Journal articles on the topic 'Samuel Sebastian'

Beschrieben wird eine neue Quelle zu Johann Sebastian Bachs 'Musikalischem Opfer'. Es handelt sich um ein MS aus dem Nachlass von Samuel Sebastian Wesley (1810-76), das sich heute in der Londoner British Library befindet (Add. MS 40636). (Oliver Schöner, Quelle: Bibliographie des Musikschrifttums online)

Im Südwesten Sachsens, in den Städten Glauchau und Waldenburg und der Umgegend, können die folgenden Bachschüler gefunden werden: Christian Samuel Barth, Johann Gottlieb Söllner, Jacob Ernst Hübner und Johann Gottlob Förtzsch. in der zweiten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts hatten viele der in diesem Bereich tätigen Musiker ihre Ausbildung bei den Bach-Schülern Johann Friedrich Doles und Gottfried August Homilius erhalten. Eine Besonderheit der Musikgeschichte stellen die Werke von Johann Christian Kuntze (1747-1821) dar. Kuntze war zwar als Landwirt und Stadtrat in seiner Heimat Grumbach tätig, komponierte aber auch in seiner Freizeit und produzierte sechs Fugen zum Thema B-a-c-h in Erinnerung an J. S. Bach. (Übertragung des englischen Resümees am Ende des Bandes)

Salah satu tantangan baru bagi dunia kerja adalah tingginya jumlah millennial (Generasi Y) yang masuk kedalam dunia kerja dengan keistimewaan yang cenderung berbeda dengan generasi-generasi sebelumnya. Dalam dunia pekerjaan, millennial sering disebut-sebut sebagai generasi yang menyukai kebebasan dan fleksibilitas seperti kebebasan belajar, bekerja, maupun berbisnis. Generasi ini juga dikatakan sebagai challenge seeker. Tahun 2020 hingga tahun 2030 diprediksi bahwa Indonesia akan mencapai puncak populasi usia produktif sebesar 70% dari total penduduk Indonesia (Sebastian, Amran, dan Youth Lab, 2016). Hal ini bisa menjadi keuntungan untuk perekonomian dan kemajuan Indonesia apabila generasi millennial sebagai generasi dengan jumlah yang besar bisa dikelola dengan baik. Terlebih lagi apabila setiap perusahaan dapat mengelola tenaga kerja millenialnya. Generasi Y telah menjadi topik penelitian yang sudah banyak diangkat di dunia karena banyaknya usia produktif dan angkatan kerja yang didominasi oleh generasi tersebut. Hanya saja di Indonesia masih sedikit penelitian yang mengangkat topik mengenai generasi Y. Alasan yang melatarbelakangi dilakukannya penelitian ini adalah penelitian sebelumnya mengenai generasiY yang dilakukan di Amerika maupun negara-negara lainnya belum tentu sama dengan karakteristik generasi Y di Indonesia. Adapun jumlah sampel adalah 200 sampel. Hal ini sudah memenuhi syarat minimum sampel yang mampu digunakan untuk olah data statistik. Namun yang digunakan hanya 100 data karena data lainnya tidak bisa digunakan dalam penelitian dengan alasan jawaban responden yang tidak merata pada setiap kuesionernya.

Abstract The microhistory of the Amsterdam-based Sebastiaan Petzold († 1704) demonstrates that in the Early Modern Period booksellers without a network were hardly able to manage professionally in the Republic of Letters. Petzold relied especially on patronage from Socinianist circles. The Socinian theologian Samuel Crellius (1660-1747) saw to it that Petzold was able to publish three highly controversial Socinian works, including the notorious Platonisme devoilé (1700). Petzold was also introduced to some prominent English booksellers thanks to Crell, which provided him with access to the international market. Another patron was the Berlin court preacher Daniel Ernst Jablonski (1660-1741), who recommended Petzold to Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz. In Amsterdam the literary society ‘In Magnis Voluisse Sat Est’ commissioned Petzold to publish the complete works of Lucretius, an Epicurean work which was a favourite in anti-clerical circles. In spite of this support, in the end Petzold was besieged by creditors, instead of authors thronging at his door.

