Journal articles on the topic 'San Salvador Earthquake, El Salvador, 1986'

Construction practice in San Salvador, as in the rest of El Salvador, had remained practically unchanged since the time of Spanish colonization up to around 1942. From then on, building practices from many other countries have been introduced, and they have exerted a major influence. The last four decades can be divided into five stages or periods induced by events such as earthquakes in El Salvador and neighboring countries, as well as the incorporation of foreign codes in lieu of a local one and the introduction of new techniques, such as soil mechanics and microseismic investigation. The incorporation of practices based on foreign codes contributed significantly to the improvement of construction practice but occasionally led to misinterpretations, e.g. in the evaluation of seismic actions. At present, a number of studies and records are available that can be used as a basis for the elaboration of an earthquake resistant design code.

Abstract The San Salvador earthquake of 10 October 1986 resulted in 1500 deaths, 10,000 injuries, and 100,000 people left homeless. The earthquake has a surface-wave magnitude (MS) of 5.4, and using strong-motion data, we estimate a moment magnitude (M6−) of 5.7. Focal mechanisms and aftershock distributions from locally recorded seismic data indicate that the earthquake was caused by near-surface, left-lateral slip on a N25°E-trending fault located directly beneath the city of San Salvador. Although strong ground motion lasted for only 3 to 5 sec, horizontal ground accelerations of up to 0.72 g were recorded. Seismic amplification by a surficial layer of low-velocity ash may have increased ground accelerations and thereby contributed to damage of adobe as well as engineered structures that seems excessive for such an earthquake magnitude. Since 1700 the city has been severely damaged at least nine times by similar moderate magnitude shallow-focus earthquakes. Such earthquakes are common along the heavily populated Central American volcanic chain and pose a major seismic hazard to numerous cities and towns that share a geologic setting similar to that of San Salvador.

Although the October 10, 1986 San Salvador earthquake was only a moderate event of magnitude 5.4 and the recorded ground motions had a relatively short duration, the high recorded peak accelerations caused substantial damage to lifelines. There was significant and widespread damage to buried lifelines. Long-distance telecommunications facilities were reportedly undamaged, but there was substantial loss of local phone service caused by damage to buildings, failures of equipment racks, and loss of emergency power (tilting of batteries). Power generating facilities (hydroelectric and geothermal) that supply electricity to San Salvador are located too far from the city to have been affected by the earthquake. Both 115-kV substations that serve San Salvador experienced a moderate level of damage, consisting mostly of ceramic column circuit breaker failures. As has been observed in past earthquakes, control and instrumentation systems and low-voltage power-supply equipment displayed an ability to withstand high ground accelerations.

The San Salvador earthquake struck an area of upper Cenozoic volcanic rocks, consisting of basaltic to silicic flows and tuffs. Tuff deposits constitute the upper 30 m of section below San Salvador; thinner sections are in the hills surrounding the city. Tuffs were important in landslide development during the earthquake and may have amplified ground motion. Faults mapped in the area strike east-west, northwest-southeast, and less distinctly, northeast-southwest and north-south. Ringlike structures formed by volcanic subsidence are also present in the area. No evidence was seen of surface faulting associated with the October 10 main shock or an earthquake on October 13 on a separate fault 7 km west-northwest of the main shock. Numerous cracks were seen in the epicentral areas of both earthquakes, but these are easily explained as secondary ground failures. Both of the earthquakes occurred on unmapped faults. The main shock caused several hundred landslides in an area of at least 200 km2. The most numerous landslides were soil slides and soil falls, which were especially common in stream banks and roadcuts. The earthquake also produced rock falls and slides, slumps, rapid soil flows, shattered ridge effects, and compaction. Landslides and related ground failures were triggered as much as 12 km from the epicenter and accounted for about 200 fatalities and at least 100 damaged homes.

