16) and it does, indeed, show a remarkable amount of progress, the plasticity, effects of light, brushwork and colour all revealing skill and care in their execution. The simple, bourgeois character of the portrait not only fits in with the Dutch tradition which Scheffer had learned from both his parents in Amsterdam, but also has points in common with the recent developments in France, which he could have got to know during his spell in Lille from autumn 1809 onwards. A Dutchman in Paris Empire and Restoration, 1811-30 In Amsterdam Scheffer had also been laught by his mother, a miniature painter, and his father, a portrait and history painter (Note 17). After his father's death in June 1809, his mother, who not only had a great influence on his artistic career, but also gave his Calvinism and a great love of literature (Note 18), wanted him to finish his training in Paris. After getting the promise of a royal grant from Louis Napoleon for this (Note 19) and while waiting for it to materialize, she sent the boy to Lille to perfect his French as well as further his artistic training. In 1811 Scheffer settled in Paris without a royal grant or any hope of one. He may possibly have studied for a short time under Prudhon (Note 20) , but in the autumn of 1811 he was officially contracted as a pupil of Guérin, one of the leading artists of the school of David, under whom he mastered the formulas of NeD-Classicism, witness his Orpheus and Eurydice (Fïg.14), shown in the Salon of 1814. During his first ten years in Paris Scheffer also painted many genre pieces in order, so he said, to earn a living for himself and his mother. Guérin's prophecy that he would make a great career as a history painter (Note 21) soon came true, but not in the way Guérin thought it would, Scheffer participating in the revolution initiated by his friends and fellow-pupils, Géricault and Delacroix, which resulted in the rise of the Romantic Movement. It was not very difficult for him to break with Neo-Classicism, for with his Dutch background he felt no great affinity with it (Note 22). This development is ilustrated by his Gaston de Foix Dying on the Battlefield After his Victory at Ravenna, shown at the Salon of 1824, and The Women of Souli Throwing Themselves into the Abyss (Fig.15), shown at that of 1827-8. The last years of the Restoration and the July Monarchy. Influence of Rembrandt and the Dutch masters In 1829, when he seemed to have become completely assimilated in France and had won wide renown, Scheffer took the remarkable step of returning to the Netherlands to study the methods of Rembrandt and other Dutch old masters (Note 23) . A new orientation in his work is already apparent in the Women of Souli, which is more harmonious and considered in colour than the Gaston dc Foix (Note 24). This is linked on the one hand to developments in France, where numbers of young painters had abandoned extreme Romanticism to find the 'juste milieu', and on the other to Scheffer's Dutch background. Dutch critics were just as wary of French Romanticism as they had been of Neo-Classicism, urging their own painters to revive the traditions of the Golden Age and praising the French painters of the 'juste milieu'. It is notable how many critics commented on the influence of Rembrandt on Scheffer's works, e.g. his Faust, Marguérite, Tempête and portrait of Talleyrand at the Salon of 1851 (Note 26). The last two of these date from 1828 and show that the reorientation and the interest in Rembrandt predate and were the reasons for the return to the Netherlands in 1829. In 1834 Gustave Planche called Le Larmoyeur (Fig. 16) a pastiche of Rembrandt and A. Barbier made a comparable comment on Le Roi de Thule in 1839 (Note 27). However, as Paul Mantz already noted in 1850 (Note 28), Scheffer certainly did not fully adopt Rembrandt's relief and mystic light. His approach was rather an eclectic one and he also often imbued his work with a characteristically 19th-century melancholy. He himself wrote after another visit to the Netherlands in 1849 that he felt he had touched a chord which others had not attempted (Note 29) . Contacts with Dutch artists and writers Scheffer's links with the Netherlands come out equally or even more strongly in the many contacts he maintained there. As early as 1811-12 Sminck-Pitloo visited him on his way to Rome (Note 30), to be followed in the 1820's by J.C. Schotel (Note 31), while after 1830 as his fame increased, so the contacts also became more numerous. He was sought after by and corresponded with various art dealers (Note 33) and also a large number of Dutch painters, who visited him in Paris or came to study under him (Note 32) Numerous poems were published on paintings by him from 1838 onwards, while Jan Wap and Alexander Ver Huell wrote at length about their visits to him (Note 34) and a 'Scheffer Album' was compiled in 1859. Thus he clearly played a significant role in the artistic life of the Netherlands. International orientation As the son of a Dutch mother and a German father, Scheffer had an international orientation right from the start. Contemporary critics and later writers have pointed out the influences from English portrait painting and German religious painting detectable in his work (Note 35). Extracts from various unpublished letters quoted here reveal how acutely aware he was of what was likely to go down well not only in the Netherlands, but also in a country like England, where he enjoyed great fame (Notes 36-9) . July Monarchy and Second Empire. The last decades While most French artists of his generation seemed to have found their definitive style under the July Monarchy, Scheffer continued to search for new forms of expression. In the 1830's, at the same time as he painted his Rembrandtesque works, he also produced his famous Francesca da Rimini (Fig. 17), which is closer to the 'juste milieu' in its dark colours and linear accents. In the 1840's he used a simple and mainly bright palette without any picturesque effects, e.g. in his SS. Augustine and Monica and The Sorrows of the Earth (Note 41), but even this was not his last word. In an incident that must have occurred around 1857 he cried out on coming across some of his earlier works that he had made a mistake since then and wasted his time (Note 42) and in his Calvin of 1858 (Fig. 18) he resumed his former soft chiaroscuro and warm tones. It is characteristic of him that in that same year he painted a last version of The Sorrows of the Earth in the light palette of the 1840's. Despite the difficulty involved in the precise assessment of influences on a painter with such a complex background, it is clear that even in his later period, when his work scored its greatest successes in France, England and Germany, Scheffer always had a strong bond with the Netherlands and that he not only contributed to the artistic life there, but always retained a feeling for the traditions of his first fatherland. Appendix An appendix is devoted to a study of the head of an old man in Dordrecht, which is catalogued as a copy of a 17th-century painting in the style of Rembrandt done by Ary Scheffer at the age of twelve (Fig.19, Note 43). This cannot be correct, as it is much better than the other works by the twelve-year-old painter. Moreover, no mention is made of it in the catalogue of the retrospective exhibition held in Paris in 1859, where the Hannibal is given as his earliest work (Note 44). It was clearly unknown then, as it is not mentioned in any of the obituaries of 1858 and 1859 either. The earliest reference to it occurs in the list made bv Scheffer's daughter in 1897 of the works she was to bequeath to the Dordrecht museum. A clue to its identification may be a closely similar drawing by Cornelia Scheffer-Lamme (Fig. 20, Note 46), which is probably a copy after the head of the old man. She is known to have made copies after contemporary and 17th-century masters. The portrait might thus be attributable to Johan-Bernard Scheffer, for his wife often made copies of his works and he is known from sale catalogues to have painted various portraits of old men (Note 47, cf. Fig.21). Ary Scheffer also knew this. In 1839 his uncle Arnoldus Lamme wrote to him that he would look out for such a work at a sale (Note 48). It may be that he succeeded in finding one and that this portrait came into the possession of the Scheffer family in that way, but Johan-Bernard's work is too little known for us to be certain about this.