NR-1 SINDROME DE WALLENBERG EN EL CONTEXTO DE UNA EMERGENCIA HIPERTENSIVA (COGOLLO MARYSABEL, USTA EDUARDO) NR-2 ESCLEROSIS MÚLTIPLE EN UNA PACIENTE CON SECUELAS DE POLIOMIELITIS (COGOLLO MARYSABEL, USTA EDUARDO, BORRÉ DIANA) NR- 3 SÍNDROME DE VASOCONSTRICCIÓN CEREBRAL REVERSIBLE SECUNDARIO A PARAGANGLIOMA CAROTÍDEO METANEFRINA POSITIVO (ARENAS MAYRA, RICAURTE ANDRÉS, OCAMPO MARIA ISABEL, BARACALDO IVÁN, CORAL JULIANA, JUAN ANDRÉS MEJÍA) NR-4 SÍNDROME DE CALL-FLEMING Y HEMORRAGIA SUBARACNOIDEA ASOCIADO A INHIBIDOR DE AROMATASA: CLAVES EN SU ABORDAJE DIAGNÓSTICO Y TERAPÉUTICO (CORAL JULIANA, MCCORMICK SILVIA, RICAURTE ANDRÉS, BARRACALDO IVÁN, JIMÉNEZ CAMILO, MEJÍA JUAN) NR-5 PARÁMETROS DE RESPIRACIÓN MITOCONDRIAL ESTÁN RELACIONADOS CON LA SEVERIDAD DE SÍNTOMAS COGNITIVOS EN PACIENTES CON ENFERMEDAD DE PARKINSON (PAYÁN-GÓMEZ CÉSAR, MOLANO NICOLÁS, MILANESE CHIARA, MASTROBERARDINO PIER GIORGIO) NR-6 ANGEÍTIS PRIMARIA DEL SISTEMA NERVIOSO CENTRAL EN MUJER CON DEMENCIA RAPIDAMENTE PROGRESIVA: UN REPORTE DE CASO (RIVERA NEIBY, PRIETO JAVIER, BERNAL ADRIANA, MÉNDEZ JUAN, LEGRO GIOVANNI) NR-7 VASCULITIS DE SISTEMA NERVIOSO CENTRAL EN UNA INSTITUCIÓN DE COLOMBIA DURANTE LOS AÑOS 2014 – 2018 (PÉREZ MARÍA ALEJANDRA, ZULUAGA JUAN DAVID, ROA LUIS FERNANDO) NR-8 ENCEFALITIS AUTOINMUNE POR ANTICUERPOS CONTRA EL RECEPTOR DE NMDA (GRANELA KATYA, BUZÓN EVERT, CHÁVEZ SAMUEL, BROCHADO LEONARDO) NR-9 POLINEUROPATÍA COMO PRESENTACIÓN DE AMILOIDOSIS ASOCIADA A VASCULITIS NECTROTIZANTE (CABRA ANDREA, PRIETO JAVIER, CUERVO MAURICIO) NR-10 DIPLEJIA FACIAL, VARIANTE ATÍPICA DEL SÍNDROME DE GUILLAIN BARRE (CÁRDENAS JOSÉ M., QUINTERO DIANA C.*, LÓPEZ JUANITA, JARAMILLO WILLIAM, HERNÁNDEZ LINA, KLINGER HELEN, OSORIO JUAN M) NR-11 SINDROME ENCEFALOPATIA POSTERIOR REVERSIBLE (PRES): DIAGNOSTICO DIFERENCIAL DE CONVULSIONES EN LUPUS ERITEMATOSO SISTEMICO (FUENTES CARLOS, ESPINOSA DAVID, MORA JAVIER, CUERVO JESSICA, OVIEDO PABLO, PRIETO JAVIER) NR-12 COMPLICACIONES NEUROLOGICAS DEL ALCOHOLISMO (AGUDELO ESTEBAN, ALTMAN DAVID, ÁLVAREZ SEBASTIÁN, ÁNGEL JUAN, ÁNGEL PAOLA, RIOS CESAR AUGUSTO*, BALCAZAR CARLOS MARIO, CARDENAS JOSE MAURICIO)

Omówienie debaty akademickiej na temat kampu i teorii queer w Polsce w kontekście publikacji: Sebastian Jagielski, "Maskarady męskości. Pragnienie homospołeczne w polskim kinie fabularnym", Universitas, Kraków 2013; "Kamp. Antologia przekładów", red. Przemysław Czapliński, Anna Mizerka, Universitas, Kraków 2012; Samuel Nowak, "Seksualny kapitał. Wyobrażone wspólnoty smaku i medialne tożsamości polskich gejów", Universitas, Kraków 2013; Małgorzata Radkiewcz, "Oblicza kina queer", korporacja ha!art, Kraków 2013; "Teorie wywrotowe. Antologia przekładów", red. Agnieszka Gajewska, Wydawnictwo Poznańskie, Poznań 2012; Błażej Warkocki, "Różowy język. Literatura i polityka kultury na początku wieku", Wydawnictwo Krytyki Politycznej, Warszawa 2013.

Penggunaan gas CO2 untuk meningkatkan perolehan minyak bumi memerlukan tekanan agar terjadi kelarutan yang sempurna antara minyak dengan gas CO2 tersebut sehingga memerlukan tekanan tercampur. Oleh karena itu dilakukan penelitian terlebih dahulu sebelum dilaksanakan di lapangan, penentuan tekanan tercampur pada penelitian ini dilaksanakan dengan dua metode yaitu percobaan dan perhitungan korelasi. Penelitian penentuan tekanan terhadap tercampur minimum (TTM) pada injeksi CO2 dilakukan terhadap satu sampel dari sumur “X” dilapangan “Y” untuk reservoir “Z”. Reservoir “Z” memiliki API Gravity sebesar 390 API dan suhu reservoir sebesar 1700F. perhitungan tekanan tercampu minimum menggunakan 5 korelasi. Korelasi Holm Josendal (1980), Yellig Metcalfe (1980), National Petroleum Council, Cronquist Et Al (1978) dan Sebastian Et Al (1978). Sedangkan sebagai pembandingnya akan dilakukan dengan metode slimtube apparatus. Hasil perhitungan korelasi penentuan Tekanana Tercampur Minimum (TTM) pada sumur “X” untuk masing – masing metode adalah Holm dan Josendal (1980) sebesar 2350 psig, Yellig Metcalfe sebesar 2114 psig, National Petroleum Council 1550 psig, Cronquist Et Al sebesar 1749 psig dan Sebastian Et Al sebesar 513 psig. Percobaan Tekanan Tercampur Minimum (TTM) dengan slimtube pada reservoir “Z” menggunakan tekanan sebesar 2500 psig, 2750 psig, 3000 psig, 3250 psig, 3500psig dan 4000 psig. Dari percobaan tersebut didapatkan Tekanan Tercampur Minimum (TTM) sebesar 3150 psig dan korelasi yang paling mendekati hasil laboratorium adalah korelasi Holm dan Josendal dan Yellig dan Metcalfe dengan Tekanan Tercampur Minimum (TTM) sebesar 2350 psig dan 2114 psig.

