Journal articles on the topic 'Salt industry and trade – Namibia'

Abstract. The chemical composition of aerosols is of particular importance to assess their interactions with radiation, clouds and trace gases in the atmosphere and consequently their effects on air quality and the regional climate. In this study, we present the results of the first long-term dataset of the aerosol chemical composition at an observatory on the coast of Namibia, facing the south-eastern Atlantic Ocean. Aerosol samples in the mass fraction of particles smaller than 10 µm in aerodynamic diameter (PM10) were collected during 26 weeks between 2016 and 2017 at the ground-based Henties Bay Aerosol Observatory (HBAO; 22∘6′ S, 14∘30′ E; 30 m above mean sea level). The resulting 385 filter samples were analysed by X-ray fluorescence and ion chromatography for 24 inorganic elements and 15 water-soluble ions. Statistical analysis by positive matrix factorisation (PMF) identified five major components, sea salt (mass concentration: 74.7±1.9 %), mineral dust (15.7±1.4 %,), ammonium neutralised (6.1±0.7 %), fugitive dust (2.6±0.2 %) and industry (0.9±0.7 %). While the contribution of sea salt aerosol was persistent, as the dominant wind direction was south-westerly and westerly from the open ocean, the occurrence of mineral dust was episodic and coincided with high wind speeds from the south-south-east and the north-north-west, along the coastline. Concentrations of heavy metals measured at HBAO were higher than reported in the literature from measurements over the open ocean. V, Cd, Pb and Nd were attributed to fugitive dust emitted from bare surfaces or mining activities. As, Zn, Cu, Ni and Sr were attributed to the combustion of heavy oils in commercial ship traffic across the Cape of Good Hope sea route, power generation, smelting and other industrial activities in the greater region. Fluoride concentrations up to 25 µg m−3 were measured, as in heavily polluted areas in China. This is surprising and a worrisome result that has profound health implications and deserves further investigation. Although no clear signature for biomass burning could be determined, the PMF ammonium-neutralised component was described by a mixture of aerosols typically emitted by biomass burning, but also by other biogenic activities. Episodic contributions with moderate correlations between NO3-, nss-SO42- (higher than 2 µg m−3) and nss-K+ were observed, further indicative of the potential for an episodic source of biomass burning. Sea salt accounted for up to 57 % of the measured mass concentrations of SO42-, and the non-sea salt fraction was contributed mainly by the ammonium-neutralised component and small contributions from the mineral dust component. The marine biogenic contribution to the ammonium-neutralised component is attributed to efficient oxidation in the moist marine atmosphere of sulfur-containing gas phase emitted by marine phytoplankton in the fertile waters offshore in the Benguela Upwelling System. The data presented in this paper provide the first ever information on the temporal variability of aerosol concentrations in the Namibian marine boundary layer. This data also provide context for intensive observations in the area.

The purpose of this study was to investigate competitiveness of Travel and Tourism industry of Sub-Saharan African countries in the world market. The study used Normalized Revealed Comparative Advantage (NRCA) and Relative Trade Advantage (RTA) indexes as a measure of competitiveness based on secondary data from ITC trade database covering between 2000 and 2019. The findings of the study revealed that SSA countries like Mauritius, South Africa, Seychelles and Namibia have competitive T&T industry consistently in the years between 2000 and 2019. However, SSA countries such as Botswana, Tanzania, Senegal, Kenya and Rwanda have competitiveness vary by years. Moreover, South Africa has highest comparative advantage followed by Tanzania and Mauritius. The study provided valuable information to industry leaders, policy makers, business owners and international organizations such as UN and UNESCO to design appropriate strategies and systems aiming to sustain and improve travel and tourism industry competitiveness in SSA countries. It is the first study in applying NRCA and RTA indexes to investigate the competitiveness of T&T Industry in SSA countries. Keywords: Competitiveness; export; import; performance; tourism; travel

South Africa currently allows labour broking although this area of commerce is problematic. The trade union movement, government and organised business are presently debating the future regulation of this industry. Namibia has experimented with, and failed, to place a legislative ban on labour broking. The Supreme Court of Appeal of Namibia considered International Labour Organisation conventions and provisions of their Constitution before concluding that labour broking should be regulated but not prohibited. In this article it is argued that South African policy makers can gain valuable insights from the Namibian experience. It is submitted that it would be appropriate for Parliament to take cognisance of international and foreign principles and to accept amendments that would provide for stricter regulation for labour broking, rather than placing an outright ban on this economic activity.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the barriers to, and implications of, salt reduction initiatives within the UK food manufacturing industry. Design/methodology/approach – In total, 13 technical and new product development (NPD) managers were purposefully sampled from businesses supplying foods within the chilled convenience food sector. Data were generated using semi-structured interviews incorporating the critical incident technique. Thematic and comparative analyses identified similarities and differences in the challenges facing different product categories within the sector. Findings – Barriers to further salt reduction included: manufacturing limitations; NPD constraints; food safety, quality and shelf-life trade-offs; and organoleptic acceptance. No single barrier dominated industry concerns and many barriers were interlinked. Overarching issues of competitive inequality between signatories and non-participants to voluntary salt reduction agreements, and the experience of product reformulation having reached its limits were prevalent. Originality/value – This research provides a food industry perspective on the identified barriers faced by UK food processors and manufacturers in advancing salt reduction within the chilled convenience sector.

This article argues that the power of the early Mercian kings from Wulfhere to Aethelbald, c.650-750, rested partly on their ability to exploit the growing economy which characterised this period; and that such exploitation provides a hitherto unacknowledged reason for the rise of Mercia to supremacy. The argument rests on the Mercian rulers' control of two particular places, London and Droitwich, the first the country's foremost port, the second a major industrial site concerned with the production of salt. After the growth of Mercian authority over both places has been traced, it is suggested that taxation of their activities may have resulted in substantial profits, via tolls in both centres and, in Droitwich, via a further levy on the manufacture of salt. The history of taxation on salt is traced back from the early modern period in order to see what light later practices shed upon those of the early middle ages. The article concludes by suggesting that the Mercian rulers were fortunate in exercising power at a time when economic growth, partly church-led, was open to royal exploitation and that those rulers had a conscious appreciation of the advantages so to be gained.

The authors report the first exposure of prehistoric salt-working in the Pacific, one that used solar evaporation of sea water on large flanged clay dishes. This short-lived industry of the seventh century AD disappeared beneath the dunes, but its documented nineteenth- and twentieth-century successors offer it many useful analogies: the salt, now extracted by boiling brine, was supplied to inland communities upriver, where it functioned as a prime commodity for prestige and trade and an agent of social change.

The object of this research is the Baskunchak industry. The subject of this research is organization of salt extraction on Lake Baskunchak in the late XIX century. The chronological framework covers the period from the second half of the XIX century, i.e. from the beginning of regular state-ran salt extraction in the Baskunchak deposit until the abolishment of excise tax on salt, transfer of salt extraction to private Industrialists. The article provides detailed description of the methods of salt extraction on the lake, social composition of personnel engaged in the industry, transportation of salt on trucks and railways, statistical data on salt prices, salaries, and rent of salt plots by salt producers on Lake Baskunchak is given. The novelty of the research consist in comprehensive examination of the previously researched direction – development of salt industry on Lake Baskunchak in the late XIX century. As one of major salt deposits of Russia, Lake Baskunchak is of special value for the salt trade. In the second half of the XIX century Baskunchak was the large supplier of salt in Russia. The acquires materials can be used in educational process of the universities of Astrakhan Region in teaching general and specialized courses on the History of Russia.

В октябре 1924 г. государственный соляной синдикат, обеспечивавший солью население и промышленность СССР, открыл Дальневосточную краевую контору во Владивостоке. В условиях проводимой советским государством политики снижения зависимости экономики от импорта синдикат стремился наращивать экспорт продукции своих трестов за рубеж. В статье рассматривается деятельность сотрудников синдиката по продвижению советской соли на рынки Китая и Японии в середине 1920-х гг. Особое внимание уделяется обстоятельствам ведения переговоров с японскими рыбопромышленниками, охарактеризован механизм взаимодействия уполномоченных синдиката с советскими торговыми организациями, дается оценка перспектив сбыта советской соли в Китае и Японии. Ключевые слова: Дальний Восток, Япония, Китай, экспорт, соль, соляной синдикат In October 1924 Far-Eastern representative office of the Salt Syndicate, which provided salt to Soviet people and industry, was opened in Vladivostok. Under the government policy to reduce the dependence of the economy on imports, the Syndicate sought to increase the export of its products abroad. The paper examines the activities of the Salt Syndicate to promote Soviet salt in the markets of China and Japan in the mid-1920s. The author focuses attention on the circumstances of negotiations with Japanese fishery firms, the mechanism of interaction of the syndicate’s commissioners with Soviet trade organizations and the prospects of Soviet salt sales in China and Japan. Keywords: Soviet Far East, Japan, China, export, salt, Salt Syndicate

Early medieval wealth invested in southern Saharan agriculture and warfare tended to produce distinctive groups of dependent cultivators and professional warriors by the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Exchange surpassed initial limitations placed on it by rudimentary pastoral society through the development of the salt industry. The realization of a form of surplus readily convertible into a wide range of commodities was vital to the growth of specialized traders who, in turn, broadened the scope of economic and political activity. Growing professionalism and specialization brought with it new forms of social relations, in this case a variety of forms of dependence, as well as introducing a role for indigenous non-producers like clerics and scholars. An oasis like Awdaghust where warriors, cultivators and traders interacted was bound to experience the growing pains these changes produced.This paper suggests how an understanding of these social and economic changes can help fill the gaps which still plague the history of Awdaghust. It argues that we need to examine the pieces of written and archaeological evidence we have in the light of the changing forms of agriculture practised in the area, the region's drying climate between the ninth and the fifteenth centuries, and the making of the specialized merchant-clerical groups called zawāyā. Awdaghust thereby emerges not only as an international caravan terminus, but as a regional centre of agriculture and trade, especially the salt trade, controlled by local pastoralists. It was therefore able to outlive its so-called eleventh-century destruction by the Almoravids, and see its Znāga masters turn increasingly towards the salt trade and religion. But its fortunes also depended upon its large servile labour force and sufficient rainfall to support irrigated cultivation. By the fifteenth century, it would appear the drying conditions were severe enough to pose insurmountable problems, possibly even to provoke a slave rebellion said to have brought about Awdaghust's demise.

Brazil is the largest economy in Latin America, with a population of more than 209.300.000 people and a territory of 8.515.767,049 km2, which makes the country an important player in the international trade scenario. Being Brazil a major exporter of commodities, a strong importer of goods and with a vast coastline of 8,500 km of navigable waters, the Brazilian shipping industry plays an important role in the country’s developing economy. In fact, the ports are the country’s main gate, through which approximately 95% of the foreign trade is made. In the past decades, the offshore sector of Brazil’s maritime industry played an important role considering the discoveries of oil and gas in the pre-salt layer, contributing to a significant development on the country’s shipping industry. Following that, an economic crisis hit the oil sector, with impacts worldwide. In view of the above, the arising disputes involving maritime matters have increased, and the demand for experts in this field is growing in Brazil’s current scenario. However, if in one hand Brazil faces an increase of disputes involving maritime law, on the other hand the Brazilian judicial system remains extremely bureaucratic and time-consuming, as well as, in some occasions, not properly prepared to deal with the complex maritime matters under discussion. In addition, judicial disputes in Brazil are subject to high interest and indexation rates, which can add up to 18% per year on top of the amount under dispute, plus lawyer’s fees and eventual loss of suit expenses, which can reach 20% of the condemnation amount. In this scenario, alternative dispute resolution methods arise as an important alternative to encompass these demands, offering an efficient solution, rendered in a proper time, by experts and specialists of the maritime field.

In the context of NCD prevention, reformulation means reducing the salt, sugar, fat, or overall calorie content of processed foods. Reformulation has the potential to be a powerful public health intervention, because it involves making changes to unhealthy foods upstream in the food supply: improving population diets without individual consumers needing to change their behaviour. However, questions remain as to which regulatory approaches will be most effective at spurring the food industry to reformulate. The prevailing view has been that governments should persuade and encourage companies to reformulate ‘voluntarily’. However, there is emerging evidence that the most effective voluntary reformulation schemes are those with a high degree of government involvement, monitoring and oversight. This suggests that mandatory reformulation — ie, the highest degree of government involvement, through legislated mandatory nutrient limits — may well be a promising approach. While voluntary reformulation has wide support, it is criticised for being weak, ineffective and open to regulatory capture. Mandatory reformulation offers the possibility of a stronger regulatory approach and a level playing field for industry, but critics are wary of its impact on free choice. Mandatory nutrient limits may also constitute technical barriers to trade. This article considers food reformulation as a policy goal, before exploring these regulatory options and the criticisms of each.