In German speaking countries Haydn’s oratorios, and particularly TheCreation , have played an important role in the repertoire of choral societies and music festivals since the 1810s. However, in France, and also in Paris — “the capital of the 19th century” —, Haydn’s oratorios were performed only on rare occasions, and then they were given mostly in parts. The reasons for these circumstances can be seen in the institutional and esthetical context of the Parisian concert life. With respect to professional concert societies, like the Société des Concerts du Conservatoire , rigid obstacles were on the one hand the enormous financial risk of a complete oratorio performance. On the other hand the established type of concert programmes with its varied mixture of vocal and instrumental pieces functioned as a barrier. Most important was a lack of mixed amateur choral societies, which developed in Paris quite late, primary in the 1840s, and then only little by little. Since oratorio performances lasted to be mostly a private affaire in the first half of the 19th century, it is not surprising, that Haydn’s oratorios were studied in aristocratic salons of Princesse de Belgiojoso and Baron Delmar with the intention of both education and entertainment.

AbstractThe Belgian symbolist painter, Henry De Groux (1866-1930), produced in his life one masterwork, Christ aux Outrages (1888-1889), a vast painting (293-363 cm.) which both embodies his own tormented nature and that of many similarly unsettled fin de siècle Catholics in that age of Positivism, secularization, European sabre rattling, and anarchism. Following its success in the Salon Triennal in Brussels, Henry De Groux, financed by King Leopold II of the Belgians, brought his painting to Paris in 1890 where it was exhibited in the Salon des Arts Liberaux, after being rejected by the salon jury. The image of a timorous, bound, and defenseless Christ and a savagely screaming mob of women, dogs, and children repelled faint-hearted academically-minded critics concerned with religious art and moved the ardent and orthodox. While these writers of religious orientation had their own reasons for praise and blame, this research considers the connection between the painting and the dominant concern among socialists such as Gustave Le Bon in Le Psychologie des Foules (1895) and novelists such as Emile Zola in Germinal and other of his novel for "Crowd Theory." It is the fearful and irrepressible crowd attacking Christ, it is argued, that gave Christ aux Outrages its peculiar significance in fin de siècle Paris.

FR. A la veille de la Grande Guerre la boxe anglaise a pris, dans les sociétés anglo-saxonnes (États-Unis, Grande-Bretagne et Australie) et depuis peu en France, une dimension sociale et culturelle d’importance. Dans l’Hexagone alors qu’elle était au tournant du XIXème siècle une mise en scène illégale et inconnue du grand public, elle a connu en 10 ans une fulgurante ascension. Aussi, En 1914, elle est devenue sport roi non seulement à Paris mais également en province. Ce que l’on peut appeler « la Belle Époque de la boxe anglaise en France » est marqué par une corrélation entre les succès de cette pratique et l’avènement de la première superstar du sport tricolore : le boxeur Georges Carpentier. Né en 1894 à Liévin, dans les bassins miniers du Pas-de-Calais, le « gosse » embrasse la carrière de pugiliste à l’âge de 14 ans. Entre 1908 et 1914, au rythme de nombreuses et surprenantes victoires, sa popularité ne cesse de croître. Elle atteint son apogée dans les deux années précédant la guerre, particulièrement lors de probants triomphes face à la fine fleur pugilistique britannique. A l’occasion de matchs mobilisant les ressorts du nationalisme anti-anglais, ces affrontements poursuivent la longue inimitié historique entre la France et la « perfide Albion », tout en nourrissant et amplifiant la célébrité du jeune prodige. A l’aube du culte des vedettes et dans une métaphore évidente de la guerre, la presse franco-britannique n’hésite pas à l’élever au rang de « vengeur de Waterloo ». Puis, contre toute attente, à quelques mois de l’embrasement de la vieille Europe, augurant du nouveau jeu d’alliance militaire qui se dessine dans les salons de la diplomatie franco-anglaise, il devient dans ces mêmes journaux le « champion de l’Entente Cordiale ». *** EN. In the years preceding the Great War, English boxing occupied an important social and cultural role in Anglo-Saxon societies (United States, Great Britain and Australia) and came to gradually occupy a similar position in France. At the turn of the 19th century, it was still an illegal and obscure show to French audiences. However, in the course of the following decade, it was propelled to higher grounds: by 1914, it had become the king of sports, both in Paris and in the provinces. The “Belle Époque of English boxing in France" is characterized by the correlation between the success of the sport and the rise of the first French boxing superstar, Georges Carpentier. Born in 1894 in Liévin, in the coal mining basins of the Pas-de-Calais, the “kid” embraces the career of pugilist at the age of 14. Between 1908 and 1914, his popularity was on a constant rise thanks to numerous and surprising victories. His popularity climaxes in the two years preceding the war, largely thanks to multiple victories against the British pugilistic elite. Mobilizing nationalism fueled by anti-English sentiments, these boxing matches are presented as a natural extension of the long historical enmity between France and the "perfidious Albion", contributing to grow and amplify the young prodigy’s fame. At the dawn of celebrity worship, and in an obvious metaphor of the war, the Franco-British press did not hesitate to adorn him as the "Waterloo avenger". Then, against all odds, a few months before the dislocation of old Europe, the same newspapers transformed him into the "champion” of the Entente Cordiale, implicitly pulling in behind the new military alliances taking shape in the halls of Franco-British diplomacy. *** PT. Às vésperas da Grande Guerra, o boxe inglês assume uma dimensão sociocultural central nas sociedades anglo-saxônicas (Estados Unidos, Grã-Bretanha e Austrália). Isso ocorre também na França, onde, até a virada do século XIX, não passava de uma encenação ilegal desconhecida do público em geral. 10 anos depois, experimenta uma ascensão meteórica, tornando-se, em 1914, o rei dos esportes em Paris, mas também nas demais cidades francesas. O período da Belle Époque do boxe inglês na França é marcado por uma convergência entre o sucesso do boxe e o advento da primeira superestrela do esporte francês: o boxeador Georges Carpentier. Nascido em 1894 em Liévin, nas bacias mineiras do Pas-de-Calais, o “moleque”, como era chamado, abraçou a carreira de pugilista aos 14 anos de idade. Entre 1908 e 1914, tendo já acumulado diversas vitórias surpreendentes, sua popularidade não para de crescer, atingindo seu auge nos dois anos que precederam a guerra, com vitórias arrasadoras contra a nata do pugilismo britânico. Essas partidas, cenário de incitação ao nacionalismo antiinglês, passaram simultaneamente a consolidar a longa inimizade histórica entre a França e o “pérfido Albion” e a fama do jovem prodígio. Nos primórdios do culto às estrelas do esporte, a imprensa franco-britânica, lançando mão de uma óbvia metáfora bélica, eleva Carpentier ao ranking de “vingador de Waterloo”. Poucos meses antes do estremecimento da velha Europa, contrariando todas as expectativas e prefigurando o novo jogo de alianças militares que se perfilava nos salões da diplomacia franco-britânica, Georges Carpentier torna-se, nas colunas desses mesmos jornais, o “campeão da Entente Cordiale”. ***