Strong-motion records were recovered from nine accelerographs at seven stations of the El Salvador Geotechnical Investigation Center Strong Motion Network following the damaging 5.4 Ms San Salvador earthquake of October 10, 1986. The sites were all within 6 km of the epicenter; peak horizontal accelerations at ground level ranged from 0.32 to 0.72 g. The duration of strong shaking was about 3 seconds at most sites. One 10-story concrete building was instrumented with recorders at the basement, second floor, and roof level. The maximum accelerations recorded at this building were 0.47 g at the basement, 0.69 g at the second floor, and 0.91 g at the roof. Eight of the accelerograms were digitized and processed. A maximum horizontal velocity of 80 cm/s was obtained for a station 4 km from the epicenter. Peak velocity for the other stations ranged from 26 to 75 cm/s. The maximum horizontal displacements ranged from 5 to 18 cm. The San Salvador records and spectra are compared to other close-in observations such as the Station 2 record from the ML 5.6 Parkfield earthquake of 1966. The San Salvador records share many features with the Parkfield record. In general, the peak accelerations recorded at many of the stations are larger than previously recorded values at close-in distances from earthquakes of similar magnitude.

Major damage from the October 10 earthquake was concentrated in and around the capital city of San Salvador. Losses exceeded $900 million, or 25% of El Salvador's 1986 gross domestic product. Poor soil conditions, ineffective land use controls, and inadequate building practices combined with the severe shaking intensity to produce widespread damage to both engineered and nonengineered structures. Residential, institutional, and commercial buildings sustained heavy damage. Nonstructural damage and damage to building contents contributed to economic and operational loss. Government officials are making a deliberate attempt to incorporate new knowledge in reconstruction planning. However, recovery and reconstruction will be a slow process due to the current state of the economy.

The San Salvador earthquake of October 10, 1986 originated along the Central American volcanic chain within the upper crust of the Caribbean Plate. Results from a local seismograph network show a tectonic style main shock-aftershock sequence, with a magnitude, Mw, 5.6. The hypocenter was located 7.3 km below the south edge of San Salvador. The main shock ruptured along a nearly vertical plane toward the north-northeast. A main shock fault-plane solution shows a nearly vertical fault plane striking N32\sz\E, with left-lateral sense of motion. This earthquake is the second Central American volcanic chain earthquake documented with left-lateral slip on a fault perpendicular to the volcanic chain. During the 2 1/2 years preceeding the earthquake, minor microseismicity was noted near the epicenter, but we show that this has been common along the volcanic chain since at least 1953. San Salvador was previously damaged by a volcanic chain earthquake on May 3, 1965. The locations of six foreshocks preceding the 1965 shock show a distinctly WNW-trending distribution. This observation, together with the distribution of damage and a fault-plane solution, suggest that right-lateral slip occurred along a fault sub-parallel with Central American volcanic chain. We believe this is the first time such motion has been documented along the volcanic chain. This earthquake was also unusual in that it was preceded by a foreshock sequence more energetic than the aftershock sequence. Earlier this century, on June 08, 1917, an Ms 6.4 earthquake occurred 30 to 40 km west of San Salvador Volcano. Only 30 minutes later, an Ms 6.3 earthquake occurred, centered at the volcano, and about 35 minutes later the volcano erupted. In 1919 an Ms 6 earthquake occurred, centered at about the epicenter of the 1986 earthquake. We conclude that the volcanic chain is seismically very active with variable styles of seismicity.

Damage to low-rise engineered buildings in San Salvador in the three to six-story height range was major and wide-spread. This can probably be attributed to the small natural periods of vibration associated with low-rise buildings and their response when interacting with the short-period and short-duration earthquake ground motion. Damage to high-rise buildings that have much longer periods of vibration was relatively minor. This paper reviews buildings that appeared to have performed well and describes the heavy damage that occurred to low-rise buildings that performed poorly, including examples of collapsed or partially collapsed buildings. Lessons learned or relearned from the San Salvador earthquake are summarized.

The October 10, 1986 San Salvador earthquake caused extensive damage to one- and two-story bahareque-type dwellings and buildings, and the collapse of multistory engineered structures. The study of the effects of the San Salvador earthquake on buildings points out that poor quality materials and workmanship, as well as deficiencies in constructive details, are the cause of severe damage. However, it confirms once again that conceptual errors in design, including the selection of the lateral load resistant system, are the main cause of structural failure of buildings and engineered structures. It reiterates already well-known concepts, which are frequently forgotten by the professionals involved in the project and seismic design of modern buildings.