Relation between oil trade and political regimes, climate change and problems of managing natural resources, mining technologies and fighting corruption and many others constitute the phenomenon of a multicomponent energy policy, the study of which is located at the intersection of natural and social sciences. Latin American region has large hydrocarbon reserves, huge hydropower potential, as well as significant opportunities to generate wind and solar energy. Historically, Latin America has occupied a small share of world energy production - about 5 %, where Venezuela, Mexico and Brazil have long been the only players of a global level. However, in the 21st century, factors such as the discovery of pre-salt oil deposits in Brazil, promising forecasts for the development of alternative gas sources in Argentina and the opening of Mexican oil industry for foreign companies after more than seventy years of the monopoly of Pemex, gave an additional impetus to the development of oil and gas industries of the region. The close relationship between energy industry and political context of a number of Latin American countries makes the region’s energy market less predictable, as changes cannot be predicted using standard industry analysis tools. This article analyzes the most significant episodes of political intervention - external or internal - to the energy industry in the 21st century, as well as the impact that events and decisions in this industry had on the regional policy. The authors analyze distinctive examples of the interconnectedness of these areas, from the “resource diplomacy” of Venezuela to the decisive actions of A.M. Lopez Obrador in Mexican energy in the first months of his presidency, and draw parallels between the chains of events in politics and energy. As the cases of Brazil, Mexico, Bolivia, and Venezuela, cited in the article, show, the cost of error becomes extremely high when its consequences can destabilize both sectors due to their close interweaving.

“Salt” is an indispensable necessity in people’s livelihood. In Taiwan’s islands surrounded by the sea and the western coastal areas, salt was boil the sea for a long time in the early stages, and seawater was introduced into the depression in the later stages and evaporated in the sun. With the development of the times, different characteristics of the construction and building materials in the field of the salt industry have entered the era of the industrial revolution. With the development of technology, salt processing technology and the use of imported salt in foreign trade have forced salt fields to be abandoned along with historical development. The Yantian cultural relics still preserved today are actively preserved by government departments to continue to apply the Yantian culture. This study selected the Yantian community in Annan District of Tainan City as the focus of planning. It is hoped that through the development of design education, it will emphasize practical ability and practice-oriented research. The study combines design practice and practical theory, based on the original ecological culture of Yantian, through the reconstruction plan of Yantian’s cultural resources, the mobilization of residents in the Yantian community and the tourism planning of the Yantian Cultural Village, to find a transition direction suitable for the Yantian Cultural Village. Market needs with combining core values of the community with a patchwork of practical experience and action research to build participatory research theories will result in effective internal practice and learning. This research adopts the method of service research through service design, including: 1. diagnosing problems; 2. choosing solutions; 3. seeking cooperation; 4. implementation; and 5. assessing the response from a practical perspective, with the importance of action research, where “Yantian” combines with the local “salt-making” characteristic culture, develops cultural innovation experience, and guides students to truly enter the community to learn. The plan explores the possibility of long-term introduction of design education in the local community, discusses how to communicate and collaborate with community residents, and uses design tools to help solve the problem of community image promotion and application. The research results finally put forward the preliminary construction of the role of the Tainan Yantian community volunteers as a design education platform based on practical experience. It is hoped that it can be used as a local practice of design education and as an accumulation of reference experience.

Cast polyamide 6 (PA6G), trade name Castamide, is a semi-crystalline polymer widely used in the engineering plastics industry. There is a need to recycle valuable waste (W)-PA6G generated during part manufacturing of this polymer (approximately 30%). This study attempts to utilize W-PA6G in the manufacture of wood-plastic composites as a polymeric matrix. The effect of lignocellulosic filler type (FT) and filler content (FC) on the mechanical, morphological, and thermal properties of W-PA6G-based composites were investigated. During manufacturing, N-butyl benzene sulfonamide (N-BBSA) and lithium chloride (LiCl) were utilized as a plasticizer and a melt temperature-lowering salt, respectively. The rice husk (RH) and Uludağ fir wood flour (WF) filled W-PA6G-based composites were successfully manufactured using a combination of extrusion and injection molding. Compared to RH filled composites, WF filled composites provided better tensile and flexural properties (both strength and modulus) at 20% and 30% filler contents. Morphological study showed the nonhomogeneous distribution of fillers in the polymeric matrix. Lignocellulosic filler resulted in reduced melting temperature and crystallinity of W-PA6G-based composites. This reduction was more pronounced in RH filled composites.

ABSTRACTThere is a strong demand from the wine industry for methodologies to reduce the alcohol content of wine without compromising wine's sensory characteristics. We assessed the potential of adaptive laboratory evolution strategies under hyperosmotic stress for generation ofSaccharomyces cerevisiaewine yeast strains with enhanced glycerol and reduced ethanol yields. Experimental evolution on KCl resulted, after 200 generations, in strains that had higher glycerol and lower ethanol production than the ancestral strain. This major metabolic shift was accompanied by reduced fermentative capacities, suggesting a trade-off between high glycerol production and fermentation rate. Several evolved strains retaining good fermentation performance were selected. These strains produced more succinate and 2,3-butanediol than the ancestral strain and did not accumulate undesirable organoleptic compounds, such as acetate, acetaldehyde, or acetoin. They survived better under osmotic stress and glucose starvation conditions than the ancestral strain, suggesting that the forces that drove the redirection of carbon fluxes involved a combination of osmotic and salt stresses and carbon limitation. To further decrease the ethanol yield, a breeding strategy was used, generating intrastrain hybrids that produced more glycerol than the evolved strain. Pilot-scale fermentation on Syrah using evolved and hybrid strains produced wine with 0.6% (vol/vol) and 1.3% (vol/vol) less ethanol, more glycerol and 2,3-butanediol, and less acetate than the ancestral strain. This work demonstrates that the combination of adaptive evolution and breeding is a valuable alternative to rational design for remodeling the yeast metabolic network.

Jengki anchovies are one of the raw food ingredients that are preserved using salt. Basically, salting is done to reduce the water content in the fish so that bacteria cannot live and develop. This study aims to determine the chemical and microbiological contamination of salted anchovies in East Denpasar Traditional Market. This research is a descriptive study using survey and experimental methods in the laboratory. Based on data from the Department of Industry and Trade in Denpasar, there are 7 traditional markets in East Denpasar. The number of samples studied was 43 samples from 75 existing populations. The parameters of this research were formaldehyde, moisture content, TPC, E. coli and organoleptics. The results showed that none of the 43 samples contained formalin. The results of the water content test were obtained that all samples met the SNI 8273: 2016 requirements. From the results of the TPC test, 35 samples met the requirements and 8 samples exceeded the limits set by SNI 8273: 2016, namely the maximum limit of TPC contamination, namely 1.0 × 105 colonies / gram. The E. coli test results from 43 samples met the SNI 8273: 2016 requirements, namely the maximum limit of E. coli contamination ˂3.6 APM / gram. From the results of the organoleptic test on appearance, smell, taste, texture, fungus and overall acceptance, all assessments were significantly different, with the characteristics of a dull to clean bright appearance, specific to type, specific odor but less strong, salty taste and less specific type, dry solid texture to dense less dry.

Meat products, in particular sausages, play a significant role in the structure of retail trade among other product groups. Sausages are a traditional product of the food industry in Ukraine, and the share of cooked and smoked sausages is up to 51 % of total production. Today, fierce competition encourages producers to introduce new recipes into production, which, unfortunately, has led to a sharp increase in cases of falsification of sausages. In addition, a significant number of low-capacity enterprises are involved in production, which often leads to a decrease in the sanitary quality of manufactured products. Therefore, the purpose of our study was to analyze the compliance of quality and safety indicators of cooked and smoked sausage of the highest grade of different manufacturers to DSTU 4591:2006 “Cooked smoked sausages. General specifications”. The material of our research were samples of cooked smoked sausage of the highest grade “Servelat” of several domestic producers. The research was conducted on the basis of Multidisciplinary Laboratory of Veterinary Medicine (Faculty of Veterinary Medicine and Biotechnologies of Odesa State Agrarian University) and on the basis of the laboratory of Department of Veterinary-Sanitary Inspection (Stepan Gzhytskyi National University of Veterinary Medicine and Biotechnologies, Lviv). Sampling, organoleptic analysis of sausages and determination of microbiological parameters were performed in accordance with current regulations, determination of chemical composition – using an express analyzer FoodScan, general toxicity – express method using the infusoria Colpoda steinii. According to the results of the analysis of the labeling, it is established that the packaging of all investigated products contains the basic production and consumer information in accordance with Article 6 of the Law of Ukraine “On information for consumers about food”, but on the labels of samples № 2 and 3 there is no data provided for in Article 23 of this Law – the content of unsaturated fats, sugars and salt. The study of organoleptic and microbiological parameters of sausage samples demonstrates their compliance with the requirements of the regulated DSTU 4591:2006 “Cooked smoked sausages. General specifications”. The general toxicity of sausages was also not detected. The analysis of physicochemical parameters revealed non-compliance of sample № 3 with the requirements of the national standard in terms of mass content of moisture – excess by 5.72 %. In addition, a sufficiently high collagen content of 2.3 ± 0.04 was found in sausage loaves of sample № 1.