Background. А history of the development of the human community is at the same time a history of the relationship between men and women, their role in society, in formation of mindset, development of science, technology and art. A woman’s path to the recognition of her merits is a struggle for equality and inclusion in all sectors of public life. Originated with particular urgency in the twentieth century, this set of problems gave impetus to the study of the female phenomenon in the sociocultural space. In this context, the disclosure of the direct contribution of talented women to art and their influence on its development has become of special relevance. The purpose of the article is to summarize segmental of information that highlights the contribution of women to the treasury of world art, their creative and inspiring power. Analytical, historical-biographical and comparative studying methods were applied to reveal the gender relationships in art and the role of woman in them as well as in the sociocultural space in general. The results from this study present a panorama of gifted women from the world of art and music who paved the way for future generations. Among them are: A. Gentileschi (1593–1653), who was the first woman admitted to The Florence Academy of Art; M. Vigee Le Brun (1755–1842), who painted portraits of the French aristocracy and later became a confidant of Marie-Antoinette; B. Morisot (1841–1895), who was accepted by the impressionists in their circle and repeatedly exhibited her works in the Paris Salon; F. Caccini (1587–1640), who went down in history as an Italian composer, teacher, harpsichordist, author of ballets and music for court theater performances; J. Kinkel (1810–1858) – the first female choral director in Germany, who published books about musical education, composed songs on poems of famous poets, as well as on her own texts; F. Mendelssohn (1805–1847) – German singer, pianist and composer, author of cantatas, vocal miniatures of organ preludes, piano pieces; R. Clark (1886–1979) – British viola player and composer who created trio, quartets, compositions for solo instruments, songs on poems of English poets; L. Boulanger (1893–1918) became the first woman to receive Grand Prix de Rome; R. Tsekhlin (1926–2007) – German harpsichordist, composer and teacher who successfully combined the composition of symphonies, concerts, choral and vocal opuses, operas, ballets, music for theatrical productions and cinema with active performing and teaching activities, and many others. The article emphasise the contribution of women-composers, writers, poetesses to the treasury of world literature and art. Among the composers in this row is S. Gubaidulina (1931), who has about 30 prizes and awards. She wrote music for 17 films and her works are being performed by famous musicians around the world. The glory of Ukrainian music is L. Dychko (1939) – the author of operas, oratorios, cantatas, symphonies, choral concertos, ballets, piano works, romances, film music. The broad famous are the French writers: S.-G. Colette (1873–1954), to which the films were devoted, the performances based on her novels are going all over the world, her lyrics are being studied in the literature departments. She was the President of the Goncourt Academy, Chevalier of the Legion of Honour, a square in the center of Paris is named after her. Also, creativity by her compatriot, L. de Vilmorin (1902–1969), on whose poems С. Arrieu, G. Auric, F. Poulenc wrote vocal miniatures, is beloved and recognized as in France as and widely abroad. The article denotes a circle of women who combined the position of a selfsufficient creator and a muse for their companion. M. Verevkina (1860–1938) – a Russian artist, a representative of expressionism in painting, not only helped shape the aesthetic views of her husband A. Yavlensky, contributing to his art education, but for a long time “left the stage” for to not compete with him and help him develop his talent fully. Furthermore, she managed to anticipate many of the discoveries as for the use of light that are associated with the names of H. Matisse, A. Derain and other French fauvist. F. Kahlo (1907–1954), a Mexican artist, was a strict critic and supporter for her husband D. Rivera, led his business, was frequently depicted in his frescoes. C. Schumann (1819–1896) was a committed promoter of R. Schumann’s creativity. She performed his music even when he was not yet recognized by public. She included his compositions in the repertoire of her students after the composer lost his ability to play due to the illness of the hands. She herself performed his works, making R. Schumann famous across Europe. In addition, Clara took care of the welfare of the family – the main source of finance was income from her concerts. The article indicates the growing interest of the twentieth century composers to the poems of female poets. Among them M. Debord-Valmore (1786–1859) – a French poetess, about whom S. Zweig, P. Verlaine and L. Aragon wrote their essays, and her poems were set to music by C. Franck, G. Bizet and R. Ahn; R. Auslender (1901–1988) is a German poetess, a native of Ukraine (Chernovtsy city), author of more than 20 collections, her lyrics were used by an American woman-composer E. Alexander to write “Three Songs” and by German composer G. Grosse-Schware who wrote four pieces for the choir; I. Bachmann (1926–1973) – the winner of three major Austrian awards, author of the libretto for the ballet “Idiot” and opera “The Prince of Hombur”. The composer H. W. Henze, in turn, created music for the play “Cicadas” by I. Bachmann. On this basis, we conclude that women not only successfully engaged in painting, wrote poems and novels, composed music, opened «locked doors», destroyed established stereotypes but were a powerful source of inspiration. Combining the roles of the creator and muse, they helped men reach the greatest heights. Toward the twentieth century, the role of the fair sex representatives in the world of art increased and strengthened significantly, which led Western European culture to a new round of its evolution.