Geotechnical effects generated by the October 10 earthquake were significant. Various types of observed ground failures include landslides, lurching or cracking, and differential fill compaction and settlement. Liquefaction and surface faulting were not observed. Poor compaction was responsible for many ground failures such as differential compaction/densification and settlement of embankment fills and fills placed in former deep barrancas. Foundation failures, if they occurred, were not observable at the time of the reconnaissance because of ongoing rescue and demolition operations and limited accessibility to collapsed buildings and major damaged areas. Preliminary assessment indicates that local geologic and soil conditions appear to have had some influence on the intensity of shaking and damage.

Eight engineered buildings in San Salvador were selected to provide detailed descriptions of structures that performed both poorly and well during the 1986 earthquake. The buildings selected were all of reinforced concrete construction, both moment-frame and shear-wall, and were in the range of three to eight stories in height. The earthquake performance of the eight buildings ranged from the moderately severe structural and nonstructural damage to the El Salvador Sheraton Hotel, which will require retrofitting, to the negligible nonstructural damage to the VIP Building at the Sheraton Hotel complex. Comparison of the performance of the various buildings clearly shows that newer buildings, especially those built since 1973, revealed less damage than older buildings designed a-d constructed under less stringent codes.

The San Salvador earthquake caused a relatively large number of casualties. Perhaps one-third of the fatalities occurred in engineered structures. Structural collapse, nonstructural elements, occupant actions, fire, and soil failure all played a role in earthquake injuries. The collapse of several multistory buildings necessitated heavy rescue operations by local authorities, foreign experts, and volunteers. This experience revealed the need for better coordination of such efforts in future disasters. Earthquake damage significantly disrupted local health services, causing evacuation of all major hospitals. Health care continues in temporary facilities. Future health service decentralization is a possible positive outcome.

El Salvador, fue uno de los países cuyo auge surgió luego del proceso de Independencia con la llegada de la época republicana. Las ganancias que produjo el cultivo de café permitieron la construcción de edificaciones elitistas con marcadas influencias de la arquitectura importada de Europa en las inmediaciones de lo que hoy se constituye como el centro histórico de San Salvador.En este contexto territorial, pero resignificado culturalmente inició en 1986 la expansión arquitectónica del campus de la Universidad Tecnológica de El Salvador, la cual al día de hoy conforma un paisaje urbano particular con 21 edificaciones color ocre y crema dispersas en el extremo poniente del centro de la ciudad, así se refleja el compromiso agresivo de la Utec —más allá de su comunidad universitaria— que se extiende a la sociedad a través de la conservación del patrimonio cultural universitario.

Nos acercamos a la figura de Gabriel Riesco Fernández del Campo por ser una de las más prolíficas de la planificación urbana de España y El Salvador durante el siglo XX, como autor de más de 180 planes. Tras el estudio de su biografía y de algunas de sus obras podemos situarlo en la más alta Administración pública de ambos países, donde su trabajo fue determinante para su ordenación territorial, en los años 50 y tras el terremoto de 1986 en Centroamérica, y en España durante el desarrollismo y la constitución de las Comunidades Autónomas. Asimismo fue asesor de Naciones Unidas para la ordenación territorial en El Salvador. Su obra arquitectónica es aún más desconocida. Palabras-clave: Urbanista, arquitecto, Gabriel Riesco Fernández del Campo, San Salvador, Plan Riesco, ordenación del territorio.

AbstractWe describe circumstances at the Hospital Rosales, located in San Salvador, El Salvador, and some salient observations from an infection control program begun in 1978. Findings include overuse of antibiotics, especially of penicillin and chloramphenicol; a predominance of gram-negative rod infections, especially Pseudomonas aeruginosa; a relative infrequency of Staphylococcus aureus infections; an apparent doubling of the mean duration of hospitalization for patients with nosocomial infections compared with other patients (22.1 days versus 11.0 days); documentation and partial correction of deficiencies in aseptic and antiseptic practices; an outbreak of Pseudomonas aeruginosa endophthalmitis traced to the hospital's factory for the manufacturing of intravenous fluids; and attitudinal problems such as the care of patients with rabies on open wards. Prevalence surveys conducted during 1981 and 1986 suggest a dramatic increase in the recent incidence of surgical wound infection (44% v 28%, P < 0.001). This latter observation suggests a direct relationship between infection rates and the hardships imposed by poverty and civil war.