It might seem incongruous that a research focused organisation such as the International Union for Pure and Applied Chemistry would pay attention to an issue as pragmatic as oil spills. After all, an oil spill tends to be viewed as a very practical matter, its issues characterised by loss of a valuable commercial product, damage to the environment, high costs of clean up, high legal liabilities, and very much media attention. Oil spills are not generally considered a pure or even applied chemistry issue. However, this would be a very short-sighted interpretation. Effectively every element of an oil spill, whether environmental, physical, operational or legal, is related to the complex chemistry of the oil and its breakdown products released to the environment. Indeed, it would be safe to say that if petroleum were a simple chemical product, the difficulties inherent in clean up of an oil spill would be much reduced, no matter what the origin or cause of the spill.The chemical nature of oil is directly related to the fate and environmental impacts of spilled oil, whether on water or on land, and to the effectiveness of the diversity of countermeasures which might be deployed. While evaluation of the effects of spilled oil on the environment receives much attention in forums with a biological or toxicological focus, which often do take into consideration chemical factors, the complex topic of the chemistry of oil spills in direct relation to countermeasures is examined more rarely. The various chapter in this document discuss a diversity of oil spill countermeasures, and target the chemical and consequently physical behaviour of oil which determines its characteristics at the time of the spill. While oil spills occur in fresh and salt waters, and on land, marine oil spills remain the larger issue - there tends to be more oil spilled, environmental problems are more complex, and countermeasures are more difficult to implement. The following papers generally reflect and review the current state of knowledge in their topic area, and are representative of the most recent surge in research and development activities, stimulated particularly by the Exxon Valdez spill in Prince William Sound, Alaska in 1989. It appears that oil spill research undergoes cycles of interest, activity and funding, linked to key oil spills. Previously, the Torrey Canyon spill in the English Channel off Land's End, in the United Kingdom in 1967 provided general incentive for research and development, as did the Amoco Cadiz spill off the coast of Brittany, France in 1978. Other oil spills, such as the 1968 Santa Barbara Channel, California spill, or the Braer spill off the Shetlands in 1993, among others, have also stimulated specific areas of research and development on the basis of issues that arose in their particular spill scenario.The articles in this publication have been contributed by recognised international experts in the spill response field, and have received the benefit of peer review. The articles are representative of the major categories of oil spill response research, spanning a wide range of technologies, supportive knowledge and experience, to include reviews of:This collection of review articles concludes with an evaluation of oil spill response technologies for developing nations, appropriately so since that is where much of the oil development and production currently occurs in the world.One area which has seen much recent expansion is that of the essential linkage between detailed understanding of spilled oil physical/chemical properties and the effectiveness of response countermeasures. Crude oils and oil products are known to differ greatly in physical and chemical properties and these tend to change significantly over the time course of spilled oil recovery operations. Such changes have long been recognised to have a major influence on the effectiveness of response methods and equipment, which increases the time and cost of operations and risk of resource damage. All countermeasures are influenced, whether sorbents, booms, skimmers, dispersants, burning of oil and so forth. The incentive is for a rapid and accurate method of predicting changes in oil properties following spill notification, which could be used in both the planning and early phases of spill response, including an initial specific selection of an effective early countermeasure. In later stages of the response, more accurate planning for clean up method and equipment deployment would shorten response time and reduce costs. An additional benefit would be more effective planning for recall of equipment not needed, as well as potentially decreasing the risk of natural resource damage and costs due to more effective spilled oil recovery. The concept of "Windows of Opportunity" for oil spill response measures has been derived from multiple investigations in industry and government research organisations.Although dispersants have been used to date in almost one hundred large spills world-wide, government approval for dispersant use has long been inhibited by a lack of understanding of the factors determining the operational effectiveness of dispersants, and the environmental trade-offs which might need to be made to protect sensitive areas from spilled oil. Recent advances in chemical dispersant development, formulation of low toxicity dispersants with broader application, and better understanding of dispersant fate and effects have combined to a more ready acceptance of this countermeasure by many, although not yet all, regulatory authorities throughout the world. In addition to the category of dispersants, chemical countermeasures include many diverse agents, such as beach cleaners, demulsifiers, elasticity modifiers and bird cleaning agents, each with a unique and specialised role in clean up activities. However, the concerns for the use of these 'alternative chemicals' relate to the interpretation and application of toxico-ecological data to the decision process. If in the future the ecological issues concerning chemical treating agents can be further successfully resolved, the oil spill response community will have an increased range of options for response. However, extensive laboratory and field testing is required in many instances for new chemical dispersant materials and demulsifiers to improve the effectiveness of these materials on weathered oils and water in oil emulsions. The acceptance of in situ (i.e. 'on site') burning of spilled oil has been limited by valid operational concerns about the integrity of fireproof booms, the limited weather window for burning due to the rapid emulsification of oils, the need to develop methods for the ignition of emulsified and weathered oils, and public concerns about the toxicity of the smoke generated during burning. However, burning provides an option, another tool in the tool-box, for the responder called in to combat an oil spill. Burning decreases the amount of oil that must be collected mechanically, thus reducing cleanup costs, storage, transportation, and oily waste disposal requirements. It also would decrease potential contact with sensitive marine and coastal environments and consequently reduce the potential for associated damage costs. Laboratory and field studies over the last ten years have addressed essential information requirements for feasibility, techniques, and effectiveness, as well as health and safety. The results of research in situ burning has led to its acceptance in a number coastal jurisdictions throughout the world, prompting the response industry to purchase and position in situ burning equipment and train its operators to use this alternative technology in approved regions.Although not a direct recovery measure in itself, the application of remote sensing to oil spill response assists in slick identification, tracking, and prediction, which in many instances is an early requirement for effective response. An inadequate ability to see spilled oil seriously reduces effectiveness of oil spill response operations. Conversely, good capability to detect spilled oil, especially areas of thick oil, at night and other conditions of reduced visibility could more than double response effectiveness and greatly enhance control of the spill to minimise damage, especially to sensitive shorelines. Advances have been made in both airborne and satellite remote sensing. It has become possible to move from large and expensive to operate airborne systems to small aircraft, more widely available and practical for spill response operators. Also, the limitations in delayed data processing and information communication are being overcome by development of systems operating in functional real-time, which is essential for enhanced response capacity. Spill detection using satellites has also advanced markedly since 1989, with the ongoing intention to provide coverage of oil spill areas as early warning, or when flying by aircraft is not possible. An early useful application was an ERS-1 satellite program for detection of oil slicks, launched in 1992. More recently, spill detection capability has been developed for the Canadian Radarsat satellites, ERS-2 and a few other satellite programs.The topic of bioremediation of spilled oil, that is, to use microbes to assist in clean up, is a corollary to the deployment of traditional countermeasures. It had not seen much operational or regulatory support until the Exxon Valdez spill, where it was initiated as a spill mitigation method, establishing bioremediation as a major oil spill R&D area. Bioremediation of oil spills was defined as being one of three different approaches: enhancement of local existing microbial fauna by the addition of nutrients to stimulate their growth; 'seeding' the oil impacted environment with microbes occurring naturally in that environment; and, inoculating the oil impacted environment with microbes not normally found there, including genetically engineered bacterial populations. Research emphasis and regulatory countenance has been predominantly on the first approach. Evaluation of operational utility of is continuing to identify conditions under which bioremediation can be used in an environmentally sound and effective manner, and to make recommendations to responders for the implementation of this technology.The issue of hydrocarbon toxicity has been examined in petroleum refinery and petrochemical workers for more than a decade, and experimentally in test animals for a much longer period. However, there has been little specific information available on the effects of oil spills on human health, neither for oil spill response workers nor for incidentally exposed individuals. More recently, as reviewed in an article on human health effects in this publication, some reports have been published of skin irritation and dermatitis from exposure of skin to oil during cleanup, as well as nausea from inhalation of volatile fractions. Although there are to date no epidemiological studies of exposure by oil spill workers to petroleum hydrocarbons, the matter is drawing increasing attention.One of the more important issues surrounding the choice and extent of application of oil spill countermeasures is knowledge about the ecological effectiveness of such response, that is, the balance point between continuation of clean up activities and letting the environment take care of its own eventual recovery. It is the last point which has driven much of the discussions and research associated with the concept of 'how clean is clean', or, how much cleanup is enough or too much. The results of such diverse research efforts are being used increasingly and successfully to link spilled oil chemistry to countermeasures practices and equipment. The advances are being integrated into more effective response management models and response command systems. In summary, applied chemical research and development has actively contributed to an enhancement in oil spill response capability. Nonetheless, it seems that the pace of oil spill research and countermeasures development is slowing. The decrease is at least temporally associated with a decline in the frequency and magnitude of oil spills in recent years. Spill statistics gathered by organisations such as the publishers of the Oil Spill Intelligence Report, show that world-wide oil spill incidence and volume have continued to decline since the time of the Exxon Valdez spill event (see the Oil Spill Intelligence Report publication "International Oil Spill Statistics: 1997", Cutter Information Corp.). It is probably not coincidental that the amount of funding available for oil spill research and development, from both government and private industry sources, has declined similarly. In that context, the following articles are more a statement of currently accepted knowledge and practice, rather than being a 'snapshot in time' of intense ongoing research activities. The articles serve to capture the applied chemistry knowledge and experience of practitioners in a complex field, application of which remains essential for the development of improved oil spill countermeasures, and their effective use in real spill situations.

When French explorers first arrived in northwest Louisiana, the local Caddo Indians had already earned a reputation for being important players in the salt trade. Likewise, many western Caddo groups living near the southern Plains were known for their involvement in the horse trade. In the first part of this paper, the relationship between the local salt industry and the introduction of the horse is considered. It is suggested that at least some of the salt made in northwest Louisiana was being fed to horses and other livestock acquired either directly or indirectly from the Spanish. In addition to its potential effect on the salt trade, the introduction of the horse in the southern Plains also spurred an increase in theft and raiding. Historical data suggest that Caddo salt producers may have been worried about such activities from hostile groups like the Osage and Chickasaw. In the second part of this paper, it is argued that these Caddos may have tried to discourage raiding by using salt licks bordered by waterways, by working in close proximity to other salt producers, and by traveling long distances to reach well-protected salt production sites.

Ensuring food safety has been a major concern to small and medium-sized food manufacturers especially those in developing countries participating in international trade. In this connection, an action-oriented learning and factory visit by a cohort of 15 owners of food manufacturing SMEs to a world-class food factory in Ghana under the auspices of Partners in Food Solutions helped demystify HACCP implementation in the minds of these SME owners. This resulted in majority of them implementing HACCP within six months. A typical indigenous Ghanaian small and medium-sized enterprise (SME) engaged in palm cream concentrate canning was selected for HACCP study and the generic HACCP system was developed which is being adapted for the entire palm cream concentrate canning industry in West Africa. To manufacture canned palm cream concentrate, fresh and ripen palm fruits are harvested, weighed, inspected, and sorted for their quality. The quality palm fruits are washed, cooked at a temperature of 100°C for 30 min, depulped into paste, fiber and kernels. The paste with the fiber is squeezed and strained to obtain palm cream. The fine cream is collected and blended with 0.5% salt and heated to a temperature ≥ 70°C for 10 min. Empty cans are washed, filled with the hot cream, seamed, washed to get rid of stains and loaded into retort baskets and then hoisted into a vertical retort for sterilization. Retorting is done at 121°C for 60 minutes and then cooled to a temperature of 40°C and the product are removed from the retort and incubated at ambient temperature for 7 days. After which labelling is done and the product are cased and palletized ready for sale. The 14 stages of HACCP implementation including the 7 preparatory steps and the 7 principles of HACCP recommended by were applied in addition to 2 innovative steps to the palm cream concentrate canning process [1]. Each processing step was correctly captured in the process flow diagram and subjected to hazard analysis to identify all potential food safety hazards that are associated with each step. The identified hazards were classified as physical, chemical or biological and subjected to risk assessment process using a quantitative scoring method to determine the likelihood and severity of each potential hazard which helped to determine significant hazards with each step. The significant hazards were then subjected to critical control point determination using the codex decision tree. Three steps of microbiological significance were identified in the process as CCPs. These are can seam (CCP #1), retorting (CPP #2) and retorted can cooling (CCP #3). Critical limits were established for these limits as follows: CCP# 1 – can seaming (body hook butting (BHB) > 75%, thickness rating (TR) > 75% and actual overlap (AO) > 1.1mm), CCP# 2 – retorting (120 -122°C for 60 minutes at a pressure of 1bar must be achieved during sterilization) and CCP# 3 – can cooling (incoming cooling water into the retort must be chlorinated to 3 - 4 ppm, residual chlorine content and after cooling, the discharge water should contain ≥ 0.5ppm residual chlorine content). Monitoring and verification procedures were developed for each CCP and corrective actions and record keeping systems have been established for the CCPs.