This article recounts a little-known episode in C. G. Jung’s life and in the history of analytical psychology: Jung’s visit to Paris in the spring of 1934 at the invitation of the Paris Analytical Psychology Club (named ‘Le Gros Caillou’), a stay marked by a lecture on the ‘hypothesis of the collective unconscious’ held in a private setting and preceded by an evening spent in Daniel Halévy’s literary salon with some readers and critics. KEYWORDS collective unconscious; France; Julien Green; Daniel Halévy; Lucien Lévy-Bruhl; Ernest Seillière.

Dès la fin des années 1540, la famille de Jean de Morel accueillait dans sa maison de la rue Pavée à Paris les poètes et les humanistes les plus proéminents de la capitale: Nicolas Bourbon, Jean Salmon Macrin, Jean Dorat parmi les néo-latins; Joachim Du Bellay, Ronsard, Jean-Antoine de Baïf, pour ne citer que quelques-uns des poètes de langue vulgaire. Or, la femme de Morel, Antoinette de Loynes, et ses trois filles, Camille, Lucrèce et Diane, avaient toutes les quatre reçu une éducation humaniste, leur permettant non seulement de participer aux activités littéraires et humanistes de ce que l'on a appelé le premier salon en France, mais encore d'attirer l'admiration du monde cultivé de l'époque. En examinant la correspondance des membres de la famille ainsi que certains ouvrages imprimés, cet article se propose d'illustrer les relations que les membres de la famille ont entretenues avec les visiteurs du salon ainsi que les changements d'attitude qui ont eu lieu au cours du XVIe siècle à l'égard de l'éducation des jeunes filles.

‘To grasp Paris, one has to live with Paris for a long time’. French impressions from journeys of Łucja Rautenstrauch from the ducal family of Giedroyć The article is a short attempt to present the reader with a profile of the now-forgotten Łucja Rautenstrauch from the ducal family of Giedroyć, a nineteenth century writer and traveller, who gained her fame and appreciation in the epoch thanks to her travel writings. Two of Łucja Rautenstrauch’s works deserve special attention: My memories of France [Wspomnienia moje o Francyi] and The last journey to France [Ostatnia podróż do Francyi], where she gave an impartial description of Paris. The author depicts the city pointing both to its good and bad sides. Her memories distinguish themselves from among other travel writings because of the author’s unusual sense of perception and the accuracy of her remarks. One will not find any instances of artificial admiration nor unnecessary humility in front of the people who meant more than her. On the contrary, an image of an educated aristocrat who does not feel the obligation to uphold the rules of the world she did not appreciate emerges for My memories of France. In the same work Łucja Rautenstrauch focuses on the description of the visible and external world: the customs, fashion, the French street, the salon and the history of the visited places.

No fim do século XIX, o Simbolismo estabeleceu-se no campo literário francês e, para garantir a difusão de suas obras, seus representantes fundaram as petites revues. Nas páginas dessas publicações, não figuraram apenas as contribuições de autores franceses, mas, também, de outras nacionalidades. O Mercure de France, cuja série moderne data de 1890, foi uma petite revue que circulou em Paris e aportou em outros locais, a exemplo do Brasil. Neste artigo, discutiremos a chegada do Mercure entre nossos escritores e redações de periódicos, bem como discorreremos sobre as rubricas “Lettres Portugaises” e “Lettres Brésiliennes”. Ademais, consideraremos a representatividade de Xavier de Carvalho, Philéas Lebesgue, Figueiredo Pimentel e dos jornais O Paiz e Gazeta de Notícias nesse diálogo entre França e Brasil.

Abstract Ingres’s portrait of Louis-François Bertin (1832) has been universally accepted as a visual “apotheosis” of the newly powerful early 19th-century bourgeoisie in France. Here, we study the inconsistencies and contestation which contributed to this identification. Beginning with the moment of its first public exhibition in the 1833 Paris Salon, this article traces Bertin’s evolving reputation as an image of its epoch, focusing on its reappearance in public first at the Bazar Bonne-Nouvelle in 1846, and then in the display of Ingres’s works at the Exposition Universelle of 1855. This leads to a critical assessment of how the picture’s role as a political emblem has been related to later assertions that it also exemplified the artist’s incipient modernism. The exhibition of works by Ingres at the Paris Salon d’Automne in 1905 allows us to take stock of claims made about the picture’s status in the early 20th century. However, in contrast to the habitual desire to modernise Ingres (and thereby to detach him from a lingering taint of academicism), this article argues that a key element in the reception of Ingres’s portrait in the second half of the 19th century is a recognition of its rootedness in values emanating from the Revolution of 1789, embodied both in the person of LouisFrançois Bertin and Ingres’s representation of him.