<p>Cuadernos del Mundial de la CLACSO</p><p>EL SILENCIO “DEPORTIVO” DE LAS CIENCIAS SOCIALES . 3<br />Pablo Alabarces, Universidad de Buenos Aires, UBA, Argentina</p><p><br />LAS NACIONES ARGENTINA Y BRASILEÑA A TRAVÉS DEL FÚTBOL 4<br />Simoni Lahud Guedes, Universidade Federal Fluminense, UFF, Brasil,<br />(Traducción del portugués Lucía Eilbaum)</p><p>BRASIL 2014: EL MUNDIAL DE LO SOCIAL . 10<br />Fernando Carrión Mena, Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, Flacso, Ecuador.</p><p>LAS TRAMPAS DE LA IMAGINACIÓN SOCIOLÓGICA: UNA RESPUESTA A FERNANDO CARRIÓN . 12<br />Pablo Gentili, Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales, Clacso, Argentina.</p><p>FÚTBOL, MUJERES Y MUNDIAL . 15<br />Verónica Moreira, Universidad de Buenos Aires, UBA, Argentina</p><p>EL PAÍS DEL FÚTBOL. ¿EL PAÍS DEL FÚTBOL? 17<br />Ronaldo Helal, Universidad del Estado de Rio de Janeiro, UERJ, Brasil</p><p>MERCADO, NEOLIBERALISMO Y COMUNIDAD: UN CHILE NUEVO EN EL CAMPO DE JUEGO . 19<br />Rodrigo Soto, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Valparaíso, Chile Sebastián Ponce y Carlos Vergara, Universidad de Valparaíso, Chile</p><p>CARTA PARA EDUARDO GALEANO DE UNA ANTROPÓLOGA QUE VISITA EL LIBRO EL FUTBOL A SOL Y SOMBRA 22<br />Beatriz Vélez, Institute National de la Recherche Scientifique, INRS, Canadá</p><p>ESPERAR LO INESPERADO . 26<br />Gabriel Restrepo, Universidad Nacional de Colombia</p><p>LAS ELECCIONES, EL ESPEJISMO DE LA PATRIA Y LA COPA MUNDO: APUNTES DESDE BRASIL SOBRE LA CAMPAÑA DEL GOBIERNO SANTOS Y DE LA SELECCIÓN COLOMBIA 29<br />David Leonardo Quitián Roldán, Universidade Federal Fluminense, UFF, Brasil</p><p>¿FUTOPÍAS “PATRÓN FIFA”? COSTA RICA EN BRASIL 2014 . 33<br />Sergio Villena Fiengo, Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, Flacso, Costa Rica</p><p>LA SELECCIÓN MEXICANA DE FÚTBOL: ALGUNAS IMÁGENES, PREGUNTAS Y CAVILACIONES . 36<br />José Samuel Martínez López, Universidad Iberoamericana de la Ciudad de México</p><p>ARTIGAS Y SUÁREZ. EL “LUGAR” DEL FÚTBOL EN LA SOCIEDAD URUGUAYA . 40<br />Gerardo Caetano, Universidad de La República, Uruguay.</p>

06–194Altarriba, Jeanette & Jennifer L. Gianico (U Albany, State U New York, USA), Lexical ambiguity resolution across languages: A theoretical and empirical review. Experimental Psychology (Hogrefe & Huber Publishers) 50.3 (2003), 159–170.06–195Bialystok, Ellen (York U, Canada; ellenb@yorku.ca) & Dana Shapero, Ambiguous benefits: The effect of bilingualism on reversing ambiguous figures. Developmental Science (Blackwell) 8.6 (2005), 595.06–196Blot, J. Kevin (Clark U & Boston College, USA), Michael A. Zaraté & Paul B. Paulus, Code-switching across brainstorming sessions: Implications for the revised hierarchical model of bilingual language processing. Experimental Psychology (Hogrefe & Huber Publishers) 50.3 (2003), 171–183.06–197Costa, Albert (U Barcelona, Spain; acosta@ub.edu), Mikel Santesteban & Agnès Caño, On the facilitatory effects of cognate words in bilingual speech production. Brain and Language (Elsevier) 94.1 (2005), 94–103.06–198De Diego Balaguer, R. (Faculté de Médecine, Paris XII, France), N. Sebastián-Gallés, B. Díaz & A. Rodríguez-Fornells, Morphological processing in early bilinguals: An ERP study of regular and irregular verb processing. Cognitive Brain Research (Elsevier) 25.1 (2005), 312–327.06–199Elston-Güttler, Kerrie E. (Max Planck Institute of Human Cognitive and Brain Sciences, Leipzig, Germany; km.guettler@t.online.de) & Angela D. Friederici, Native and L2 processing of homonyms in sentential context. Journal of Memory and Language (Elsevier) 52.2 (2005), 256–283.06–200Luka, Barbara J. (Bard College, USA; Luka@bard.edu) & Lawrence W. Barsalou, Structural facilitation: Mere exposure effects for grammatical acceptability as evidence for syntactic priming in comprehension. Journal of Memory and Language (Elsevier) 52.3 (2005), 436–459.06–201McLaughlin, Judith (U Washington, USA; giuditta@u.washington.edu), Lee Osterhout & Albert Kim, Neural correlates of second- language word learning: Minimal instruction produces rapid change. Nature Neuroscience (Nature Publishing Group) 7 (2004), 703–704.06–202Mechelli, Andrea (Wellcome Department of Imaging Neuroscience, U London, UK; a.mechelli@fil.ion.ucl.ac.uk), Jenny T. Crinion, Uta Noppeney, John O'Doherty, John Ashburner, Richard S. Frackowiak & Cathy J. Price, Neurolinguistics: Structural plasticity in the bilingual brain. Nature (Nature Publishing Group) 431.757 (2004), 256–283.06–203Meijer, Paul J. A. (Clark U & Boston College, USA) & Jean E. Fox Tree, Building syntactic structures in speaking: A bilingual exploration. Experimental Psychology (Hogrefe & Huber Publishers) 50.3 (2003), 184–195.06–204Moreno, Eva M. (U Califonia, USA; kutas@cogsci.ucsd.edu) & Marta Kutas, Processing semantic anomalies in two languages: An electrophysiological exploration in both languages of Spanish–English bilinguals. Cognitive Brain Research (Elsevier) 22.2 (2005), 205–220.06–205Pallier, C. (Service Hospitalier Fredrik Joliot, Orsay, France; pallier@lscp.ehess.fr), S. Dehaene, J.-B. Poline, D. Lebihan, A.-M. Argenti, E. Dupoux & J. Mehler, Brain imaging of language plasticity in adopted adults: Can a second language replace the first?Cerebral Cortex (Oxford University Press) 13.2 (2003), 155–161.06–206Reiterer, Susanne (U Vienna, Austria; Susanne.Reiterer@med.uni-tuebingen.de), Claudia Hemmelmann, Peter Rappelsberger & Michael L. Berger, Characteristic functional networks in high- versus low-proficiency second-language speakers detected also during native language processing: An explorative EEG coherence study in 6 frequency bands. Cognitive Brain Research (Elsevier) 25.2 (2005), 566–578.06–207Tham, Wendy W. P. (Nanyang Technological U, Singapore), Susan J. Rickard Liow, Jagath C. Rajapakse, Tan Choong Leong, Samuel E. S. Ng, Winston E. H. Lim & Lynn G. Homoreno, Phonological processing in Chinese–English bilingual biscriptals: An fMRI study. Neuroimage (Elsevier) 28.3 (2005), 579–587.