The variable “actors” records individuals or collectives, who appear as a source for assertions of facts and evaluations and whose actions, interests or demands are addressed in an article (Hillebrand, 2005). In the case of media self-coverage, and especially when dealing with media policy issues, media organizations themselves might be affected by them. Hence, media organizations may strategically use their privileged access to the public to promote their own interests, for example by selecting actors and positions that will be publicly heard. Several studies have found a predominance of “opportune actors” and experts representing a position that supports media organization’s own interests (Kemner, Scherer, & Weinacht, 2008; Lichtenstein, 2011; Maier & Dogruel, 2016). Field of application/theoretical foundation The variable serves to identify the actors involved in specific media discourses and can serve as an indicator for attempted influence by media organizations through biased selection. Example study Pedrazzi. 2020 Information on Pedrazzi, 2020 Research interest: Pedrazzi (2020) investigates Swiss media coverage of media policy, public service in general and the Swiss public service organization SRG SSR in the context of the referendum on the revision of the Federal Act on Radio and Television (RTVA) in 2015 and the No-Billag initiative in 2018. Object of analysis: Representative samples of articles covering each the revision of the RTVA and the No-Billag initiative in twelve regional and national Swiss German print and online publications with different ownership. Time frame of analysis: January 1, 2010 to March 4, 2018 Information about variable Level of analysis: article Operationalization/Coding instructions: “The main actor and the two most important secondary actors mentioned in the article and who speak directly or indirectly on media policy issues, i.e. either on one of the proposals (revision of RTVA and/or No-Billag initiative) and its consequences, on the subject of public service, on Swiss public service organization SRG SSR or on the media market, are recorded. However, if an actor is only mentioned - without an explanation of his/her views - he/she is not coded. The main actor is the one who is presented as central in the title, subtitle and/or lead. The title, subtitle (if available) and lead are the first criteria for the assignment. If several actors appear in the same text subunit, the order is decisive. If no clear assignment can be made due to title/subtitle/lead, the entire contribution is used. The main actor is then the most extensively presented actor in terms of volume. The most important secondary actor is determined according to the same criteria as the main actor (if the main actor is not taken into account). The second most important secondary actor is determined according to the same criteria as the main actor (if the main actor and the most important secondary actor are not considered). The journalist can also be coded as an actor if he/she reveals his/her opinion. In the case of commentaries/columns, the author counts as the main actor. In the case of interviews, the interviewee counts as the main actor, but not the journalist.” Values: Pedrazzi (2020) Government, administration, parliament or courts as a body or institution and/or individual representatives of the executive, legislative or judiciary system (however, not individual politicians speaking for themselves or their party) Federal Council Federal Council as a whole or individual members Federal departments, authorities and commissions Departments (e.g. DETEC), federal offices (e.g. OFCOM) authorities and commissions (e.g. ComCom) and their representatives National Council and Council of States Parliament or commissions, including commission presidents or spokespersons when acting in this capacity. Note: Individual parliamentarians must be coded as members of their parties. Cantonal government Cantonal Government as a whole or individual members acting in this capacity Cantonal administration Cantonal administration and their representatives Cantonal parliament Cantonal parliaments Municipalities Members of the municipal council, administration, etc.) Courts Federal court / cantonal court / district court etc. as well as judges acting in their function Other bodies or institutions of the government, administration, parliament or justice Parties and party representatives (incl. party subsections) BDP, Bürgerlich-Demokratische Partei Junge BDP CVP, Christlich-demokratische Volkspartei (inkl. CSP) Junge CVP EVP, Evangelische Volkspartei Junge EVP FDP, die Liberalen (inkl. LPS/Liberale Partei der Schweiz) Jungfreisinnige GLP, Grünliberale Partei Junge Grünliberale GPS, Grüne Partei der Schweiz Junge Grüne SP, Sozialdemokratische Partei JUSO SVP, Schweizerische Volkspartei Junge SVP Lega dei Ticinesi Mouvement Citoyens Romand Independents Other parties Initiative, referendum and counter committees Referendum Committee against the revision of the RTVG Committee "Ja zum RTVG" Committee "Nein zur neuen Billag-Mediensteuer" Initiative Committee No Billag incl. Olivier Kessler Committee "NEIN zu No-Billag" Committee "Nein zum Sendeschluss" Other initiative, referendum and counter committees Media, telecommunications and advertising companies and their representatives (incl. owners, editors) SRG SSR incl. SRF, RTS, RSI, RTR NZZ Mediengruppe incl. Radio FM1, TVO, Tele 1, Radio Pilatus, etc. Tamedia Ringier incl. Radio NRJ AZ Medien incl. Radio Argovia, Radio 24, Radio 32, Tele M1, Tele Züri, Tele Bärn, etc. Somedia incl. Radio Südostschweiz, Tele Südostschweiz, etc. Basler Zeitung Medien 3+ Gruppe ProSieben Sat.1 Gruppe RTL Gruppe Teleclub/Swisscom UPC Cablecom Sunrise Orange/Salt Publisuisse Goldbach Medien Other private media companies Media associations and their representatives Verband Schweizer Medien – Médias Suisses – Stampa Svizzera VSP - Verband Schweizer Privatradios RRR - Radio Régionales Romandes Unikom – Union nicht-kommerzorientierter Lokalradios Telesuisse - Verband der Schweizer Regionalsender impressum – Schweizer JournalistInnen Syndicom SSM – Schweizer Syndikat Medienschaffender Swisscable asut Schweizer Werbung – Publicité Suisse – Publicità Svizzera Other media associations Other associations (economic, cultural, civil society, etc.) economiesuisse Schweizerischer Gewerbeverband Schweizerischer Arbeitgeberverband avenir suisse Schweizerischer Gewerkschaftsbund Kaufmännischer Verband KV Schweiz Travail Suisse Stiftung für Konsumentenschutz Konsumentenforum Fédération romande des consommateurs Associazione consumatrici della Svizzera italiana Think tanks Cultural associations Incl. film and music professionals Sports associations Civil society organizations and associations Other associations Other economic or socio-cultural actors Industry experts Companies not operating in the media, telecommunications or advertising industry Science, research Celebrities From sports, culture, show business, etc. Members of the audience (viewers, readers, users) or simple citizens (without representative function) Author (in case of op-ed articles) Other actors Intercoder reliability: Intercoder reliability (Krippendorff’s Alpha) coefficient of .77 across categories (9 coders) Codebook available at (last accessed on 09.12.2020): https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4312912 Information on Hillebrand, 2005 Research interest: Hillebrand (2005) examines how print media outlets report on television (which content, actors, concerns and ways of addressing issues dominate in the coverage and to what extent it includes criticism).Object of analysis: Purposive sample (four times two weeks around media-relevant events) of articles containing a reference to television in six national daily newspapers, two national weekly newspapers, three television magazines and two media trade journals from Germany. Time frame of analysis: August 1, 2002 to July 31, 2003 Information about variable Level of analysis: article Operationalization/Coding instructions: Hillebrand (2005, Anhang A, own translation):“Coding is intended to record the actors, sources and witnesses appearing in the article. A main actor and a secondary actor (if applicable) are coded.Main actor: Who is at the center of the article? Whose actions or statements, interests or preferences are at the core of the article? Who takes up the most space? Whose actions or statements form the reference point to which others then react? Who appears as the ‘source’ for statements of facts or for evaluations?The author(s) of an article are not considered as actors! This also applies in cases where TV celebrities such as Kalkofe (TV-Spielfilm) or Beckmann (Zeit) have permanent columns. As actor is recorded the person or collective, who is reported on, whose actions are commented on, etc.Secondary actor: Who else is it about? Same codes to be used as for the main actor.” Values: Hillebrand (2005) Members of the audience (viewers, readers, users), participants, simple citizens (without representative function) Media companies, media executives, journalists, celebrities of the media industry Politicians and all members of the executive and judiciary system Companies (outside the media industry) Interest groups (of companies or professions outside the media industry, e.g. from the environmental sector, etc.), churches, etc. Interest groups (of companies or professions outside the media industry, e.g. from the environmental sector, etc.), churches, etc. Science, experts, interpreters (writers etc.) - from research and scientific institutions or as self-employed, formally independent from companies, political parties and interest groups Others No secondary actor/not decidable Intercoder reliability: Intercoder reliability coefficient of .84 across categories (4 coders), not specified for individual categoryCodebook available at (last accessed on 09.12.2020): https://www.hans-bredow-institut.de/uploads/media/Publikationen/cms/media/d666beb1d9130d241ec01915684342eb582b3d42.pdf.ReferencesHillebrand, C. (2005). Das Fernsehen im Spiegel der Printmedien – Konturen der Berichterstattung. In R. Weiß (Ed.), Zur Kritik der Medienkritik. Wie Zeitungen das Fernsehen beobachten (pp. 33-81). Berlin: Vistas.Kemner, B., Scherer, H., & Weinacht, S. (2008). Unter der Tarnkappe. Publizistik, 53(1), 65-84. doi:10.1007/s11616-008-0006-9Lichtenstein, D. (2011). Kommerzialisierung des Medienjournalismus? Eine empirische Untersuchung zum „Fall Berliner Zeitung“. M&K Medien & Kommunikationswissenschaft, 59(2), 216-234. doi:10.5771/1615-634x-2011-2-216Maier, D., & Dogruel, L. (2016). Akteursbeziehungen in der Zeitungsberichterstattung über die Online-Aktivitäten des öffentlich-rechtlichen Rundfunks. Publizistik, 61(2), 145-166. doi:10.1007/s11616-016-0258-8 Pedrazzi, S. (2020). Codebuch zur Studie «Eigeninteressen in der Berichterstattung über medienpolitische Vorlagen und den Service public in der Schweiz». Zenodo. doi:10.5281/zenodo.4312912