Le Salon de 1827 marqua un tournant décisif dans la " bataille romantique " puisqu'après cette exposition le conflit entre les peintres de l'ancienne et de la nouvelle école s'étiola progressivement. L'enjeu de cette étude est de mettre l'accent sur la singularité du Salon de 1827 au vu des actions officielles et du discours critique, lesquels participent au développement du romantisme, en dépit des résistances. Evaluer l'importance de la nouvelle école au Salon, analyser la manière dont elle s'y implante, sa progression depuis 1824 et proposer une définition du romantisme en 1827 furent mes principaux axes de réflexion. J'ai tout d'abord envisagé le Salon au plan institutionnel, soulignant la tolérance de l'administration des beaux-arts et le rôle de Forbin à l'égard du courant novateur, première étape de sa reconnaissance; j' ai également montré la place des romantiques dans le mécénat officiel, confirmant ainsi la bienveillance de l'administration à leur égard ; enfin, je me suis attachée à la réception critique du Salon, démontrant que la bataille romantique occupait l'essentiel d'un discours qui, devant l'ampleur et la complexité qu'avait pris le mouvement depuis 1824, avait bien du mal à définir le romantisme et ses partisans
The 1827 Salon marked a decisive turning in the " bataille romantique " as the conflict which had opposed the " old school " painters and the " new school " ones progressively faded away after the exhibition. The present study has emphasized the particularity of the 1827 Salon as regards to the officiaIs' actions and the critics' statements which helped rornanticism develop despite a lot of remaining opposition. In my work, l assessed the importance of the " new school " in the Salon, analysed the way it developped there and its progress since 1824 and l offered a definition of what rornanticism was in 1827. L fust studied the Salon at the institutional level, enhancing the tolerance of the public institutions and Forbin's role in giving reco~tion to the new trend. L also showed the place the romantics took in the public sponsorship, thus confIrIning how well disposed the officiaIs were towards them. L finally insisted on the way the Salon was spoken of by the critics, proving that the " bataille romantique " was at the very heart of a debate in which defining " Rornanticism " and " Romantics " was uneasy -given the importance and complexity of the movement since 1824

Ce travail examine la diversité des peintres espagnols à Paris, leur participation aux salons des Champs-Elysées (1872-1880), de la société des artistes français (1881-1899), des indépendants (1884-1899) et de la société nationale des beaux-arts (1890-1899) et leur présence sur le marché de l'art. Cette étude permet donc de déterminer quels furent les peintres espagnols qui furent célébres à Paris de 1872 à 1899, de mesurer leur succès et de préciser la démarche adoptée en vue de la réussite à obtenir. Le succès est envisagé en tant que reconnaissance officielle au moyen des récompenses (salons des Champs-Elysées et de la société des artistes français) et de la qualité d'associé et de sociétaire de la société nationale des beaux-arts. La publication des œuvres exposées au catalogue illustré des salons des Champs-Elysées, des salons de la société des artistes français et des salons de la société nationale des beaux-arts est un indicateur du succès critique obtenu à Paris par les peintres espagnols. La reconnaissance officielle et le succès critique permettent ainsi d'examiner le choix des œuvres exposées par les peintres afin d'obtenir la célébrité. Enfin, la diffusion des œuvres espagnoles et la vente de leurs reproductions par la maison Goupil renseignent aussi bien sur les peintres espagnols célèbres que sur le rôle des salons et sur les techniques commerciales de la maison Goupil afin de "lancer" un artiste et de confirmer sa réussite. Ces différentes analyses permettent de mettre en lumière les mutations qui survinrent sur la scène artistique (perte d'autorité des salons et de la hiérarchie des arts, importance grandissante du marché, distinction entre la carrière officielle et la carrière commerciale), qui annoncèrent la vie artistique actuelle et qui furent à l'origine de différentes polémiques telles que l'existence d'un art national et la liberté de l'artiste.

Cette thèse est un travail d'enquête et de synthèse sur les conditions socioculturelles qui ont sous-tendu l'activité artistique des femmes peintres exposantes du salon, à Paris, entre 1863 et 1889. Y est particulièrement mis en évidence le dilemme dilettantisme / professionnalisme avec lequel les femmes artistes auront constamment à composer, et qui parait avoir notamment pèse sur leurs choix stylistiques. Cette thèse consiste en trois volumes. Dans le premier tome, un "liminaire" explicite tout d'abord la problématique d'un point de vue historique et théorique. Sont ensuite successivement étudiés les divers aspects d'une vie artistique au féminin : la formation dans les ateliers ; la vie privée et ses choix, et surtout les potentialités offertes par les réseaux amicaux et associatifs ; les aléas de la carrière, soumise a la pression de la production, rythmée par les succès et les échecs, parfois entravée par des activités annexes, mais toujours orientée vers l'insertion professionnelle et l'acquisition d'une plus large autonomie ; les oeuvres du salon et leur réception par la critique. Cette recherche s'appuie sur des documents d'archives et de nombreux témoignages d'artistes françaises et étrangères, puises dans leurs journaux intimes, leurs mémoires et leurs correspondances. Le deuxième tome correspond à un dossier iconographique de 264 planches. Ces reproductions - souvent inédites - émanent notamment des catalogues illustres des salons, des albums de la maison goupil et du fonds photographique "Adolphe Braun". Enfin, dans le troisième tome, se trouve la liste, par ordre alphabétique d'artistes, des oeuvres exposées par des femmes dans la section peinture du salon entre 1863 et 1889. Y sont mentionnés, outre les titres des tableaux, le lieu de naissance des artistes, leur adresse et le nom de leurs professeurs
This doctoral dissertation, combining investigation and synthesis, attaches itself to the socio-cultural conditions underlying the artistic activity of the women painters exhibiting at the salon, in Paris, between 1863 and 1889. It gives special emphasis on the amateur / professional dilemma with which the women artists will constantly be composing, and that may have influenced their artistic choices. This dissertation consists of 3 volumes. The first introductory part describes the problematic from a historical and theoretical side. This is followed by a study of artistic life in the feminine : training in studios ; private life and its choices, in particular the possibilities offered by networks of friends and associations ; the hazards of a career, with the pressure resulting from the need of production, with its successes and its failures, sometimes hampered by other activities, yet always turned towards professional integration and acquiring more autonomy ; the works of the salon and how the critics responded. The research work is based on archives, and on numerous testimonies of french and foreign women artists, gathered from personal diaries, memoirs and correspondence. The second part is a file of 264 plates. These reproductions often unpublished, come from the illustrated catalogues of the salon, from goupil albums, and from the photographic archives "Adolphe Braun". In final, the third part lists in alphabetic order of the artists the works by women, put on exhibition in the "peinture" section of the salon between 1863 and 1889. You will find there, besides the title of the works, the place of birth of the artists, their address, and the name of their professors