RACHAEL. It seems you feel our work is not a benefit to the public.DECKARD. Replicants are like any other machine. They're either a benefit or a hazard. If they're a benefit it's not my problem.RACHAEL. May I ask you a personal question?DECKARD. Yes.RACHAEL. Have you every retired a human by mistake? (Scott 17:30) CAPTCHAs (henceforth "captchas") are commonplace on today's Internet. Their purpose seems clear: block malicious software, allow human users to pass. But as much as they exclude spambots, captchas often exclude humans with visual and other disabilities (Dzieza; W3C Working Group). Worse yet, more and more advanced captcha-breaking technology has resulted in more and more challenging captchas, raising the barrier between online services and those who would access them. In the words of inclusive design advocate Robin Christopherson, "CAPTCHAs are evil". In this essay I describe how the captcha industry implements a posthuman process that speculative fiction has gestured toward but not grasped. The hostile posthumanity of captcha is not just a technical problem, nor just a problem of usability or access. Rather, captchas convey a design philosophy that asks humans to prove themselves by performing well at disembodied games. This philosophy has its roots in the Turing Test itself, whose terms guide speculation away from the real problems that today's authentication systems present. Drawing the concept of "procedurality" from game studies, I argue that, despite a design goal of separating machines and humans to the benefit of the latter, captchas actually and ironically produce an arms race in which humans have a systematic and increasing disadvantage. This arms race results from the Turing Test's equivocation between human and machine bodies, an assumption whose influence I identify in popular film, science fiction literature, and captcha design discourse. The Captcha Industry and Its Side-Effects Exclusion is an essential function of every cybersecurity system. From denial-of-service attacks to data theft, toxic automated entities constantly seek admission to services they would damage. To remain functional and accessible, Websites need security systems to keep out "abusive agents" (Shet). In cybersecurity, the term "user authentication" refers to the process of distinguishing between abusive agents and welcome users (Jeng et al.). Of the many available authentication techniques, CAPTCHA, "Completely Automated Public Turing test[s] to tell Computers and Humans Apart" (Von Ahn et al. 1465), is one of the most iconic. Although some captchas display a simple checkbox beside a disclaimer to the effect that "I am not a robot" (Shet), these frequently give way to more difficult alternatives: perception tests (fig. 1). Test captchas may show sequences of distorted letters, which a user is supposed to recognise and then type in (Godfrey). Others effectively digitize a game of "I Spy": an image appears, with an instruction to select the parts of it that show a specific type of object (Zhu et al.). A newer type of captcha involves icons rotated upside-down or sideways, the task being to right them (Gossweiler et al.). These latter developments show the influence of gamification (Kani and Nishigaki; Kumar et al.), the design trend where game-like elements figure in serious tasks. Fig. 1: A series of captchas followed by multifactor authentication as a "quick security check" during the author's suspicious attempt to access LinkedIn over a Virtual Private Network Gamified captchas, in using tests of ability to tell humans from computers, invite three problems, of which only the first has received focussed critical attention. I discuss each briefly below, and at greater length in subsequent sections. First, as many commentators have pointed out (W3C Working Group), captchas can accidentally categorise real humans as nonhumans—a technical problem that becomes more likely as captcha-breaking technologies improve (e.g. Tam et al.; Brown et al.). Indeed, the design and breaking of captchas has become an almost self-sustaining subfield in computer science, as researchers review extant captchas, publish methods for breaking them, and publish further captcha designs (e.g. Weng et al.). Such research fuels an industry of captcha-solving services (fig. 2), of which some use automated techniques, and some are "human-powered", employing groups of humans to complete large numbers of captchas, thus clearing the way for automated incursions (Motoyama et al. 2). Captchas now face the quixotic task of using ability tests to distinguish legitimate users from abusers with similar abilities. Fig. 2: Captcha production and captcha breaking: a feedback loop Second, gamified captchas import the feelings of games. When they defeat a real human, the human seems not to have encountered the failure state of an automated procedure, but rather to have lost, or given up on, a game. The same frame of "gameful"-ness (McGonigal, under "Happiness Hacking") or "gameful work" (under "The Rise of the Happiness Engineers"), supposed to flatter users with a feeling of reward or satisfaction when they complete a challenge, has a different effect in the event of defeat. Gamefulness shifts the fault from procedure to human, suggesting, for the latter, the shameful status of loser. Third, like games, gamified captchas promote a particular strain of logic. Just as other forms of media can be powerful venues for purveying stereotypes, so are gamified captchas, in this case conveying the notion that ability is a legitimate means, not only of apportioning privilege, but of humanising and dehumanising. Humanity thus appears as a status earned, and disability appears not as a stigma, nor an occurrence, but an essence. The latter two problems emerge because the captcha reveals, propagates and naturalises an ideology through mechanised procedures. Below I invoke the concept of "procedural rhetoric" to critique the disembodied notion of humanity that underlies both the original Turing Test and the "Completely Automated Public Turing test." Both tests, I argue, ultimately play to the disadvantage of their human participants. Rhetorical Games, Procedural Rhetoric When videogame studies emerged as an academic field in the early 2000s, once of its first tasks was to legitimise games relative to other types of artefact, especially literary texts (Eskelinen; Aarseth). Scholars sought a framework for discussing how video games, like other more venerable media, can express ideas (Weise). Janet Murray and Ian Bogost looked to the notion of procedure, devising the concepts of "procedurality" (Bogost 3), "procedural authorship" (Murray 171), and "procedural rhetoric" (Bogost 1). From a proceduralist perspective, a videogame is both an object and a medium for inscribing processes. Those processes have two basic types: procedures the game's developers have authored, which script the behaviour of the game as a computer program; and procedures human players respond with, the "operational