Background “The sense of taste,” write Nelson and colleagues in a 2002 issue of Nature, “provides animals with valuable information about the nature and quality of food. Mammals can recognize and respond to a diverse repertoire of chemical entities, including sugars, salts, acids and a wide range of toxic substances” (199). The authors go on to argue that several amino acids—the building blocks of proteins—taste delicious to humans and that “having a taste pathway dedicated to their detection probably had significant evolutionary implications”. They imply, but do not specify, that the evolutionary implications are positive. This may be the case with some amino acids, but contemporary tastes, and changes in them, are far from universally beneficial. Indeed, this article argues that modern food production shapes and distorts human taste with significant implications for health and wellbeing. Take the western taste for fried chipped potatoes, for example. According to Schlosser in Fast Food Nation, “In 1960, the typical American ate eighty-one pounds of fresh potatoes and about four pounds of frozen french fries. Today [2002] the typical American eats about forty-nine pounds of fresh potatoes every year—and more than thirty pounds of frozen french fries” (115). Nine-tenths of these chips are consumed in fast food restaurants which use mass-manufactured potato-based frozen products to provide this major “foodservice item” more quickly and cheaply than the equivalent dish prepared from raw ingredients. These choices, informed by human taste buds, have negative evolutionary implications, as does the apparently long-lasting consumer preference for fried goods cooked in trans-fats. “Numerous foods acquire their elastic properties (i.e., snap, mouth-feel, and hardness) from the colloidal fat crystal network comprised primarily of trans- and saturated fats. These hardstock fats contribute, along with numerous other factors, to the global epidemics related to metabolic syndrome and cardiovascular disease,” argues Michael A. Rogers (747). Policy makers and public health organisations continue to compare notes internationally about the best ways in which to persuade manufacturers and fast food purveyors to reduce the use of these trans-fats in their products (L’Abbé et al.), however, most manufacturers resist. Hank Cardello, a former fast food executive, argues that “many products are designed for ‘high hedonic value’, with carefully balanced combinations of salt, sugar and fat that, experience has shown, induce people to eat more” (quoted, Trivedi 41). Fortunately for the manufactured food industry, salt and sugar also help to preserve food, effectively prolonging the shelf life of pre-prepared and packaged goods. Physiological Factors As Glanz et al. discovered when surveying 2,967 adult Americans, “taste is the most important influence on their food choices, followed by cost” (1118). A person’s taste is to some extent an individual response to food stimuli, but the tongue’s taste buds respond to five basic categories of food: salty, sweet, sour, bitter, and umami. ‘Umami’ is a Japanese word indicating “delicious savoury taste” (Coughlan 11) and it is triggered by the amino acid glutamate. Japanese professor Kikunae Ikeda identified glutamate while investigating the taste of a particular seaweed which he believed was neither sweet, sour, bitter, or salty. When Ikeda combined the glutamate taste essence with sodium he formed the food additive sodium glutamate, which was patented in 1908 and subsequently went into commercial production (Japan Patent Office). Although individual, a person’s taste preferences are by no means fixed. There is ample evidence that people’s tastes are being distorted by modern food marketing practices that process foods to make them increasingly appealing to the average palate. In particular, this industrialisation of food promotes the growth of a snack market driven by salty and sugary foods, popularly constructed as posing a threat to health and wellbeing. “[E]xpanding waistlines [are] fuelled by a boom in fast food and a decline in physical activity” writes Stark, who reports upon the 2008 launch of a study into Australia’s future ‘fat bomb’. As Deborah Lupton notes, such reports were a particular feature of the mid 2000s when: intense concern about the ‘obesity epidemic’ intensified and peaked. Time magazine named 2004 ‘The Year of Obesity’. That year the World Health Organization’s Global Strategy on Diet, Physical Activity and Health was released and the [US] Centers for Disease Control predicted that a poor diet and lack of exercise would soon claim more lives than tobacco-related disease in the United States. (4) The American Heart Association recommends eating no more than 1500mg of salt per day (Hamzelou 11) but salt consumption in the USA averages more than twice this quantity, at 3500mg per day (Bernstein and Willett 1178). In the UK, a sustained campaign and public health-driven engagement with food manufacturers by CASH—Consensus Action on Salt and Health—resulted in a reduction of between 30 and 40 percent of added salt in processed foods between 2001 and 2011, with a knock-on 15 percent decline in the UK population’s salt intake overall. This is the largest reduction achieved by any developed nation (Brinsden et al.). “According to the [UK’s] National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE), this will have reduced [UK] stroke and heart attack deaths by a minimum of 9,000 per year, with a saving in health care costs of at least £1.5bn a year” (MacGregor and Pombo). Whereas there has been some success over the past decade in reducing the amount of salt consumed, in the Western world the consumption of sugar continues to rise, as a graph cited in the New Scientist indicates (O’Callaghan). Regular warnings that sugar is associated with a range of health threats and delivers empty calories devoid of nutrition have failed to halt the increase in sugar consumption. Further, although some sugar is a natural product, processed foods tend to use a form invented in 1957: high-fructose corn syrup (HFCS). “HFCS is a gloopy solution of glucose and fructose” writes O’Callaghan, adding that it is “as sweet as table sugar but has typically been about 30% cheaper”. She cites Serge Ahmed, a French neuroscientist, as arguing that in a world of food sufficiency people do not need to consume more, so they need to be enticed to overeat by making food more pleasurable. Ahmed was part of a team that ran an experiment with cocaine-addicted rats, offering them a mutually exclusive choice between highly-sweetened water and cocaine: Our findings clearly indicate that intense sweetness can surpass cocaine reward, even in drug-sensitized and -addicted individuals. We speculate that the addictive potential of intense sweetness results from an inborn hypersensitivity to sweet tastants. In most mammals, including rats and humans, sweet receptors evolved in ancestral environments poor in sugars and are thus not adapted to high concentrations of sweet tastants. The supranormal stimulation of these receptors by sugar-rich diets, such as those now widely available in modern societies, would generate a supranormal reward signal in the brain, with the potential to override self-control mechanisms and thus lead to addiction. (Lenoir et al.) The Tongue and the Brain One of the implications of this research about the mammalian desire for sugar is that our taste for food is about more than how these foods actually taste in the mouth on our tongues. It is also about the neural response to the food we eat. The taste of French fries thus also includes that “snap, mouth-feel, and hardness” and the “colloidal fat crystal network” (Rogers, “Novel Structuring” 747). While there is no taste receptor for fats, these nutrients have important effects upon the brain. Wang et al. offered rats a highly fatty, but palatable, diet and allowed them to eat freely. 33 percent of the calories in the food were delivered via fat, compared with 21 percent in a normal diet. The animals almost doubled their usual calorific intake, both because the food had a 37 percent increased calorific content and also because the rats ate 47 percent more than was standard (2786). The research team discovered that in as little as three days the rats “had already lost almost all of their ability to respond to leptin” (Martindale 27). Leptin is a hormone that acts on the brain to communicate feelings of fullness, and is thus important in assisting animals to maintain a healthy body weight. The rats had also become insulin resistant. “Severe resistance to the metabolic effects of both leptin and insulin ensued after just 3 days of overfeeding” (Wang et al. 2786). Fast food restaurants typically offer highly palatable, high fat, high sugar, high salt, calorific foods which can deliver 130 percent of a day’s recommended fat intake, and almost a day’s worth of an adult man’s calories, in one meal. The impacts of maintaining such a diet over a comparatively short time-frame have been recorded in documentaries such as Super Size Me (Spurlock). The after effects of what we widely call “junk food” are also evident in rat studies. Neuroscientist Paul Kenny, who like Ahmed was investigating possible similarities between food- and cocaine-addicted rats, allowed his animals unlimited access to both rat ‘junk food’ and healthy food for rats. He then changed their diets. “The rats with unlimited access to junk food essentially went on a hunger strike. ‘It was as if they had become averse to healthy food’, says Kenny. It took two weeks before the animals began eating as much [healthy food] as those in the control group” (quoted, Trivedi 40). Developing a taste for certain food is consequently about much more than how they taste in the mouth; it constitutes an individual’s response to a mixture of taste, hormonal reactions and physiological changes. Choosing Health Glanz et al. conclude their study by commenting that “campaigns attempting to change people’s perception of the importance of nutrition will be interpreted in terms of existing values and beliefs. A more promising strategy might be to stress the good taste of healthful foods” (1126). Interestingly, this is the strategy already adopted by some health-focused cookbooks. I have 66 cookery books in my kitchen. None of ten books sampled from the five spaces in which these books are kept had ‘taste’ as an index entry, but three books had ‘taste’ in their titles: The Higher Taste, Taste of Life, and The Taste of Health. All three books seek to promote healthy eating, and they all date from the mid-1980s. It might be that taste is not mentioned in cookbook indexes because it is a sine qua non: a focus upon taste is so necessary and fundamental to a cookbook that it goes without saying. Yet, as the physiological evidence makes clear, what we find palatable is highly mutable, varying between people, and capable of changing significantly in comparatively short periods of time. The good news from the research studies is that the changes wrought by high salt, high sugar, high fat diets need not be permanent. Luciano Rossetti, one of the authors on Wang et al’s paper, told Martindale that the physiological changes are reversible, but added a note of caution: “the fatter a person becomes the more resistant they will be to the effects of leptin and the harder it is to reverse those effects” (27). Morgan Spurlock’s experience also indicates this. In his case it took the actor/director 14 months to lose the 11.1 