Ce travail veut eclairer une periode-cle de l'histoire du romantisme naissant (1824-1834) a travers l'etude particuliere du "salon de l'arsenal" (lequel tire son nom de la bibliotheque de monsieur, dont charles nodier fut le conservateur en chef a partir de 1824). Les appartements de la famille nodier accueillirent chaque dimanche soir toute l'elite litteraire et artistique durant les dernieres annees de la restauration et les premieres annees de la monarchie de juillet : il y avait donc urgence a reevaluer l'importance de ces reunions dans l'histoire litteraire et sociologique du romantisme, en montrant notamment qu'il fut un lieu de rencontre privilegie, ouvert a toutes les specialites, toutes les individualites et toutes les generations; l'un des rares carrefours d'idees ou la pensee romantique ait pu s'affiner en trouvant des contradicteurs; enfin un espace favorable a la naissance de projets et de collaborations litteraires. Ce travail presente successivement: une description objective des soirees (etude du rite de l'arsenal), un catalogue exhaustif des invites (les celebrites lamartine, vigny, balzac, etc. - et les autres regroupes en differentes categories - les provinciaux, les journalistes, les femmes, etc. -); une etude des rapports specifiques de charles nodier avec victor hugo, convive privilegie de l'arsenal; un bilan des travaux de nodier et de sa fille durant ces dix ans; enfin une analyse des consequences sociologique (la camaraderie litteraire) et ideologique (cristallisation, puis atomisation de la pensee romantique) de ces soirees dominicales. Ce travailsera en outre accompagne de nombreux documents inedits (les souvenirs de marie nodier, l'annee 1832 du journal intime de fontaney, etc. ).

A la fin du XIXe siècle et au début du XXe siècle, les artistes japonais s’installant à Paris sont peu nombreux. Cependant, après la Première Guerre mondiale, à partir de 1920, un grand nombre d’artistes japonais arrivent en France. Au total deux cent huit artistes japonais ont figuré dans les Salons parisiens durant la décennie entre 1920 et 1929. La plupart de ces artistes choisissent comme lieu de résidence le quartier de Montparnasse. A cette époque à Paris, dans le milieu des artistes travaillant la peinture à l’huile, dite « yô-ga », nous pouvons distinguer trois courants : Le premier circule autour de Foujita Tsugouharu, artiste de renom associant la peinture occidentale et l’art traditionnel du Japon. Le second regroupe un certain nombre de jeunes artistes, dont Saeki Uzo, attirés par la peinture occidentale et la peinture moderne de Montparnasse. Le troisième courant est de nature académique : dans la lignée de Kuroda Seiki, les artistes suivent l’enseignement des Académies parisiennes. D’autres artistes choisissent la voie d’un art plus indépendant, à l’instar de Tanaka Yasushi, Hasegawa Kiyoshi ou bien Oka Shikanosuke, mais leur nombre reste limité, comme par ailleurs ceux exerçant la technique de la peinture japonaise, dite « nihon-ga », et également ceux pratiquant la sculpture, la gravure, la laque et la tenture. Le résultat suite au dépouillement mené dans les centres de documentation et les fonds photographiques au Japon et en France prouve l’importance de la présence des artistes japonais sur la scène artistique à Paris durant les années 1920 et permet de comprendre les motivations et créations de ces artistes
During the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, not many Japanese artists settled in Paris. However, after the First World War, starting from 1920, a large number of Japanese artists arrived in France. In total two hundred and eight Japanese artists appeared in Parisian Salons during the decade between 1920 and 1929. Most of these artists choose Montparnasse district as their residence. In Paris those days, amongst artists who worked on oil painting called « yô-ga » we can distinguish three movements. The first circulated around Fujita Tsuguharu, a renowned artist who associated the Western painting and the traditional Japanese art. The second gathered a certain number of young artists, such as Saeki Yuzo, who were attracted by the Western painting and the modern painting of Montparnasse. The third movement was of an academic nature: as Kuroda Seiki did, artists were following the teaching of Paris Academies. Other artists choose the route of a more independent art, following the examples of Tanaka Yasushi, Hasegawa Kiyoshi or Oka Shikanosuke, but the number of these artists remains limited, same as those who practiced the technique of Japanese painting, i.e. « Nihon-ga », and also those who practiced sculpture, engraving, lacquer painting, and hangings. The result of going through the data of the documentation centres and photography funds in Japan and in France proves the importance of the presence of Japanese artists on the artistic scenes in Paris during the 1920’s and allows us to comprehend the motives and creations of these artists

Notre travail s'inscrit dans le mouvement de redécouverte de l'histoire des Chambres de commerce initié dans les années 1980 par Ingo Kolboom, Michael Stephen Smith et Philippe Bouchardeau. Le choix de l'objet répond au souci d'interroger cette histoire à partir d'un observatoire privilégié et à un moment clé de l'histoire des institutions consulaires et du capitalisme français. Notre démarche s'est voulue "globale". La Chambre de commerce de Paris a été abordée dans sa dimension juridique, organisationnelle et sociologique. Nous nous sommes efforcés de retracer les grandes lignes de sa politique et de mettre en évidence son rôle dans l'adaptation de Paris et du capitalisme français au nouvel environnement né de l'épanouissement de la seconde révolution industrielle et de la transformation de l'Etat républicain. La période est ainsi marquée par l'affirmation de La Chambre de commerce sur la scène politique, économique et sociale du pays. .
Our work was inspired by the rediscovery of the history of the Chambers of Commerce initiated in the 80s by Ingo Kolboom, Michael Stephen Smith and Philippe Bouchardeau. The choice of the subject matter results from the concern to question this history from a privileged observation point, Paris, and at a key period of the consular institutions and the French capitalism. Our research aims to provide a global review of the Chamber of Commerce of Paris tackling its legal, organisational and sociological aspects. We have tried to assess its main political lines and to bring to light its role in the adjustment of Paris and French capitalism to the new environment resulting from the emergence of the second industrial revolution and the renovation of the Republic. .