La revisión del género Ogyges Kaup, 1871 agrupa un total de 12 especies que se distribuyen en distintos sistemas montañosos del Núcleo Centroamericano, desde Chiapas, en México, hasta el norte de Nicaragua. las cinco especies previamente conocidas, O. laevior (Kaup, 1868), O. laevissimus(Kaup, 1868), O. crassulus(Casey, 1897), O. politus (Hincks, 1953) y O. marilucasae Reyes-Castilio y Castillo, 1986, son redescritas e ilustradas. Consideramos a Proculejus champíoni Bates, 1886, como nuevo sinónimo de O. laevior(Kaup). Se describen e ilustran las siguientes siete especies nuevas: O. adamsi sp. nov. (Dptos. Santa Bárbara y Francisco Morazán, Honduras); O. hondurensis sp. nov. (Ocotepeque e Intibuca, Honduras; San Salvador, El Salvador): O. furcillatus sp, nov. (Zacapa, Guatemala): O. cakchiqueli sp. nov. (Huehuetenango, Guatemala): O. tzutuhili sp. nov. (Alta Verapaz, Guatemala): O. kekchii sp. nov. (Baja Verapaz, Guatemala): y O. quichensis sp. nov. (El Quiché, Guatemala y Chiapas, México). Se discuten las relaciones filogenétícas de Ogyges con los géneros afines y se incluye una clave para la separación de las especies que agrupa, además de analizar algunos aspectos sobre su zoogeografía

Los salesianos también han incursionado en el mundo universitario, siendo la principal, la Universidad Pontificia Salesiana, fundada inicialmente en 1940 en Roma y desde 1973, S.S. Paulo VI le dio el título de Pontificia. En ella se forman en carreras de postgrado muchos salesianos de los diferentes países del mundo, tanto en el plano teológico pastoral como educativo. Por su parte, en la ciudad de Shillong en la India se encuentra el Colegio Mayor San Antonio -con categoría universitaria- que es el centro de educación superior más antiguo de los salesianos en el mundo y fue mixto desde sus inicios, algo considerado no aceptado por la mentalidad hindú de la época; fundado en 1934. A su vez, en Latinoamérica se encuentran varias universidades, a saber, la Universidad de la Patagonia San Juan Bosco fundada en la ciudad de Comodoro Rivadavia, Argentina, en la década del 70 del siglo pasado, pero que a partir de 1980 dejó de ser de la Congregación y pasó a ser pública, al fusionarse con la Universidad Nacional de la Patagonia, denominándose Universidad Nacional de la Patagonia San Juan Bosco; la Universidad Católica Silva Henríquez en Santiago de Chile que adquirió tal nombre en 1993, a partir del Instituto Profesional de Estudios Superiores Blas Cañas fundado en 1982; la Universidad Don Bosco de la ciudad de San Salvador de El Salvador que inició sus actividades en 1986 en la denominada Ciudadela de Don Bosco, lugar en que se encuentran escuelas y liceos salesianos; la Universidad Católica Dom Bosco de Campo Grande, Mato Grosso del Sur, fundada en 1993 y la Universidad Salesiana UNISAL de São Paulo, ambas en Brasil; la Universidad Politécnica Salesiana del Ecuador, fundada en 1994 en Cuenca y actualmente con sedes en Quito y Guayaquil -es la más grandes de América Latina-; la Universidad Salesiana de Bolivia, fundada en La Paz en 1998, y la Universidad Mesoamericana de Guatemala existe desde 1999 (ANS - AGENCIA INFO SALESIANA, s/f; SALESIANOS DON BOSCO, 2020).