logic" of gameplay (Bogost 13). Procedurality's two types of procedure, the computerised and the human, have a kind of call-and-response relationship, where the behaviour of the machine calls upon players to respond with their own behaviour patterns. Games thus train their players. Through the training that is play, players acquire habits they bring to other contexts, giving videogames the power not only to express ideas but "disrupt and change fundamental attitudes and beliefs about the world, leading to potentially significant long-term social change" (Bogost ix). That social change can be positive (McGonigal), or it can involve "dark patterns", cases where game procedures provoke and exploit harmful behaviours (Zagal et al.). For example, embedded in many game paradigms is the procedural rhetoric of "toxic meritocracy" (Paul 66), where players earn rewards, status and personal improvement by overcoming challenges, and, especially, excelling where others fail. While meritocracy may seem logical within a strictly competitive arena, its effect in a broader cultural context is to legitimise privileges as the spoils of victory, and maltreatment as the just result of defeat. As game design has influenced other fields, so too has procedurality's applicability expanded. Gamification, "the use of game design elements in non-game contexts" (Deterding et al. 9), is a popular trend in which designers seek to imbue diverse tasks with some of the enjoyment of playing a game (10). Gamification discourse has drawn heavily upon Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi's "positive psychology" (Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi), and especially the speculative psychology of flow (Csikszentmihalyi 51), which promise enormously broad benefits for individuals acting in the "flow state" that challenging play supposedly promotes (75). Gamification has become a celebrated cause, advocated by a group of scholars and designers Sebastian Deterding calls the "Californian league of gamification evangelists" (120), before becoming an object of critical scrutiny (Fuchs et al.). Where gamification goes, it brings its dark patterns with it. In gamified user authentication (Kroeze and Olivier), and particularly gamified captcha, there occurs an intersection of deceptively difficult games, real-world stakes, and users whose differences go often ignored. The Disembodied Arms Race In captcha design research, the concept of disability occurs under the broader umbrella of usability. Usability studies emphasise the fact that some technology pieces are easier to access than others (Yan and El Ahmad). Disability studies, in contrast, emphasises the fact that different users have different capacities to overcome access barriers. Ability is contextual, an intersection of usability and disability, use case and user (Reynolds 443). When used as an index of humanness, ability yields illusive results. In Posthuman Knowledge, Rosi Braidotti begins her conceptual enquiry into the posthuman condition with a contemplation of captcha, asking what it means to tick that checkbox claiming that "I am not a robot" (8), and noting the baffling multiplicity of possible answers. From a practical angle, Junya Kani and Masakatsu Nishigaki write candidly about the problem of distinguishing robot from human: "no matter how advanced malicious automated programs are, a CAPTCHA that will not pass automated programs is required. Hence, we have to find another human cognitive processing capability to tackle this challenge" (40). Kani and Nishigaki try out various human cognitive processing capabilities for the task. Narrative comprehension and humour become candidates: might a captcha ascribe humanity based on human users' ability to determine the correct order of scenes in a film (43)? What about panels in a cartoon (40)? As they seek to assess the soft skills of machines, Kani and Nishigaki set up a drama similar to that of Philip K. Dick's Do Androids Dream of Electric Sheep. Do Androids Dream of Electric Sheep, and its film adaptation, Blade Runner (Scott), describe a spacefaring society populated by both humans and androids. Androids have lesser legal privileges than humans, and in particular face execution—euphemistically called "retirement"—for trespassing on planet Earth (Dick 60). Blade Runner gave these androids their more famous name: "replicant". Replicants mostly resemble humans in thought and action, but are reputed to lack the capacity for empathy, so human police, seeking a cognitive processing capability unique to humans, test for empathy to test for humanness (30). But as with captchas, Blade Runner's testing procedure depends upon an automated device whose effectiveness is not certain, prompting the haunting question: "have you ever retired a human by mistake?" (Scott 17:50). Blade Runner's empathy test is part of a long philosophical discourse about the distinction between human and machine (e.g. Putnam; Searle). At the heart of the debate lies Alan Turing's "Turing Test", which a machine hypothetically passes when it can pass itself off as a human conversationalist in an exchange of written text. Turing's motivation for coming up with the test goes: there may be no absolute way of defining what makes a human mind, so the best we can do is assess a computer's ability to imitate one (Turing 433). The aporia, however—how can we determine what makes a human mind?—is the result of an unfair question. Turing's test, dealing only with information expressed in strings of text, purposely disembodies both humans and machines. The Blade Runner universe similarly evens the playing field: replicants look, feel and act like humans to such an extent that distinguishing between the two becomes, again, the subject of a cognition test. The Turing Test, obsessed with information processing and steeped in mind-body dualism, assesses humanness using criteria that automated users can master relatively easily. In contrast, in everyday life, I use a suite of much more intuitive sensory tests to distinguish between my housemate and my laptop. My intuitions capture what the Turing Test masks: a human is a fleshy entity, possessed of the numerous trappings and capacities of a human body. The result of the automated Turing Test's focus on cognition is an arms race that places human users at an increasing disadvantage. Loss, in such a race, manifests not only as exclusion by and from computer services, but as a redefinition of proper usership, the proper behaviour of the authentic, human, user. Thus the Turing Test implicitly provides for a scenario where a machine becomes able to super-imitate humanness: to be perceived as human more often than a real human would be. In such an outcome, it would be the human conversationalist who would begin to fail the Turing test; to fail to pass themself off according to new criteria for authenticity. This scenario is possible because, through procedural rhetoric, machines shift human perspectives: about what is and