kg (13 percent of his body mass) that he gained in the 30 days of his fast-food-only experiment. Trivedi was more fortunate, stating that, “After two weeks of going cold turkey, I can report I have successfully kicked my ice cream habit” (41). A reader’s letter in response to Trivedi’s article echoes this observation. She writes that “the best way to stop the craving was to switch to a diet of vegetables, seeds, nuts and fruits with a small amount of fish”, adding that “cravings stopped in just a week or two, and the diet was so effective that I no longer crave junk food even when it is in front of me” (Mackeown). Popular culture indicates a range of alternative ways to resist food manufacturers. In the West, there is a growing emphasis on organic farming methods and produce (Guthman), on sl called Urban Agriculture in the inner cities (Mason and Knowd), on farmers’ markets, where consumers can meet the producers of the food they eat (Guthrie et al.), and on the work of advocates of ‘real’ food, such as Jamie Oliver (Warrin). Food and wine festivals promote gourmet tourism along with an emphasis upon the quality of the food consumed, and consumption as a peak experience (Hall and Sharples), while environmental perspectives prompt awareness of ‘food miles’ (Weber and Matthews), fair trade (Getz and Shreck) and of land degradation, animal suffering, and the inequitable use of resources in the creation of the everyday Western diet (Dare, Costello and Green). The burgeoning of these different approaches has helped to stimulate a commensurate growth in relevant disciplinary fields such as Food Studies (Wessell and Brien). One thing that all these new ways of looking at food and taste have in common is that they are options for people who feel they have the right to choose what and when to eat; and to consume the tastes they prefer. This is not true of all groups of people in all countries. Hiding behind the public health campaigns that encourage people to exercise and eat fresh fruit and vegetables are the hidden “social determinants of health: The conditions in which people are born, grow, live, work and age, including the health system” (WHO 45). As the definitions explain, it is the “social determinants of health [that] are mostly responsible for health iniquities” with evidence from all countries around the world demonstrating that “in general, the lower an individual’s socioeconomic position, the worse his or her health” (WHO 45). For the comparatively disadvantaged, it may not be the taste of fast food that attracts them but the combination of price and convenience. If there is no ready access to cooking facilities, or safe food storage, or if a caregiver is simply too time-poor to plan and prepare meals for a family, junk food becomes a sensible choice and its palatability an added bonus. For those with the education, desire, and opportunity to break free of the taste for salty and sugary fats, however, there are a range of strategies to achieve this. There is a persuasive array of evidence that embracing a plant-based diet confers a multitude of health benefits for the individual, for the planet and for the animals whose lives and welfare would otherwise be sacrificed to feed us (Green, Costello and Dare). Such a choice does involve losing the taste for foods which make up the lion’s share of the Western diet, but any sense of deprivation only lasts for a short time. The fact is that our sense of taste responds to the stimuli offered. It may be that, notwithstanding the desires of Jamie Oliver and the like, a particular child never will never get to like broccoli, but it is also the case that broccoli tastes differently to me, seven years after becoming a vegan, than it ever did in the years in which I was omnivorous. When people tell me that they would love to adopt a plant-based diet but could not possibly give up cheese, it is difficult to reassure them that the pleasure they get now from that specific cocktail of salty fats will be more than compensated for by the sheer exhilaration of eating crisp, fresh fruits and vegetables in the future. Conclusion For decades, the mass market food industry has tweaked their products to make them hyper-palatable and difficult to resist. They do this through marketing experiments and consumer behaviour research, schooling taste buds and brains to anticipate and relish specific cocktails of sweet fats (cakes, biscuits, chocolate, ice cream) and salty fats (chips, hamburgers, cheese, salted nuts). They add ingredients to make these products stimulate taste buds more effectively, while also producing cheaper items with longer life on the shelves, reducing spoilage and the complexity of storage for retailers. Consumers are trained to like the tastes of these foods. Bitter, sour, and umami receptors are comparatively under-stimulated, with sweet, salty, and fat-based tastes favoured in their place. Western societies pay the price for this learned preference in high blood pressure, high cholesterol, diabetes, and obesity. Public health advocate Bruce Neal and colleagues, working to reduce added salt in processed foods, note that the food and manufacturing industries can now provide most of the calories that the world needs to survive. “The challenge now”, they argue, “is to have these same industries provide foods that support long and healthy adult lives. And in this regard there remains a very considerable way to go”. If the public were to believe that their sense of taste is mutable and has been distorted for corporate and industrial gain, and if they were to demand greater access to natural foods in their unprocessed state, then that journey towards a healthier future might be far less protracted than these and many other researchers seem to believe. References Bernstein, Adam, and Walter Willett. “Trends in 24-Hr Sodium Excretion in the United States, 1957–2003: A Systematic Review.” American Journal of Clinical Nutrition 92 (2010): 1172–1180. Bhaktivedanta Book Trust. The Higher Taste: A Guide to Gourmet Vegetarian Cooking and a Karma-Free Diet, over 60 Famous Hare Krishna Recipes. Botany, NSW: Bhaktivedanta Book Trust, 1987. Brinsden, Hannah C., Feng J. He, Katharine H. Jenner, & Graham A. MacGregor. “Surveys of the Salt Content in UK Bread: Progress Made and Further Reductions Possible.” British Medical Journal Open 3.6 (2013). 2 Feb. 2014 ‹http://bmjopen.bmj.com/content/3/6/e002936.full›. Coughlan, Andy. “In Good Taste.” New Scientist 2223 (2000): 11. Dare, Julie, Leesa Costello, and Lelia Green. “Nutritional Narratives: Examining Perspectives on Plant Based Diets in the Context of Dominant Western Discourse”. Proceedings of the 2013 Australian and New Zealand Communication Association Conference. Ed. In Terence Lee, Kathryn Trees, and Renae Desai. Fremantle, Western Australia, 3-5 Jul. 2013. 2 Feb. 2014 ‹http://www.anzca.net/conferences/past-conferences/159.html›. Getz, Christy, and Aimee Shreck. “What Organic and Fair Trade Labels Do Not Tell Us: Towards a Place‐Based Understanding of Certification.” International Journal of Consumer Studies 30.5 (2006): 490–501. Glanz, Karen, Michael Basil, Edward Maibach, Jeanne Goldberg, & Dan Snyder. “Why Americans Eat What They Do: Taste, Nutrition, Cost, Convenience, and Weight Control Concerns as Influences on Food Consumption.” Journal of the American Dietetic Association 98.10 (1988): 1118–1126. Green, Lelia, Leesa Costello, and Julie Dare. “Veganism, Health Expectancy, and the Communication of Sustainability.” Australian Journal of Communication 37.3 (2010): 87–102 Guthman, Julie. Agrarian Dreams: the Paradox of Organic Farming in California. Berkley and Los Angeles, CA: U of California P, 2004 Guthrie, John, Anna Guthrie, Rob Lawson, & Alan Cameron. “Farmers’ Markets: The Small Business Counter-Revolution in Food Production and Retailing.” British Food Journal 108.7 (2006): 560–573. Hall, Colin Michael, and Liz Sharples. Eds. Food and Wine Festivals and Events Around the World: Development, Management and Markets. Oxford, UK: Routledge, 2008. Hamzelou, Jessica. “Taste Bud Trickery Needed to Cut Salt Intake.” New Scientist 2799 (2011): 11. Japan Patent Office. History of Industrial Property Rights, Ten Japanese Great Inventors: Kikunae Ikeda: Sodium Glutamate. Tokyo: Japan Patent Office, 2002. L’Abbé, Mary R., S. Stender, C. M. Skeaff, Ghafoorunissa, & M. Tavella. “Approaches to Removing Trans Fats from the Food Supply in Industrialized and Developing Countries.” European Journal of Clinical Nutrition 63 (2009): S50–S67. Lenoir, Magalie, Fuschia Serre, Lauriane Cantin, & Serge H. Ahmed. “Intense Sweetness Surpasses Cocaine Reward.” PLOS One (2007). 2 Feb. 2014 ‹http://www.plosone.org/article/info%3Adoi%2F10.1371%2Fjournal.pone.0000698›. Lupton, Deborah. Fat. Oxford, UK: Routledge, 2013. MacGregor, Graham, and Sonia Pombo. “The Amount of Hidden Sugar in Your Diet Might Shock You.” The Conversation 9 January (2014). 2 Feb. 2014 ‹http://theconversation.com/the-amount-of-hidden-sugar-in-your-diet-might-shock-you-21867›. Mackeown, Elizabeth. “Cold Turkey?” [Letter]. New Scientist 2787 (2010): 31. Martindale, Diane. “Burgers on the Brain.” New Scientist 2380 (2003): 26–29. Mason, David, and Ian Knowd. “The Emergence of Urban Agriculture: Sydney, Australia.” The International Journal of Agricultural Sustainability 8.1–2 (2010): 62–71. Neal, Bruce, Jacqui Webster, and Sebastien Czernichow. “Sanguine About Salt Reduction.” European Journal of Preventative Cardiology 19.6 (2011): 1324–1325. Nelson, Greg, Jayaram Chandrashekar, Mark A. Hoon, Luxin Feng, Grace Zhao, Nicholas J. P. Ryba, & Charles S. Zuker. “An Amino-Acid Taste Receptor.” Nature 416 (2002): 199–202. O’Callaghan, Tiffany. “Sugar on Trial: What You Really Need to Know.” New Scientist 2954 (2011): 34–39. Rogers, Jenny. Ed. The Taste of Health: The BBC Guide to Healthy Cooking. London, UK: British Broadcasting Corporation, 1985. Rogers, Michael A. “Novel Structuring Strategies for Unsaturated Fats—Meeting the Zero-Trans, Zero-Saturated Fat Challenge: A Review.” Food Research International 42.7 August (2009): 747–753. Schlosser, Eric. Fast Food Nation. London, UK: Penguin, 2002. Super Size Me. Dir. Morgan Spurlock. Samuel Goldwyn Films, 2004. Stafford, Julie. Taste of Life. Richmond, Vic: Greenhouse Publications Ltd, 1983. Stark, Jill. “Australia Now World’s Fattest Nation.” The Age 20 June (2008). 2 Feb. 2014 ‹http://www.theage.com.au/news/health/australia-worlds-fattest-nation/2008/06/19/1213770886872.html›. Trivedi, Bijal. “Junkie Food: Tastes That Your Brain Cannot Resist.” New Scientist 2776 (2010): 38–41. Wang, Jiali, Silvana Obici, Kimyata Morgan, Nir Barzilai, Zhaohui Feng, & Luciano Rossetti. “Overfeeding Rapidly Increases Leptin and Insulin Resistance.” Diabetes 50.12 (2001): 2786–2791. Warin, Megan. “Foucault’s Progeny: Jamie Oliver and the Art of Governing Obesity.” Social Theory & Health 9.1 (2011): 24–40. Weber, Christopher L., and H. Scott Matthews. “Food-miles and the Relative Climate Impacts of Food Choices in the United States.” Environmental Science & Technology 42.10 (2008): 3508–3513. Wessell, Adele, and Donna Lee Brien. Eds. Rewriting the Menu: the Cultural Dynamics of Contemporary Food Choices. Special Issue 9, TEXT: Journal of Writing and Writing Programs October 2010. World Health Organisation. Closing the Gap: Policy into Practice on Social Determinants of Health [Discussion Paper]. Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: World Conference on Social Determinants of Health, World Health Organisation, 19–21 October 2011.