Un edificio de concreto de ocho pisos instrumentado con acelerógrafos en sótano, primer piso azotea soportó el sismo de San Salvador de octubre 10 de 1986 sufriendo sólo ligeros daños no estructurales. La aceleración máxima registrada en la base fue 0.47g y en la azotea 0.91g. Se hace un análisis de los registros obtenidos y se compara la respuesta medida con la que se obtiene de diferentes modelos teóricos de la estructura. Se encuentra que la historia de desplazamientos de la azotea es muy próxima a la que se calcula suponiendo que la estructura permaneció en el intervalo lineal durante el movimiento sísmico. Por otra parte, los momentos flexionantes que se debieron haber generado en los extremos de las vigas para un comportamiento lineal, exceden hasta en 4.6 veces para el positivo y en 2.2 veces para negativo, a los momentos resistentes calculados con los procedimientos usuales de diseño. Se investigan las posibles fuentes de sobrerresistencia de la estructura y, cuando se toman en cuenta los valores más probables de la resistencia que pudiera tener las distintas secciones, se encuentra que los momentos que debieron haber sido inducido en las vigas por el movimiento en la base excedente hasta en 3.8 veces para el positivo y 1.51 veces para el negativo, a la capacidad teórica de las secciones. El análisis del modelo no lineal indica que debieron haberse presentado demandas de ductilidad locales hasta de 3.7. Se evalúan las posibles causas de estas discrepancias y se analizan algunas repercusiones de los resultados encontrados para la práctica del diseño sísmico.

Abstract On June 20, 1986, amid the 12-year civil war in El Salvador (1980–1992), a group of displaced Salvadorans from the northern department of Chalatenango declared San José las Flores their home. As the war between the Salvadoran army and the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) intensified in rural areas, many people left to find refuge in other parts of the country. Since the FMLN had an active presence in Chalatenango, the Salvadoran military bombed this region frequently, which transformed las Flores into a ghost town by 1984. Those Salvadorans who decided to hide instead of leaving the country or even the region faced treacherous conditions as they trekked through the mountainous terrain of Chalatenango fleeing from military operations. By 1986, many of these Salvadorans emerged from their precarious living to demand their right to live in San José las Flores. More than three decades after the repopulation of the town, and more than two decades since the signing of the peace accords, residents of las Flores continue to celebrate their history, without fail, every year, bearing witness to a reenactment of the events that led to their town’s repopulation. This article examines these anniversaries, especially its 30th anniversary in 2016, to understand how the town remembers, interprets, and transforms their local history. What prompts residents of las Flores to relive these events? How is social memory and trauma transmitted to the diverse audience in attendance? What does reenactment have to do with collective memory? This article argues that the performance of the repopulation of las Flores, enacted by former guerrilla soldiers, survivors of the war, and their children and grandchildren, demonstrates how the history, memories, and values of this town are transmitted from generation to generation. In Diana Taylor’s words, they remember their collective suffering, challenges, and triumphs through both archival and embodied memory.