Depuis l'apparition des expositions universelles jusqu'à la création des sécessions européennes, le Salon parisien a joué un rôle plus ou moins déterminant dans la carrière de centaines de peintres étrangers. Sans partis-pris esthétique, le corpus d'œuvres, d'artistes et de textes étudiés retrace la présence et la réception de la peinture étrangère au Salon de 1852 à 1900. L'histoire politique et administrative de l'institution révèle un statut de l'exposant étranger presque inexistant au début du Second Empire, qui devint une question majeure à la fin du siècle, liée à la création de la Société nationale des beaux-arts. Hasardeuse et compétitive, l'expérience du Salon constituait pour l'ensemble des artistes un enjeu considérable, tant symbolique que commercial. Les carrières parisiennes des peintres étrangers, depuis le séjour de formation jusqu'à l'impact de l'exposition au Salon, se prêtent moins que celles de leurs homologues français à une opposition entre sphère officielle et sphère indépendante; elles décrivent un système des beaux-arts largement ouvert sur le monde et sur l'ensemble du champ artistique. La réalité internationale des expositions parisiennes eut un profond impact sur l'évolution et la définition d'un art français qui en fit rapidement un motif d'hégémonie. Contrairement au cloisonnement nationaliste des expositions universelles, le brassage du Salon décrit l'unité et la diversité des forces créatrices européennes. L'expression nationale participe d'une communauté de démarches et de formes, et l'Europe des arts ne peut se réduire ni aux catégories d'écoles nationales, ni aux catégories de style de la tradition moderniste
From the origin of World Fairs until the creation of the European secessions, the Paris Salon played a fairly significant role in the careers of hundreds of foreign painters. Avoiding aesthetic biases, the corpus of works, artists and texts studied traces the presence and the reception of foreign painting in the Paris Salon, from 1852 to 1900. The political and administrative history of the institution reveals the evolution of foreign painter status: from almost nonexistent at the beginning of the Second Empire, to a major issue at the end of the century, linked to the creation of the Société Nationale des beaux-arts. Risky and competitive, the Salon experience was a considerable challenge for all artists, both symbolic and commercial. Parisian careers of foreign painters, from their training studio to their exposition in the Salon, are less interpretable than for their French counterparts as an opposition between official and independent sphere; Fine Art system appears as wide open to the world and to the whole artistic field. The international dimension of Paris exhibitions had a profound impact on the evolution and the definition of French art who quickly built a hegemonic pattern on it. Unlike the nationalist partitioning of world fairs, the melting of the Salon is an image of the unity and diversity of European creative forces. The national expression is part of a community of approaches and expressions, and Arts of Europe cannot be categorized into national schools nor the style categories of the modernist tradition

La présente étude porte sur le problème de la réception des œuvres exposées au Salon de 1787. La description du contexte de cette exposition a déterminé les conditions de cette réception et a précisé le cadre dans lequel s'exerçait la critique. L'identification des auteurs, longtemps anonymes, a montré qu'ils constituaient, malgré des positions politiques contrastées, un milieu culturellement homogène, étroitement lié au monde des lettres. Elle a aussi permis de préciser la nature des rapports entre critique d'art et littérature, d'une part à travers l'étude des conditions de sa production, d'autre part à travers l'étude formelle et stylistique des textes produits. L'analyse de ces textes porte à la fois sur le statut qui leur est attribué et sur le problème de l'interprétation des œuvres, dont les facteurs qui la conditionnent ont été répertoriés. L'examen des principes théoriques qui guident les procédures d'analyse des critiques a montré la prééminence du genre de l'histoire, seul capable de répondre à leurs exigences morales et formelles. Ces dernières participent d'une réflexion nouvelle sur la place des arts dans l'histoire, dont les développements ont été examinés. Cette réflexion conduit à définir la spécificité de l'école française, dont les caractéristiques ont été indiquées. L'analyse du problème de la représentation de l'histoire a montré que les convergences idéologiques ne recouvraient pas nécessairement de nettes prises de position esthétiques. L'étude de la question centrale des moyens de l'imitation a été liée à celle des relations entre texte littéraire et image, et les notions de convenance et de représentation du héros, relues à la lumière de deux œuvres emblématiques, l’Alexandre de Lagrenée et le Socrate de David. L'appréciation des genres mineurs, qui met en avant le plaisir qu'ils génèrent, a enfin permis de définir l'existence d'une sensibilité préromantique dans le discours critique, sous l'influence du sensualisme et de l'esthétique du sublime.

E. Appert (1831-1890) est un photographe essentiellement connu pour ses portraits d’insurgés dans les prisons versaillaises après la Commune de Paris et pour ses photomontages des Crimes de la Commune. Cependant, sa carrière débuta à Paris bien avant 1871 et se poursuivit sur une trentaine d’années. Ce photographe se révéla être un véritable « reporter » attentif à illustrer l’actualité. Tissant des liens utiles avec la Justice et la Préfecture de Police, ses portraits et ses photomontages se firent l’écho des événements politiques. Alors réputé pour être un photographe partisan de Thiers ou proche des bonapartistes, Appert photographiait en fait l’élite politique, religieuse et militaire sans parti pris. Il mit rapidement en pratique un portrait dépouillé de décor, où l’homme politique, à l’instar du détenu, posait assis sur une chaise devant un fond uni. Ses photomontages réalisés avec beaucoup de soin étaient principalement des portraits de groupe reflétant l’actualité politique et judiciaire. Le photographe développa des liens étroits avec la presse illustrée et publia dès le début des années 1860 des portraits dans le Monde Illustré et dans l’Illustration. Cette collaboration suivie lui donna l’occasion de faire connaître sa production au grand public. Issu d’un milieu modeste, la photographie permit à Appert de s’élever dans la société. Son opportunisme commercial fut un moyen de survivre aux aléas politiques de la fin du Second Empire, du siège de Paris, de la guerre civile et de l’instabilité de la Troisième République
E. Appert (1831-1890) is a photographer known for his prisoners’ portraits after the Commune of Paris and for his photomontages of Crimes de la Commune. Meanwhile, he has begun his career before 1871 and for nearly thirty years. This photographer was in fact like a “reporter” looking after events of the moment. Weaving useful links with the Justice and the Paris police headquarters, his portraits and montages reflected political occurrences. Considered as a supporter of Thiers and closed to imperial family, Appert photographed above all the pick of Politic, Army and of the Church without choosing any side. He made a type of portrait, pure without any ornament: the model, politic or prisoner, seated on a simple chair in front of a plain background. His photomontages made carefully were mostly group portraits for political and judiciary actuality. The photographer developed narrowed links with illustrated press and has published portraits as early as the beginning of 1860 portraits in Le Monde Illustré and L’Illustration. This followed collaboration was an opportunity to be known by the public. From a modest social sphere, photography was a way for Appert to rise himself into the society. His commercial opportunism allowed the photographer to survive to economic and political difficulties throw the end of the Second Empire, siege of Paris, civil war and Third Republic