is not responsible behaviour; about what humans should and should not feel when confronted with a challenge; about who does and does not deserve access; and, fundamentally, about what does and does not signify authentic usership. In captcha, as in Blade Runner, it is ultimately a machine that adjudicates between human and machine cognition. As users we rely upon this machine to serve our interests, rather than pursue some emergent automated interest, some by-product of the feedback loop that results from the ideologies of human researchers both producing and being produced by mechanised procedures. In the case of captcha, that faith is misplaced. The Feeling of Robopocalypse A rich repertory of fiction has speculated upon what novelist Daniel Wilson calls the "Robopocalypse", the scenario where machines overthrow humankind. Most versions of the story play out as a slave-owner's nightmare, featuring formerly servile entities (which happen to be machines) violently revolting and destroying the civilisation of their masters. Blade Runner's rogue replicants, for example, are effectively fugitive slaves (Dihal 196). Popular narratives of robopocalypse, despite showing their antagonists as lethal robots, are fundamentally human stories with robots playing some of the parts. In contrast, the exclusion a captcha presents when it defeats a human is not metaphorical or emancipatory. There, in that moment, is a mechanised entity defeating a human. The defeat takes place within an authoritative frame that hides its aggression. For a human user, to be defeated by a captcha is to fail to meet an apparently common standard, within the framework of a common procedure. This is a robopocalypse of baffling systems rather than anthropomorphic soldiers. Likewise, non-human software clients pose threats that humanoid replicants do not. In particular, software clients replicate much faster than physical bodies. The sheer sudden scale of a denial-of-service attack makes Philip K. Dick's vision of android resistance seem quaint. The task of excluding unauthorised software, unlike the impulse to exclude replicants, is more a practical necessity than an exercise in colonialism. Nevertheless, dystopia finds its way into the captcha process through the peril inherent in the test, whenever humans are told apart from authentic users. This is the encroachment of the hostile posthuman, naturalised by us before it denaturalises us. The hostile posthuman sometimes manifests as a drone strike, Terminator-esque (Cameron), a dehumanised decision to kill (Asaro). But it is also a process of gradual exclusion, detectable from moment to moment as a feeling of disdain or impatience for the irresponsibility, incompetence, or simply unusualness of a human who struggles to keep afloat of a rising standard. "We are in this together", Braidotti writes, "between the algorithmic devil and the acidified deep blue sea" (9). But we are also in this separately, divided along lines of ability. Captcha's danger, as a broken procedure, hides in plain sight, because it lashes out at some only while continuing to flatter others with a game that they can still win. Conclusion Online security systems may always have to define some users as legitimate and others as illegitimate. Is there a future where they do so on the basis of behaviour rather than identity or essence? Might some future system accord each user, human or machine, the same authentic status, and provide all with an initial benefit of the doubt? In the short term, such a system would seem grossly impractical. The type of user that most needs to be excluded is the disembodied type, the type that can generate orders of magnitude more demands than a human, that can proliferate suddenly and in immense number because it does not lag behind the slow processes of human bodies. This type of user exists in software alone. Rich in irony, then, is the captcha paradigm which depends on the disabilities of the threats it confronts. We dread malicious software not for its disabilities—which are momentary and all too human—but its abilities. Attenuating the threat presented by those abilities requires inverting a habit that meritocracy trains and overtrains: specifically, we have here a case where the plight of the human user calls for negative action toward ability rather than disability. 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Background “The sense of taste,” write Nelson and colleagues in a 2002 issue of Nature, “provides animals with valuable information about the nature and quality of food. Mammals can recognize and respond to a diverse repertoire of chemical entities, including sugars, salts, acids and a wide range of toxic substances” (199). The authors go on to argue that several amino acids—the building blocks of proteins—taste delicious to humans and that “having a taste pathway dedicated to their detection probably had significant evolutionary implications”. They imply, but do not specify, that the evolutionary implications are positive. This may be the case with some amino acids, but contemporary tastes, and changes in them, are far from universally beneficial. Indeed, this article argues that modern food production shapes and distorts human taste with significant implications for health and wellbeing. Take the western taste for fried chipped potatoes, for example. According to Schlosser in Fast Food Nation, “In 1960, the typical American ate eighty-one pounds of fresh potatoes and about four pounds of frozen french fries. Today [2002] the typical American eats about forty-nine pounds of fresh potatoes every year—and more than thirty pounds of frozen french fries” (115). Nine-tenths of these chips are consumed in fast food restaurants which use mass-manufactured potato-based frozen products to provide this major “foodservice item” more quickly and cheaply than the equivalent dish prepared from raw ingredients. These choices, informed by human taste buds, have negative evolutionary implications, as does the apparently long-lasting consumer preference for fried goods cooked in trans-fats. “Numerous foods acquire their elastic properties (i.e., snap, mouth-feel, and hardness) from the colloidal fat crystal network comprised primarily of trans- and saturated fats. These hardstock fats contribute, along with numerous other factors, to the global epidemics related to metabolic syndrome and cardiovascular disease,” argues Michael A. Rogers (747). Policy makers and public health organisations continue to compare notes internationally about the best ways in which to persuade manufacturers and fast food purveyors to reduce the use of these trans-fats in their products (L’Abbé et al.), however, most manufacturers resist. Hank Cardello, a former fast food executive, argues that “many products are designed for ‘high hedonic value’, with carefully balanced combinations of salt, sugar and fat that, experience has shown, induce people to eat more” (quoted, Trivedi 41). Fortunately for the manufactured food industry, salt