e4176066In this paper we present a discussion about the implications of the theory of mental models in the teaching and learning process in Chemistry, with the purpose of discussing the use of stop motion animation as a data collection instrument to investigate the students' mental representations about chemical concepts, especially about their dynamic character. To achieve the objectives mentioned in the present work, we seek to relate the theory of mental models and their implications for the teaching and learning processes in chemistry, with the proposal of the triangulation of the three different representational levels of Chemistry (submicroscopic, symbolic and macroscopic), which are necessary to understand this Science. It is also noteworthy that this articulation was based on the main difficulties associated with the teaching and learning processes in Chemistry and was thought of the particularity involving the dynamics of the atomic-molecular level. The discussions carried out involving the different references used allowed us to discuss the potentialities associated with the use of stop motion as an instrument for investigating mental models on chemical concepts, highlighting the fact that it is a technique that is easy to apply, low cost and that allows the dynamic representation of chemical phenomena considering the submicroscopic level.ResumoNo presente trabalho apresentamos uma discussão acerca das implicações da teoria dos modelos mentais nos processos de ensino e aprendizagem em Química, com a finalidade de discorrer sobre o uso de animação em stop motion como um instrumento de coleta de dados para se investigar as representações mentais dos sujeitos sobre conceitos químicos, em especial sobre seu caráter dinâmico. Para atingir os objetivos mencionados no presente trabalho, buscamos relacionar a teoria dos modelos mentais e suas implicações para os processos de ensino e aprendizagem em Química, com a proposta da triangulação dos três diferentes níveis representacionais da Química (submicroscópico, simbólico e macroscópico), que são necessários para a compreensão dessa Ciência. Destacamos também, que tal articulação foi pautada nas principais dificuldades associadas aos processos de ensino e aprendizagem em Química e pensada na particularidade envolvendo a dinamicidade do nível atômico-molecular. 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El objeto de este trabajo es el estudio del simbolismo de las aves en el ámbito tartésico y fenicio-púnico en la península ibérica durante el Bronce Final y el Hierro I. Se han recogido y analizado aquellas piezas con representaciones de aves, así como los restos orgánicos de éstas, si bien esto último no ha dado muchos frutos debido a las dificultades que existen tanto para su conservación como para la posterior identificación de especies. En total se han podido determinar ánades, gallos, palomas, flamencos, cisnes, lechuzas y halcones, todas ellas representadas en el Mediterráneo oriental y cuya iconografía se vincula al mundo funerario, al tránsito al Más Allá y a las divinidades. Gran parte de esa iconografía llegó a la península de mano de los fenicios, si bien su acogida y aceptación entre la población local fue variable. Palabras clave: aves, simbolismo, tartesios, fenicios, púnicosTopónimos: península ibéricaPeriodo: Hierro I. ABSTRACTThe aim of this paper is to study the symbolism of birds in Tartessian and Phoenician-Punic cultures within the Iberian Peninsula during the late Bronze and early Iron Age. To this end, items with any sort of symbolism connected with birds have been analysed. Organic remains have also been examined, although the latter did not make a relevant contribution to the study due to problems of conservation of the organic remains and subsequent identification of species. I have identified ducks, roosters, pigeons, flamingos, swans, owls and hawks, all located around the East Mediterranean basin and related to funerary contexts, the journey to the hereafter and deities. Most of this iconography reached the Iberian Peninsula via Phoenician culture, albeit its acceptance among the local population varied. Keywords: birds, symbolism, Tartesian, Phoenicians, PunicPlace names: Iberian PeninsulaPeriod: Iron Age REFERENCIASAlmagro Gorbea, M. J. 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IntroductionThe debate about the responsibility of museums to respect Indigenous peoples’ rights (Kelly and Gordon; Butts) has caught our attention on the basis of our previous research experience with regard to the protection of the tangible and intangible heritage of the San (former hunter gatherers) in Southern Africa (Martin and Vermeylen; Vermeylen, Contextualising; Vermeylen, Life Force; Vermeylen et al.; Vermeylen, Land Rights). This paper contributes to the critical debate about curatorial practices and the recovery of Indigenous peoples’ cultural practices and explores how museums can be transformed into cultural centres that “decolonise” their objects while simultaneously providing social agency to marginalised groups such as the San. Indigenous MuseumTraditional methods of displaying Indigenous heritage are now regarded with deep suspicion and resentment by Indigenous peoples (Simpson). A number of related issues such as the appropriation, ownership and repatriation of culture together with the treatment of sensitive and sacred materials and the stereotyping of Indigenous peoples’ identity (Carter; Simpson) have been identified as the main problems in the debate about museum curatorship and Indigenous heritage. The poignant question remains whether the concept of a classical museum—in the sense of how it continues to classify, value and display non-Western artworks—will ever be able to provide agency to Indigenous peoples as long as “their lives are reduced to an abstract set of largely