During World War II, the Soviet Union’s food supply was in a state of crisis. Hitler’s army had occupied the agricultural heartlands of Ukraine and Southern Russia in 1941 and, as a result, agricultural production for the entire nation had plummeted. Soldiers in Red Army, who easily ate the best rations in the country, subsisted on a daily allowance of just under a kilogram of bread, supplemented with meat, tea, sugar and butter when and if these items were available. The hunger of the Red Army and its effect on the morale and strength of Europe’s eastern warfront were causes for concern for the Soviet government and its European and American allies. The one country with a food surplus decided to do something to help, and in 1942 the United States agreed to send thousands of pounds of meat, cheese and butter overseas to help feed the Red Army. After receiving several shipments of the all-American spiced canned meat SPAM, the Red Army’s quartermaster put in a request for a more familiar canned pork product, Russian tushonka. Pound for pound, America sent more pigs overseas than soldiers during World War II, in part because pork was in oversupply in the America of the early 1940s. Shipping meat to hungry soldiers and civilians in war torn countries was a practical way to build business for the U.S. meat industry, which had been in decline throughout the 1930s. As per a Soviet-supplied recipe, the first cans of Lend-Lease tushonka were made in the heart of the American Midwest, at meatpacking plants in Iowa and Ohio (Stettinus 6-7). Government contracts in the meat packing industry helped fuel economic recovery, and meatpackers were in a position to take special request orders like the one for tushonka that came through the lines. Unlike SPAM, which was something of a novelty item during the war, tushonka was a food with a past. The original recipe was based on a recipe for preserved meat that had been a traditional product of the Ural Mountains, preserved in jars with salt and fat rather than by pressure and heat. Thus tushonka was requested—and was mass-produced—not simply as a convenience but also as a traditional and familiar food—a taste of home cooking that soldiers could carry with them into the field. Nikita Khrushchev later claimed that the arrival of tushonka was instrumental in helping the Red Army push back against the Nazi invasion (178). Unlike SPAM and other wartime rations, tushonka did not fade away after the war. Instead, it was distributed to the Soviet civilian population, appearing in charity donations and on the shelves of state shops. Often it was the only meat product available on a regular basis. Salty, fatty, and slightly grey-toned, tushonka was an unlikely hero of the postwar-era, but during this period tushonka rose from obscurity to become an emblem of socialist modernity. Because it was shelf stable and could be made from a variety of different cuts of meat, it proved an ideal product for the socialist production lines where supplies and the pace of production were infinitely variable. Unusual in a socialist system of supply, this product shaped production and distribution lines, and even influenced the layout of meatpacking factories and the genetic stocks of the animals that were to be eaten. Tushonka’s initial ubiquity in the postwar Soviet Union had little to do with the USSR’s own hog industry. Pig populations as well as their processing facilities had been decimated in the war, and pigs that did survive the Axis invasion had been evacuated East with human populations. Instead, the early presence of tushonka in the pig-scarce postwar Soviet Union had everything to do with Harry Truman’s unexpected September 1945 decision to end all “economically useful” Lend-Lease shipments to the Soviet Union (Martel). By the end of September, canned meat was practically the only product still being shipped as part of Lend-Lease (NARA RG 59). Although the United Nations was supposed to distribute these supplies to needy civilians free of cost, travelers to the Soviet Union in 1946 spotted cans of American tushonka for sale in state shops (Skeoch 231). After American tushonka “donations” disappeared from store shelves, the Soviet Union’s meat syndicates decided to continue producing the product. Between its first appearance during the war in 1943, and the 1957 announcement by Nikita Khrushchev that Soviet policy would restructure all state animal farms to support the mass production of one or several processed meat products, tushonka helped to drive the evolution of the Soviet Union’s meat packing industry. Its popularity with both planners and the public gave it the power to reach into food commodity chains. It is this backward reach and the longer-term impacts of these policies that make tushonka an unusual byproduct of the Cold War era. State planners loved tushonka: it was cheap to make, the logistics of preparing it were not complicated, it was easy to transport, and most importantly, it served as tangible evidence that the state was accomplishing a long-standing goal to get more meat to its citizenry and improving the diet of the average Soviet worker. Tushonka became a highly visible product in the Soviet Union’s much vaunted push to establish a modern food regime intended to rival that of the United States. Because it was shelf-stable, wartime tushonka had served as a practical food for soldiers, but after the war tushonka became an ideal food for workers who had neither the time nor the space to prepare a home-cooked meal with fresh meat. The Soviet state started to produce its own tushonka because it was such an excellent fit for the needs and abilities of the Soviet state—consumer demand was rarely considered by planners in this era. Not only did tushonka fit the look and taste of a modern processed meat product (that is, it was standard in texture and flavor from can to can, and was an obviously industrially processed product), it was also an excellent way to make the most of the predominant kind of meat the Soviet Union had the in the 1950s: small scraps low-grade pork and beef, trimmings leftover from butchering practices that focused on harvesting as much animal fat, rather than muscle, from the carcass in question. Just like tushonka, pork sausages and frozen pelmeny, a meat-filled pasta dumpling, also became winning postwar foods thanks to a happy synergy of increased animal production, better butchering and new food processing machines. As postwar pigs recovered their populations, the Soviet processed meat industry followed suit. One official source listed twenty-six different kinds of meat products being issued in 1964, although not all of these were pork (Danilov). An instructional manual distributed by the meat and milk syndicate demonstrated how meat shops should wrap and display sausages, and listed 24 different kinds of sausages that all needed a special style of tying up. Because of packaging shortages, the string that bound the sausage was wrapped in a different way for every type of sausage, and shop assistants were expected to be able to identify sausages based on the pattern of their binding. Pelmeny were produced at every meat factory that processed pork. These were “made from start to finish in a special, automated machine, human hands do not touch them. Which makes them a higher quality and better (prevoskhodnogo) product” (Book of Healthy and Delicious Food). These were foods that became possible to produce economically because of a co-occurring increase in pigs, the new standardized practice of equipping meatpacking plants with large-capacity grinders, and freezers or coolers and the enforcement of a system of grading meat. As the state began to rebuild Soviet agriculture from its near-collapse during the war, the Soviet Union looked to the United States for inspiration. Surprisingly, Soviet planners found some of the United States’ more outdated techniques to be quite valuable for new Soviet hog operations. The most striking of these was the adoption of competing phenotypes in the Soviet hog industry. Most major swine varieties had been developed and described in the 19th century in Germany and Great Britain. Breeds had a tendency to split into two phenotypically distinct groups, and in early 20th Century American pig farms, there was strong disagreement as to which style of pig was better suited to industrial conditions of production. Some pigs were “hot-blooded” (in other words, fast maturing and prolific reproducers) while others were a slower “big type” pig (a self-explanatory descriptor). Breeds rarely excelled at both traits and it was a matter of opinion whether speed or size was the most desirable trait to augment. The over-emphasis of either set of qualities damaged survival rates. At their largest, big type pigs resembled small hippopotamuses, and sows were so corpulent they unwittingly crushed their tiny piglets. But the sleeker hot-blooded pigs had a similarly lethal relationship with their young. Sows often produced litters of upwards of a dozen piglets and the stress of tending such a large brood led overwhelmed sows to devour their own offspring (Long). American pig breeders had been forced to navigate between these two undesirable extremes, but by the 1930s, big type pigs were fading in popularity mainly because butter and newly developed plant oils were replacing lard as the cooking fat of preference in American kitchens. The remarkable propensity of the big type to pack on pounds of extra fat was more of a liability than a benefit in this period, as the price that lard and salt pork plummeted in this decade. By the time U.S. meat packers were shipping cans of tushonka to their Soviet allies across the seas, US hog operations had already developed a strong preference for hot-blooded breeds and research had shifted to building and maintaining lean muscle on these swiftly maturing animals. When Soviet industrial planners hoping to learn how to make more tushonka entered the scene however, their interpretation of american efficiency was hardly predictable: scientifically nourished big type pigs may have been advantageous to the United States at midcentury, but the Soviet Union’s farms and hungry citizens had a very different list of needs and wants. At midcentury, Soviet pigs were still handicapped by old-fashioned variables such as cold weather, long winters, poor farm organisation and impoverished feed regimens. The look of the average Soviet hog operation was hardly industrial. In 1955 the typical Soviet pig was petite, shaggy, and slow to reproduce. In the absence of robust dairy or vegetable oil industries, Soviet pigs had always been valued for their fat rather than their meat, and tushonka had been a byproduct of an industry focused mainly on supplying the country with fat and lard. Until the mid 1950s, the most valuable pig on many Soviet state and collective farms was the nondescript but very rotund “lard and bacon” pig, an inefficient eater that could take upwards of two years to reach full maturity. In searching for a way to serve up more tushonka, Soviet planners became aware that their entire industry needed to be revamped. When the Soviet Union looked to the United States, planners were inspired by the earlier competition between hot-blooded and big type pigs, which Soviet planners thought, ambitiously, they could combine into one splendid pig. The Soviet Union imported new pigs from Poland, Lithuania, East Germany and Denmark, trying valiantly to create hybrid pigs that would exhibit both hot blood and big type. Soviet planners were especially interested in inspiring the Poland-China, an especially rotund specimen, to speed up its life cycle during them mid 1950s. Hybrdizing and cross breeding a Soviet super-pig, no matter how closely laid out on paper, was probably always a socialist pipe dream. However, when the Soviets decided to try to outbreed American hog breeders, they created an infrastructure for pigs and pig breeding that had a dramatic positive impact of hog populations across the country, and the 1950s were marked by a large increase in the number of pigs in the Soviet union, as well as dramatic increases in the numbers of purebred and scientific hybrids the country developed, all in the name of tushonka. It was not just the genetic stock that received a makeover in the postwar drive to can more tushonka; a revolution in the barnyard also took place and in less than 10 years, pigs were living in new housing stock and eating new feed sources. The most obvious postwar change was in farm layout and the use of building space. In the early 1950s, many collective farms had been consolidated. In 1940 there were a quarter of a million kolkhozii, by 1951 fewer than half that many remained (NARA RG166). Farm consolidation movements most often combined two, three or four collective farms into one economic unit, thus scaling up the average size and productivity of each collective farm and simplifying their administration. While there were originally ambitious plans to re-center farms around new “agro-city” bases with new, modern farm buildings, these projects were ultimately abandoned. Instead, existing buildings were repurposed and the several clusters of farm buildings that had once been the heart of separate villages acquired different uses. For animals this meant new barns and new daily routines. Barns were redesigned and compartmentalized around ideas of gender and age segregation—weaned baby pigs in one area, farrowing sows in another—as well as maximising growth and health. Pigs spent less outside time and more time at the trough. Pigs that were wanted for different purposes (breeding, meat and lard) were kept in different areas, isolated from each other to minimize the spread of disease as well as improve the efficiency of production. Much like postwar housing for humans, the new and improved pig barn was a crowded and often chaotic place where the electricity, heat and water functioned only sporadically. New barns were supposed to be mechanised. In some places, mechanisation had helped speed things along, but as one American official viewing a new mechanised pig farm in 1955 noted, “it did not appear to be a highly efficient organisation. The mechanised or automated operations, such as the preparation of hog feed, were eclipsed by the amount of hand labor which both preceded and followed the mechanised portion” (NARA RG166 1961). The American official estimated that by mechanizing, Soviet farms had actually increased the amount of human labor needed for farming operations. The other major environmental change took place away from the barnyard, in new crops the Soviet Union began to grow for fodder. The heart and soul of this project was establishing field corn as a major new fodder crop. Originally intended as a feed for cows that would replace hay, corn quickly became the feed of choice for raising pigs. After a visit by a United States delegation to Iowa and other U.S. farms over the summer of 1955, corn became the centerpiece of Khrushchev’s efforts to raise meat and milk productivity. These efforts were what earned Khrushchev his nickname of kukuruznik, or “corn fanatic.” Since so little of the Soviet Union looks or feels much like the plains and hills of Iowa, adopting corn might seem quixotic, but raising corn was a potentially practical move for a cold country. Unlike the other major fodder crops of turnips and potatoes, corn could be harvested early, while still green but already possessing a high level of protein. Corn provided a “gap month” of green feed during July and August, when grazing animals had eaten the first spring green growth but these same plants had not recovered their biomass. What corn remained in the fields in late summer was harvested and made into silage, and corn made the best silage that had been historically available in the Soviet Union. The high protein content of even silage made from green mass and unripe corn ears prevented them from losing weight in the winter. Thus the desire to put more meat on Soviet tables—a desire first prompted by American food donations of surplus pork from Iowa farmers adapting to agro-industrial reordering in their own country—pushed back into the commodity supply network of the Soviet Union. World War II rations that were well adapted to the uncertainty and poor infrastructure not just of war but also of peacetime were a source of inspiration for Soviet planners striving to improve the diets of citizens. To do this, they purchased and bred more and better animals, inventing breeds and paying attention, for the first time, to the efficiency and speed with which these animals were ready to become meat. Reinventing Soviet pigs pushed even back farther, and inspired agricultural economists and state planners to embrace new farm organizational structures. Pigs meant for the tushonka can spent more time inside eating, and led their lives in a rigid compartmentalization that mimicked emerging trends in human urban society. Beyond the barnyard, a new concern with feed-to weight conversions led agriculturalists to seek new crops; crops like corn that were costly to grow but were a perfect food for a pig destined for a tushonka tin. Thus in Soviet industrialization, pigs evolved. No longer simply recyclers of human waste, socialist pigs were consumers in their own right, their newly crafted genetic compositions demanded ever more technical feed sources in order to maximize their own productivity. Food is transformative, and in this case study the prosaic substance of canned meat proved to be unusually transformative for the history of the Soviet Union. In its early history it kept soldiers alive long enough to win an important war, later the requirements for its manufacture re-prioritized muscle tissue over fat tissue in the disassembly of carcasses. This transformative influence reached backwards into the supply lines and farms of the Soviet Union, revolutionizing the scale and goals of farming and meat packing for the Soviet food industry, as well as the relationship between the pig and the consumer. References Bentley, Amy. Eating for Victory: Food Rationing and the Politics of Domesticity. Where: University of Illinois Press, 1998. The Book of Healthy and Delicious Food, Kniga O Vkusnoi I Zdorovoi Pishche. Moscow: AMN Izd., 1952. 161. Danilov, M. M. Tovaravedenie Prodovol’stvennykh Tovarov: Miaso I Miasnye Tovarye. Moscow: Iz. Ekonomika, 1964. Khrushchev, Nikita. Khrushchev Remembers. New York: Little, Brown & Company, 1970. 178. Long, James. The Book of the Pig. London: Upcott Gill, 1886. 102. Lush, Jay & A.L. Anderson, “A Genetic History of Poland-China Swine: I—Early Breed History: The ‘Hot Blood’ versus the ‘Big Type’” Journal of Heredity 30.4 (1939): 149-56. Martel, Leon. Lend-Lease, Loans, and the Coming of the Cold War: A Study of the Implementation of Foreign Policy. Boulder: Westview Press, 1979. 35. National Archive and Records Administration (NARA). RG 59, General Records of the Department of State. Office of Soviet Union affairs, Box 6. “Records relating to Lend Lease with the USSR 1941-1952”. National Archive and Records Administration (NARA). RG166, Records of the Foreign Agricultural Service. Narrative reports 1940-1954. USSR Cotton-USSR Foreign trade. Box 64, Folder “farm management”. Report written by David V Kelly, 6 Apr. 1951. National Archive and Records Administration (NARA). RG 166, Records of the Foreign Agricultural Service. Narrative Reports 1955-1961. Folder: “Agriculture” “Visits to Soviet agricultural installations,” 15 Nov. 1961. Skeoch, L.A. Food Prices and Ration Scale in the Ukraine, 1946 The Review of Economics and Statistics 35.3 (Aug. 1953), 229-35. State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF). Fond R-7021. The Report of Extraordinary Special State Commission on Wartime Losses Resulting from the German-Fascist Occupation cites the following losses in the German takeover. 1948. Stettinus, Edward R. Jr. Lend-Lease: Weapon for Victory. Penguin Books, 1944.