and sugar also help to preserve food, effectively prolonging the shelf life of pre-prepared and packaged goods. Physiological Factors As Glanz et al. discovered when surveying 2,967 adult Americans, “taste is the most important influence on their food choices, followed by cost” (1118). A person’s taste is to some extent an individual response to food stimuli, but the tongue’s taste buds respond to five basic categories of food: salty, sweet, sour, bitter, and umami. ‘Umami’ is a Japanese word indicating “delicious savoury taste” (Coughlan 11) and it is triggered by the amino acid glutamate. Japanese professor Kikunae Ikeda identified glutamate while investigating the taste of a particular seaweed which he believed was neither sweet, sour, bitter, or salty. When Ikeda combined the glutamate taste essence with sodium he formed the food additive sodium glutamate, which was patented in 1908 and subsequently went into commercial production (Japan Patent Office). Although individual, a person’s taste preferences are by no means fixed. There is ample evidence that people’s tastes are being distorted by modern food marketing practices that process foods to make them increasingly appealing to the average palate. In particular, this industrialisation of food promotes the growth of a snack market driven by salty and sugary foods, popularly constructed as posing a threat to health and wellbeing. “[E]xpanding waistlines [are] fuelled by a boom in fast food and a decline in physical activity” writes Stark, who reports upon the 2008 launch of a study into Australia’s future ‘fat bomb’. As Deborah Lupton notes, such reports were a particular feature of the mid 2000s when: intense concern about the ‘obesity epidemic’ intensified and peaked. Time magazine named 2004 ‘The Year of Obesity’. That year the World Health Organization’s Global Strategy on Diet, Physical Activity and Health was released and the [US] Centers for Disease Control predicted that a poor diet and lack of exercise would soon claim more lives than tobacco-related disease in the United States. (4) The American Heart Association recommends eating no more than 1500mg of salt per day (Hamzelou 11) but salt consumption in the USA averages more than twice this quantity, at 3500mg per day (Bernstein and Willett 1178). In the UK, a sustained campaign and public health-driven engagement with food manufacturers by CASH—Consensus Action on Salt and Health—resulted in a reduction of between 30 and 40 percent of added salt in processed foods between 2001 and 2011, with a knock-on 15 percent decline in the UK population’s salt intake overall. This is the largest reduction achieved by any developed nation (Brinsden et al.). “According to the [UK’s] National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE), this will have reduced [UK] stroke and heart attack deaths by a minimum of 9,000 per year, with a saving in health care costs of at least £1.5bn a year” (MacGregor and Pombo). Whereas there has been some success over the past decade in reducing the amount of salt consumed, in the Western world the consumption of sugar continues to rise, as a graph cited in the New Scientist indicates (O’Callaghan). Regular warnings that sugar is associated with a range of health threats and delivers empty calories devoid of nutrition have failed to halt the increase in sugar consumption. Further, although some sugar is a natural product, processed foods tend to use a form invented in 1957: high-fructose corn syrup (HFCS). “HFCS is a gloopy solution of glucose and fructose” writes O’Callaghan, adding that it is “as sweet as table sugar but has typically been about 30% cheaper”. She cites Serge Ahmed, a French neuroscientist, as arguing that in a world of food sufficiency people do not need to consume more, so they need to be enticed to overeat by making food more pleasurable. Ahmed was part of a team that ran an experiment with cocaine-addicted rats, offering them a mutually exclusive choice between highly-sweetened water and cocaine: Our findings clearly indicate that intense sweetness can surpass cocaine reward, even in drug-sensitized and -addicted individuals. We speculate that the addictive potential of intense sweetness results from an inborn hypersensitivity to sweet tastants. In most mammals, including rats and humans, sweet receptors evolved in ancestral environments poor in sugars and are thus not adapted to high concentrations of sweet tastants. The supranormal stimulation of these receptors by sugar-rich diets, such as those now widely available in modern societies, would generate a supranormal reward signal in the brain, with the potential to override self-control mechanisms and thus lead to addiction. (Lenoir et al.) The Tongue and the Brain One of the implications of this research about the mammalian desire for sugar is that our taste for food is about more than how these foods actually taste in the mouth on our tongues. It is also about the neural response to the food we eat. The taste of French fries thus also includes that “snap, mouth-feel, and hardness” and the “colloidal fat crystal network” (Rogers, “Novel Structuring” 747). While there is no taste receptor for fats, these nutrients have important effects upon the brain. Wang et al. offered rats a highly fatty, but palatable, diet and allowed them to eat freely. 33 percent of the calories in the food were delivered via fat, compared with 21 percent in a normal diet. The animals almost doubled their usual calorific intake, both because the food had a 37 percent increased calorific content and also because the rats ate 47 percent more than was standard (2786). The research team discovered that in as little as three days the rats “had already lost almost all of their ability to respond to leptin” (Martindale 27). Leptin is a hormone that acts on the brain to communicate feelings of fullness, and is thus important in assisting animals to maintain a healthy body weight. The rats had also become insulin resistant. “Severe resistance to the metabolic effects of both leptin and insulin ensued after just 3 days of overfeeding” (Wang et al. 2786). Fast food restaurants typically offer highly palatable, high fat, high sugar, high salt, calorific foods which can deliver 130 percent of a day’s recommended fat intake, and almost a day’s worth of an adult man’s calories, in one meal. The impacts of maintaining such a diet over a comparatively short time-frame have been recorded in documentaries such as Super Size Me (Spurlock). The after effects of what we widely call “junk food” are also evident in rat studies. Neuroscientist Paul Kenny, who like Ahmed was investigating possible similarities between food- and cocaine-addicted rats, allowed his animals unlimited access to both rat ‘junk food’ and healthy food for rats. He then changed their diets. “The rats with unlimited access to junk food essentially went on a hunger strike. ‘It was as if they had become averse to healthy food’, says Kenny. It took two weeks before the animals