Pierre-Luc Cicéri, chief decorator at the Paris Opéra, also established a career as interior decorator and educator of students that treated interior spaces as three-dimensional images and artworks in their own right. Cicéri’s followers helped push the art of fantasy architecture to a new level, creating a new form of art and popular entertainment around the “ideal home.” Exhibited at the Salon and at a variety of universal and decorative arts exhibitions as well as published in expensive, luxury folios and reprinted in cheaper, popular editions, the “interior dreamscapes” by Cicéri’s followers disseminated the interior for interior’s sake. The domestic interior could be admired, collected, hidden inside cabinets, or reappropriated as an object of contemplation for private walls. The same images functioned as two-dimensional blueprints for the construction of three-dimensional settings and as advertising schemes for the artists that produced and popularized them, furthering interest in and creating a common language about the appearance of the modern, private home. The chapter ultimately argues that wishful thinking and vicarious identification with the - often missing - owners of the model interiors made available through these means and furtively perused in private homes helped create a professional niche that would soon be occupied by the interior designer.

The third chapter deals with the wholesale importation of a British team sport, rugby, into France. Led by Baron de Coubertin, the founder of the Olympics, who was the referee in the first French championship, its adoption by the French was a self-conscious response to defeat in the Franco–Prussian War. Choosing rugby over the more proletarian soccer, an haute-bourgeois and aristocratic elite played rugby at Paris’ most exclusive clubs, a moment reimagined by Henri Rousseau. But rugby could not be confined to these environs for long, and by the time of Delaunay’s The Cardiff Team, with its press photograph source, the sport was included alongside aeroplanes, the Eiffel Tower and advertising as a cipher of all that was modern in the Paris of 1913. Also on view at that year’s Salon des Indépendants was another picture of rugby, The Football Players, cementing the sport as a theme for salon cubism. During the First World War, rugby was celebrated by French nationalists as a sport that had trained its participants to become heroes on the battlefield. This, I surmise, is what led André Lhote to produce his cubist paintings of rugby during and after the conflict.

The English poet of empire Rudyard Kipling penned the much quoted lines, ‘East is East and West is West, and never the twain shall meet’. Even if, by the early twentieth century, European observers had become overwhelmed by what they saw as fundamental differences between attitudes and styles of life in East and West, this was not true of the nineteenth century. Then, the ideal became the joining of East and West: a physical joining, through the Suez Canal, but also a cultural joining, as western Europeans relished the cultures of the Near East, and as the rulers of Near Eastern lands – the Ottoman sultans and their highly autonomous viceroys in Egypt – looked towards France and Great Britain in search of models they could follow in reviving the languishing economy of their dominions. This was, then, a reciprocal relationship: despite the claims of those who see ‘orientalism’ as the cultural expression of western imperialism, the masters of the eastern Mediterranean actively sought cultural contact with the West, and saw themselves as members of a community of monarchs that embraced Europe and the Mediterranean. Ismail Pasha, viceroy of Egypt between 1863 and 1879, always dressed in European clothes, though he would occasionally top his frock-coat and epaulettes with a fez; he spoke Turkish, not Arabic. Equally, the Ottoman sultans, and more particularly their courtiers (like Ismail, frequently Albanian), often sported western dress. They would, of course, be selective in their use of western ideas. The Egyptian viceroys were happy to send clever subjects to study at the École Polytechnique in Paris, a Napoleonic foundation; at the same time they discouraged excessive mixing in the French salons: they wished to import radical ideas, but about technology, not government. What had almost entirely disappeared by the early nineteenth century was the idea of the Ottoman realms as the seat of conquering warriors of the faith. Having lost their military and naval superiority in the East, the Ottomans were no longer the subject of fear but of fascination. Traditional ways of life caught the attention of western artists such as Delacroix, but other westerners, notably Ferdinand de Lesseps, the builder of the Suez Canal, were keen to promote modernization.

Zinaida Nikolaevna Gippius (Hippius) was a poet, prose writer, playwright, literary critic, religious thinker, and editor. Together with her husband Dmitry Merezhkovsky (1865–1941) and fellow poet Valery Briusov (1873–1923), she co-founded the Symbolist Movement in Russia. In fin-de-siècle St Petersburg she hosted an influential literary salon and was one of the major organizers of the famed Religious-Philosophical Meetings (1901–1903). She established and edited the journal The New Path (Novyi put; 1903–1905) in which she and her husband publicized their Neo-Christian beliefs, printed the works of their fellow Symbolists and reported on their Religious-Philosophical Meetings. After 1919, when the couple was forced to leave Bolshevik Russia, Gippius continued her literary and religious activities in the Russian émigré community in Paris, France, where she died in 1945.

During the nineteenth century, the English-language press thrived in Continental Europe in areas where no English was spoken locally, notably in France, Italy and the Ottoman Empire. Expatriate British, whether residing or visiting Paris, Rome, Florence or Constantinople, were eager to be kept informed on international politics and culture through locally available English language press outputs.They were served with a wide spectrum of periodicals – ranging from general information newspapers, literary reviews, parish bulletins, to specialised publications focusing on fashion, medicine, sports and entertainment. A good example was the well-known Galignani’s Messenger, a Paris based daily, dominant across Europe from 1814 through to 1890. The English-language press, published abroad, formed a somewhat transnational cultural space. Neglected until recently by academic researchers, its study provides valuable insights into the history of the cultural and social habits of the British abroad.