In Ireland today, we eat more pigmeat per capita, approximately 32.4 kilograms, than any other meat, yet you very seldom if ever see a pig (C.S.O.). Fat and flavour are two words that are synonymous with pig meat, yet scientists have spent the last thirty years cross breeding to produce leaner, low-fat pigs. Today’s pig professionals prefer to use the term “pig finishing” as opposed to the more traditional “pig fattening” (Tuite). The pig evokes many themes in relation to cuisine. Charles Lamb (1775-1834), in his essay Dissertation upon Roast Pig, cites Confucius in attributing the accidental discovery of the art of roasting to the humble pig. The pig has been singled out by many cultures as a food to be avoided or even abhorred, and Harris (1997) illustrates the environmental effect this avoidance can have by contrasting the landscape of Christian Albania with that of Muslim Albania.This paper will focus on the pig in Irish cuisine and culture from ancient times to the present day. The inspiration for this paper comes from a folklore tale about how Saint Martin created the pig from a piece of fat. The story is one of a number recorded by Seán Ó Conaill, the famous Kerry storyteller and goes as follows:From St Martin’s fat they were made. He was travelling around, and one night he came to a house and yard. At that time there were only cattle; there were no pigs or piglets. He asked the man of the house if there was anything to eat the chaff and the grain. The man replied there were only the cattle. St Martin said it was a great pity to have that much chaff going to waste. At night when they were going to bed, he handed a piece of fat to the servant-girl and told her to put it under a tub, and not to look at it at all until he would give her the word next day. The girl did so, but she kept a bit of the fat and put it under a keeler to find out what it would be.When St Martin rose next day he asked her to go and lift up the tub. She lifted it up, and there under it were a sow and twelve piglets. It was a great wonder to them, as they had never before seen pig or piglet.The girl then went to the keeler and lifted it, and it was full of mice and rats! As soon as the keeler was lifted, they went running about the house searching for any hole that they could go into. When St Martin saw them, he pulled off one of his mittens and threw it at them and made a cat with that throw. And that is why the cat ever since goes after mice and rats (Ó Conaill).The place of the pig has long been established in Irish literature, and longer still in Irish topography. The word torc, a boar, like the word muc, a pig, is a common element of placenames, from Kanturk (boar’s head) in West Cork to Ros Muc (headland of pigs) in West Galway. The Irish pig had its place in literature well established long before George Orwell’s English pig, Major, headed the dictatorship in Animal Farm. It was a wild boar that killed the hero Diarmaid in the Fenian tale The Pursuit of Diarmaid and Gráinne, on top of Ben Bulben in County Sligo (Mac Con Iomaire). In Ancient and Medieval Ireland, wild boars were hunted with great fervour, and the prime cuts were reserved for the warrior classes, and certain other individuals. At a feast, a leg of pork was traditionally reserved for a king, a haunch for a queen, and a boar’s head for a charioteer. The champion warrior was given the best portion of meat (Curath Mhir or Champions’ Share), and fights often took place to decide who should receive it. Gantz (1981) describes how in the ninth century tale The story of Mac Dathó’s Pig, Cet mac Matach, got supremacy over the men of Ireland: “Moreover he flaunted his valour on high above the valour of the host, and took a knife in his hand and sat down beside the pig. “Let someone be found now among the men of Ireland”, said he, “to endure battle with me, or leave the pig for me to divide!”It did not take long before the wild pigs were domesticated. Whereas cattle might be kept for milk and sheep for wool, the only reason for pig rearing was as a source of food. Until the late medieval period, the “domesticated” pigs were fattened on woodland mast, the fruit of the beech, oak, chestnut and whitethorn, giving their flesh a delicious flavour. So important was this resource that it is acknowledged by an entry in the Annals of Clonmacnoise for the year 1038: “There was such an abundance of ackornes this yeare that it fattened the pigges [runts] of pigges” (Sexton 45). In another mythological tale, two pig keepers, one called ‘friuch’ after the boars bristle (pig keeper to the king of Munster) and the other called ‘rucht’ after its grunt (pig keeper to the king of Connacht), were such good friends that the one from the north would bring his pigs south when there was a mast of oak and beech nuts in Munster. If the mast fell in Connacht, the pig-keeper from the south would travel northward. Competitive jealousy sparked by troublemakers led to the pig keepers casting spells on each other’s herds to the effect that no matter what mast they ate they would not grow fat. Both pig keepers were practised in the pagan arts and could form themselves into any shape, and having been dismissed by their kings for the leanness of their pig herds due to the spells, they eventually formed themselves into the two famous bulls that feature in the Irish Epic The Táin (Kinsella).In the witty and satirical twelfth century text, The Vision of Mac Conglinne (Aisling Mhic Conglinne), many references are made to the various types of pig meat. Bacon, hams, sausages and puddings are often mentioned, and the gate to the fortress in the visionary land of plenty is described thus: “there was a gate of tallow to it, whereon was a bolt of sausage” (Jackson).Although pigs were always popular in Ireland, the emergence of the potato resulted in an increase in both human and pig populations. The Irish were the first Europeans to seriously consider the potato as a staple food. By 1663 it was widely accepted in Ireland as an important food plant and by 1770 it was known as the Irish Potato (Mac Con Iomaire and Gallagher). The potato transformed Ireland from an under populated island of one million in the 1590s to 8.2 million in 1840, making it the most densely populated country in Europe. Two centuries of genetic evolution resulted in potato yields growing from two tons per acre in 1670 to ten tons per acre in 1800. A constant supply of potato, which was not seen as a commercial crop, ensured that even the smallest holding could keep a few pigs on a potato-rich diet. Pat Tuite, an expert on pigs with Teagasc, the Irish Agricultural and Food Development Authority, reminded me that the potatoes were cooked for the pigs and that they also enjoyed whey, the by product of both butter and cheese making (Tuite). The agronomist, Arthur Young, while travelling through Ireland, commented in 1770 that in the town of Mitchelstown in County Cork “there seemed to be more pigs than human beings”. So plentiful were pigs at this time that on the eve of the Great Famine in 1841 the pig population was calculated to be 1,412,813 (Sexton 46). Some of the pigs were kept for home consumption but the rest were a valuable source of income and were shown great respect as the gentleman who paid the rent. Until the early twentieth century most Irish rural households kept some pigs.Pork was popular and was the main meat eaten at all feasts in the main houses; indeed a feast was considered incomplete without a whole roasted pig. In the poorer holdings, fresh pork was highly prized, as it was only available when a pig of their own was killed. Most of the pig was salted, placed in the brine barrel for a period or placed up the chimney for smoking.Certain superstitions were observed concerning the time of killing. Pigs were traditionally killed only in months that contained the letter “r”, since the heat of the summer months caused the meat to turn foul. In some counties it was believed that pigs should be killed under the full moon (Mahon 58). The main breed of pig from the medieval period was the Razor Back or Greyhound Pig, which was very efficient in converting organic waste into meat (Fitzgerald). The killing of the pig was an important ritual and a social occasion in rural Ireland, for it meant full and plenty for all. Neighbours, who came to help, brought a handful of salt for the curing, and when the work was done each would get a share of the puddings and the fresh pork. There were a number of days where it was traditional to kill a pig, the Michaelmas feast (29 September), Saint Martins Day (11 November) and St Patrick’s Day (17 March). Olive Sharkey gives a vivid description of the killing of the barrow pig in rural Ireland during the 1930s. A barrow pig is a male pig castrated before puberty:The local slaughterer (búistéir) a man experienced in the rustic art of pig killing, was approached to do the job, though some farmers killed their own pigs. When the búistéirarrived the whole family gathered round to watch the killing. His first job was to plunge the knife in the pig’s heart via the throat, using a special knife. The screeching during this performance was something awful, but the animal died instantly once the heart had been reached, usually to a round of applause from the onlookers. The animal was then draped across a pig-gib, a sort of bench, and had the fine hairs on its body scraped off. To make this a simple job the animal was immersed in hot water a number of times until the bristles were softened and easy to remove. If a few bristles were accidentally missed the bacon was known as ‘hairy bacon’!During the killing of the pig it was imperative to draw a good flow of blood to ensure good quality meat. This blood was collected in a bucket for the making of puddings. The carcass would then be hung from a hook in the shed with a basin under its head to catch the drip, and a potato was often placed in the pig’s mouth to aid the dripping process. After a few days the carcass would be dissected. Sharkey recalls that her father maintained that each pound weight in the pig’s head corresponded to a stone weight in the body. The body was washed and then each piece that was to be preserved was carefully salted and placed neatly in a barrel and hermetically sealed. It was customary in parts of the midlands to add brown sugar to the barrel at this stage, while in other areas juniper berries were placed in the fire when hanging the hams and flitches (sides of bacon), wrapped in brown paper, in the chimney for smoking (Sharkey 166). While the killing was predominantly men’s work, it was the women who took most responsibility for the curing and smoking. Puddings have always been popular in Irish cuisine. The pig’s intestines were washed well and soaked in a stream, and a mixture of onions, lard, spices, oatmeal and flour were mixed with the blood and the mixture was stuffed into the casing and boiled for about an hour, cooled and the puddings were divided amongst the neighbours.The pig was so palatable that the famous gastronomic writer Grimod de la Reyniere once claimed that the only piece you couldn’t eat was the “oink”. Sharkey remembers her father remarking that had they been able to catch the squeak they would have made tin whistles out of it! No part went to waste; the blood and offal were used, the trotters were known as crubeens (from crúb, hoof), and were boiled and eaten with cabbage. In Galway the knee joint was popular and known as the glúiníns (from glún, knee). The head was roasted whole or often boiled and pressed and prepared as Brawn. The chitterlings (small intestines) were meticulously prepared by continuous washing in cool water and the picking out of undigested food and faeces. Chitterlings were once a popular bar food in Dublin. Pig hair was used for paintbrushes and the bladder was occasionally inflated, using a goose quill, to be used as a football by the children. Meindertsma (2007) provides a pictorial review of the vast array of products derived from a single pig. These range from ammunition and porcelain to chewing gum.From around the mid-eighteenth century, commercial salting of pork and bacon grew rapidly in Ireland. 1820 saw Henry Denny begin operation in Waterford where he both developed and patented several production techniques for bacon. Bacon curing became a very important industry in Munster culminating in the setting up of four large factories. Irish bacon was the brand leader and the Irish companies exported their expertise. Denny set up a plant in Denmark in 1894 and introduced the Irish techniques to the Danish industry, while O’Mara’s set up bacon curing facilities in Russia in 1891 (Cowan and Sexton). Ireland developed an extensive export trade in bacon to England, and hams were delivered to markets in Paris, India, North and South America. The “sandwich method” of curing, or “dry cure”, was used up until 1862 when the method of injecting strong brine into the meat by means of a pickling pump was adopted by Irish bacon-curers. 1887 saw the formation of the Bacon Curers’ Pig Improvement Association and they managed to introduce a new breed, the Large White Ulster into most regions by the turn of the century. This breed was suitable for the production of “Wiltshire” bacon. Cork, Waterford Dublin and Belfast were important centres for bacon but it was Limerick that dominated the industry and a Department of Agriculture document from 1902 suggests that the famous “Limerick cure” may have originated by chance:1880 […] Limerick producers were short of money […] they produced what was considered meat in a half-cured condition. The unintentional cure proved extremely popular and others followed suit. By the turn of the century the mild cure procedure was brought to such perfection that meat could [… be] sent to tropical climates for consumption within a reasonable time (Cowan and Sexton).Failure to modernise led to the decline of bacon production in Limerick in the 1960s and all four factories closed down. The Irish pig market was protected prior to joining the European Union. There were no imports, and exports were subsidised by the Pigs and Bacon Commission. The Department of Agriculture started pig testing in the early 1960s and imported breeds from the United Kingdom and Scandinavia. The two main breeds were Large White and Landrace. Most farms kept pigs before joining the EU but after 1972, farmers were encouraged to rationalise and specialise. Grants were made available for facilities that would keep 3,000 pigs and these grants kick started the development of large units.Pig keeping and production were not only rural occupations; Irish towns and cities also had their fair share. Pigs could easily be kept on swill from hotels, restaurants, not to mention the by-product and leftovers of the brewing and baking industries. Ed Hick, a fourth generation pork butcher from south County Dublin, recalls buying pigs from a local coal man and bus driver and other locals for whom it was a tradition to keep pigs on the side. They would keep some six or eight pigs at a time and feed them on swill collected locally. Legislation concerning the feeding of swill introduced in 1985 (S.I.153) and an amendment in 1987 (S.I.133) required all swill to be heat-treated and resulted in most small operators going out of business. Other EU directives led to the shutting down of thousands of slaughterhouses across Europe. Small producers like Hick who slaughtered at most 25 pigs a week in their family slaughterhouse, states that it was not any one rule but a series of them that forced them to close. It was not uncommon for three inspectors, a veterinarian, a meat inspector and a hygiene inspector, to supervise himself and his brother at work. Ed Hick describes the situation thus; “if we had taken them on in a game of football, we would have lost! We were seen as a huge waste of veterinary time and manpower”.Sausages and rashers have long been popular in Dublin and are the main ingredients in the city’s most famous dish “Dublin Coddle.” Coddle is similar to an Irish stew except that it uses pork rashers and sausage instead of lamb. It was, traditionally, a Saturday night dish when the men came home from the public houses. Terry Fagan has a book on Dublin Folklore called Monto: Murder, Madams and Black Coddle. The black coddle resulted from soot falling down the chimney into the cauldron. James Joyce describes Denny’s sausages with relish in Ulysses, and like many other Irish emigrants, he would welcome visitors from home only if they brought Irish sausages and Irish whiskey with them. Even today, every family has its favourite brand of sausages: Byrne’s, Olhausens, Granby’s, Hafner’s, Denny’s Gold Medal, Kearns and Superquinn are among the most popular. Ironically the same James Joyce, who put Dublin pork kidneys on the world table in Ulysses, was later to call his native Ireland “the old sow that eats her own farrow” (184-5).The last thirty years have seen a concerted effort to breed pigs that have less fat content and leaner meat. There are no pure breeds of Landrace or Large White in production today for they have been crossbred for litter size, fat content and leanness (Tuite). Many experts feel that they have become too lean, to the detriment of flavour and that the meat can tend to split when cooked. Pig production is now a complicated science and tighter margins have led to only large-scale operations being financially viable (Whittemore). The average size of herd has grown from 29 animals in 1973, to 846 animals in 1997, and the highest numbers are found in counties Cork and Cavan (Lafferty et al.). The main players in today’s pig production/processing are the large Irish Agribusiness Multinationals Glanbia, Kerry Foods and Dairygold. Tuite (2002) expressed worries among the industry that there may be no pig production in Ireland in twenty years time, with production moving to Eastern Europe where feed and labour are cheaper. When it comes to traceability, in the light of the Foot and Mouth, BSE and Dioxin scares, many feel that things were much better in the old days, when butchers like Ed Hick slaughtered animals that were reared locally and then sold them back to local consumers. Hick has recently killed pigs for friends who have begun keeping them for home consumption. This slaughtering remains legal as long as the meat is not offered for sale.Although bacon and cabbage, and the full Irish breakfast with rashers, sausages and puddings, are considered to be some of Ireland’s most well known traditional dishes, there has been a growth in modern interpretations of traditional pork and bacon dishes in the repertoires of the seemingly ever growing number of talented Irish chefs. Michael Clifford popularised Clonakilty Black Pudding as a starter in his Cork restaurant Clifford’s in the late 1980s, and its use has become widespread since, as a starter or main course often partnered with either caramelised apples or red onion marmalade. Crubeens (pigs trotters) have been modernised “a la Pierre Kaufman” by a number of Irish chefs, who bone them out and stuff them with sweetbreads. Kevin Thornton, the first Irish chef to be awarded two Michelin stars, has roasted suckling pig as one of his signature dishes. Richard Corrigan is keeping the Irish flag flying in London in his Michelin starred Soho restaurant, Lindsay House, where traditional pork and bacon dishes from his childhood are creatively re-interpreted with simplicity and taste.Pork, ham and bacon are, without doubt, the most traditional of all Irish foods, featuring in the diet since prehistoric times. Although these meats remain the most consumed per capita in post “Celtic Tiger” Ireland, there are a number of threats facing the country’s pig industry. Large-scale indoor production necessitates the use of antibiotics. European legislation and economic factors have contributed in the demise of the traditional art of pork butchery. Scientific advancements have resulted in leaner low-fat pigs, many argue, to the detriment of flavour. Alas, all is not lost. There is a growth in consumer demand for quality local food, and some producers like J. Hick & Sons, and Prue & David Rudd and Family are leading the way. The Rudds process and distribute branded antibiotic-free pig related products with the mission of “re-inventing the tastes of bygone days with the quality of modern day standards”. Few could argue with the late Irish writer John B. Keane (72): “When this kind of bacon is boiling with its old colleague, white cabbage, there is a gurgle from the pot that would tear the heart out of any hungry man”.ReferencesCowan, Cathal and Regina Sexton. Ireland's Traditional Foods: An Exploration of Irish Local & Typical Foods & Drinks. Dublin: Teagasc, 1997.C.S.O. Central Statistics Office. Figures on per capita meat consumption for 2009, 2010. Ireland. http://www.cso.ie.Fitzgerald, Oisin. "The Irish 'Greyhound' Pig: an extinct indigenous breed of Pig." History Ireland13.4 (2005): 20-23.Gantz, Jeffrey Early Irish Myths and Sagas. New York: Penguin, 1981.Harris, Marvin. "The Abominable Pig." Food and Culture: A Reader. Eds. Carole Counihan and Penny Van Esterik. 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