began eating as much [healthy food] as those in the control group” (quoted, Trivedi 40). Developing a taste for certain food is consequently about much more than how they taste in the mouth; it constitutes an individual’s response to a mixture of taste, hormonal reactions and physiological changes. Choosing Health Glanz et al. conclude their study by commenting that “campaigns attempting to change people’s perception of the importance of nutrition will be interpreted in terms of existing values and beliefs. A more promising strategy might be to stress the good taste of healthful foods” (1126). Interestingly, this is the strategy already adopted by some health-focused cookbooks. I have 66 cookery books in my kitchen. None of ten books sampled from the five spaces in which these books are kept had ‘taste’ as an index entry, but three books had ‘taste’ in their titles: The Higher Taste, Taste of Life, and The Taste of Health. All three books seek to promote healthy eating, and they all date from the mid-1980s. It might be that taste is not mentioned in cookbook indexes because it is a sine qua non: a focus upon taste is so necessary and fundamental to a cookbook that it goes without saying. Yet, as the physiological evidence makes clear, what we find palatable is highly mutable, varying between people, and capable of changing significantly in comparatively short periods of time. The good news from the research studies is that the changes wrought by high salt, high sugar, high fat diets need not be permanent. Luciano Rossetti, one of the authors on Wang et al’s paper, told Martindale that the physiological changes are reversible, but added a note of caution: “the fatter a person becomes the more resistant they will be to the effects of leptin and the harder it is to reverse those effects” (27). Morgan Spurlock’s experience also indicates this. In his case it took the actor/director 14 months to lose the 11.1 kg (13 percent of his body mass) that he gained in the 30 days of his fast-food-only experiment. Trivedi was more fortunate, stating that, “After two weeks of going cold turkey, I can report I have successfully kicked my ice cream habit” (41). A reader’s letter in response to Trivedi’s article echoes this observation. She writes that “the best way to stop the craving was to switch to a diet of vegetables, seeds, nuts and fruits with a small amount of fish”, adding that “cravings stopped in just a week or two, and the diet was so effective that I no longer crave junk food even when it is in front of me” (Mackeown). Popular culture indicates a range of alternative ways to resist food manufacturers. In the West, there is a growing emphasis on organic farming methods and produce (Guthman), on sl called Urban Agriculture in the inner cities (Mason and Knowd), on farmers’ markets, where consumers can meet the producers of the food they eat (Guthrie et al.), and on the work of advocates of ‘real’ food, such as Jamie Oliver (Warrin). Food and wine festivals promote gourmet tourism along with an emphasis upon the quality of the food consumed, and consumption as a peak experience (Hall and Sharples), while environmental perspectives prompt awareness of ‘food miles’ (Weber and Matthews), fair trade (Getz and Shreck) and of land degradation, animal suffering, and the inequitable use of resources in the creation of the everyday Western diet (Dare, Costello and Green). The burgeoning of these different approaches has helped to stimulate a commensurate growth in relevant disciplinary fields such as Food Studies (Wessell and Brien). One thing that all these new ways of looking at food and taste have in common is that they are options for people who feel they have the right to choose what and when to eat; and to consume the tastes they prefer. This is not true of all groups of people in all countries. Hiding behind the public health campaigns that encourage people to exercise and eat fresh fruit and vegetables are the hidden “social determinants of health: The conditions in which people are born, grow, live, work and age, including the health system” (WHO 45). As the definitions explain, it is the “social determinants of health [that] are mostly responsible for health iniquities” with evidence from all countries around the world demonstrating that “in general, the lower an individual’s socioeconomic position, the worse his or her health” (WHO 45). For the comparatively disadvantaged, it may not be the taste of fast food that attracts them but the combination of price and convenience. If there is no ready access to cooking facilities, or safe food storage, or if a caregiver is simply too time-poor to plan and prepare meals for a family, junk food becomes a sensible choice and its palatability an added bonus. For those with the education, desire, and opportunity to break free of the taste for salty and sugary fats, however, there are a range of strategies to achieve this. There is a persuasive array of evidence that embracing a plant-based diet confers a multitude of health benefits for the individual, for the planet and for the animals whose lives and welfare would otherwise be sacrificed to feed us (Green, Costello and Dare). Such a choice does involve losing the taste for foods which make up the lion’s share of the Western diet, but any sense of deprivation only lasts for a short time. The fact is that our sense of taste responds to the stimuli offered. It may be that, notwithstanding the desires of Jamie Oliver and the like, a particular child never will never get to like broccoli, but it is also the case that broccoli tastes differently to me, seven years after becoming a vegan, than it ever did in the years in which I was omnivorous. When people tell me that they would love to adopt a plant-based diet but could not possibly give up cheese, it is difficult to reassure them that the pleasure they get now from that specific cocktail of salty fats will be more than compensated for by the sheer exhilaration of eating crisp, fresh fruits and vegetables in the future. Conclusion For decades, the mass market food industry has tweaked their products to make them hyper-palatable and difficult to resist. They do this through marketing experiments and consumer behaviour research, schooling taste buds and brains to anticipate and relish specific cocktails of sweet fats (cakes, biscuits, chocolate, ice cream) and salty fats (chips, hamburgers, cheese, salted nuts). They add ingredients to make these products stimulate taste buds more effectively, while also producing cheaper items with longer life on the shelves, reducing spoilage and the complexity of storage for retailers. Consumers are trained to like the tastes of these foods. Bitter, sour, and umami receptors are comparatively under-stimulated, with sweet, salty, and fat-based tastes favoured in their place. Western societies pay the price for this learned preference in high blood pressure, high cholesterol, diabetes, and obesity. 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