arbitrary material items displayed without much sense of meaning” (Stanley 3). Indeed, as Salvador has argued, no matter how much Indigenous peoples have been involved in the planning and implementation of an exhibition, some issues remain problematic. First, there is the problem of representation: who speaks for the group; who should make decisions and under what circumstances; when is it acceptable for “outsiders” to be involved? Furthermore, Salvador raises another area of contestation and that is the issue of intention. As we agree with Salvador, no matter how good the intention to include Indigenous peoples in the curatorial practices, the fact that Indigenous peoples may have a (political) perspective about the exhibition that differs from the ideological foundation of the museum enterprise, is, indeed, a challenge that must not be overlooked in the discussion of the inclusive museum. This relates to, arguably, one of the most important challenges in respect to the concept of an Indigenous museum: how to present the past and present without creating an essentialising “Other”? As Stanley summarises, the modernising agenda of the museum, including those museums that claim to be Indigenous museums, continues to be heavily embedded in the belief that traditional cultural beliefs, practices and material manifestations must be saved. In other words, exhibitions focusing on Indigenous peoples fail to show them as dynamic, living cultures (Simpson). This raises the issue that museums recreate the past (Sepúlveda dos Santos) while Indigenous peoples’ interests can be best described “in terms of contemporaneity” (Bolton qtd. in Stanley 7). According to Bolton, Indigenous peoples’ interest in museums can be best understood in terms of using these (historical) collections and institutions to address contemporary issues. Or, as Sepúlveda dos Santos argues, in order for museums to be a true place of memory—or indeed a true place of recovery—it is important that the museum makes the link between the past and contemporary issues or to use its objects in such a way that these objects emphasize “the persistence of lived experiences transmitted through generations” (29). Under pressure from Indigenous rights movements, the major aim of some museums is now reconciliation with Indigenous peoples which, ultimately, should result in the return of the cultural objects to the originators of these objects (Kelly and Gordon). Using the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act of 1990 (NAGPRA) as an illustration, we argue that the whole debate of returning or recovering Indigenous peoples’ cultural objects to the original source is still embedded in a discourse that emphasises the mummified aspect of these materials. As Harding argues, NAGPRA is provoking an image of “native Americans as mere passive recipients of their cultural identity, beholden to their ancestors and the museum community for the re-creation of their cultures” (137) when it defines cultural patrimony as objects having ongoing historical, traditional or cultural importance, central to the Native American group or culture itself. According to Harding (2005) NAGPRA’s dominating narrative focuses on the loss, alienation and cultural genocide of the objects as long as these are not returned to their originators. The recovery or the return of the objects to their “original” culture has been applauded as one of the most liberating and emancipatory events in recent years for Indigenous peoples. However, as we have argued elsewhere, the process of recovery needs to do more than just smother the object in its past; recovery can only happen when heritage or tradition is connected to the experience of everyday life. One way of achieving this is to move away from the objectification of Indigenous peoples’ cultures. ObjectificationIn our exploratory enquiry about new museum practices our attention was drawn to a recent debate about ownership and personhood within the context of museology (Busse; Baker; Herle; Bell; Geismar). Busse, in particular, makes the point that in order to reformulate curatorial practices it is important to redefine the concept and meaning of objects. While the above authors do not question the importance of the objects, they all argue that the real importance does not lie in the objects themselves but in the way these objects embody the physical manifestation of social relations. The whole idea that objects matter because they have agency and efficacy, and as such become a kind of person, draws upon recent anthropological theorising by Gell and Strathern. Furthermore, we have not only been inspired by Gell’s and Strathern’s approaches that suggests that objects are social persons, we have also been influenced by Appadurai’s and Kopytoff’s defining of objects as biographical agents and therefore valued because of the associations they have acquired throughout time. We argue that by framing objects in a social network throughout its lifecycle we can avoid the recurrent pitfalls of essentialising objects in terms of their “primitive” or “traditional” (aesthetic) qualities and mystifying the identity of Indigenous peoples as “noble savages.” Focusing more on the social network that surrounds a particular object opens up new avenues of enquiry as to how, and to what extent, museums can become more inclusive vis-à-vis Indigenous peoples. It allows moving beyond the current discourse that approaches the history of the (ethnographic) museum from only one dominant perspective. By tracing an artwork throughout its lifecycle a new metaphor can be discovered; one that shows that Indigenous peoples have not always been victims, but maybe more importantly it allows us to show a more complex narrative of the object itself. It gives us the space to counterweight some of the discourses that have steeped Indigenous artworks in a “postcolonial” framework of sacredness and mythical meaning. This is not to argue that it is not important to be reminded of the dangers of appropriating other cultures’ heritage, but we would argue that it is equally important to show that approaching a story from a one-sided perspective will create a dualism (Bush) and reducing the differences between different cultures to a dualistic opposition fails to recognise the fundamental areas of agency (Morphy). In order for museums to enliven and engage with objects, they must become institutions that emphasise a relational approach towards displaying and curating objects. In the next part of this paper we will explore to what extent an online museum could progressively facilitate the process of providing agency to the social relations that link objects, persons, environments and memories. As Solanilla argues, what has been described as cybermuseology may further transform the museum landscape and provide an opportunity to challenge some of the problems identified above (e.g. essentialising practices). Or to quote the museologist Langlais: “The communication and interaction possibilities offered by the Web to layer information and to allow exploration of multiple meanings are only starting to be exploited. In this context, cybermuseology is known as a practice that is knowledge-driven rather than object-driven, and its main goal is to disseminate knowledge using the interaction possibilities of Information Communication Technologies” (Langlais qtd. in Solanilla 108). One thing which shows promise and merits further exploration is the idea of transforming the act of exhibiting ethnographic objects accompanied by texts and graphics into an act of cyber discourse that allows Indigenous peoples through their own voices and gestures to involve us in their own history. This is particularly the case since Indigenous peoples are using technologies, such as the Internet, as a new medium through which they can recuperate their histories, land rights, knowledge and cultural heritage (Zimmerman et al.). As such, new technology has played a significant role in the contestation and formation of Indigenous peoples’ current identity by creating new social and political spaces through visual and narrative cultural praxis (Ginsburg).Online MuseumsIt has been acknowledged for some time that a presence on the Web might mitigate the effects of what has been described as the “unassailable voice” in the recovery process undertaken by museums (Walsh 77). However, a museum’s online engagement with an Indigenous culture may have significance beyond undercutting the univocal authority of a museum. In the case of the South African National Gallery it was charged with challenging the extent to which it represents entrenched but unacceptable political ideologies. Online museums may provide opportunities in the conservation and dissemination of “life stories” that give an account of an Indigenous culture as it is experienced (Solanilla 105). We argue that in engaging with Indigenous cultural heritage a distinction needs to be drawn between data and the cognitive capacity to learn, “which enables us to extrapolate and learn new knowledge” (Langlois 74). The problem is that access to data about an Indigenous culture does not necessarily lead to an understanding of its knowledge. It has been argued that cybermuseology loses the essential interpersonal element that needs to be present if intangible heritage is understood as “the process of making sense that is generally transmitted orally and through face-to-face experience” (Langlois 78). We agree that the online museum does not enable a reality to be reproduced (Langlois 78).This does not mean that cybermuseology should be dismissed. Instead it provides the opportunity to construct a valuable, but completely new, experience of cultural knowledge (Langlois 78). The technology employed in cybermuseology provides the means by which control over meaning may, at least to some extent, be dispersed (Langlois 78). In this way online museums provide the opportunity for Indigenous peoples to challenge being subjected to manipulation by one authoritative museological voice. One of the ways this may be achieved is through interactivity by enabling the use of social tagging and folksonomy (Solanilla 110; Trant 2). In these processes keywords (tags) are supplied and shared by visitors as a means of accessing museum content. These tags in turn give rise to a classification system (folksonomy). In the context of an online museum engaging with an Indigenous culture we have reservations about the undifferentiated interactivity on the part of all visitors. This issue may be investigated further by examining how interactivity relates to communication. Arguably, an online museum is engaged in communicating Indigenous cultural heritage because it helps to keep it alive and pass it on to others (Langlois 77). However, enabling all visitors to structure online access to that culture may be detrimental to the communication of knowledge that might otherwise occur. The narratives by which Indigenous cultures, rather than visitors, order access to information about their cultures may lead to the communication of important knowledge. An illustration of the potential of this approach is the work Sharon Daniel has been involved with, which enables communities to “produce knowledge and interpret their own experience using media and information technologies” (Daniel, Palabras) partly by means of generating folksonomies. One way in which such issues may be engaged with in the context of online museums is through the argument that database and narrative in such new media objects are opposed to each other (Manovich, New Media 225). A new media work such as an online museum may be understood to be comprised of a database and an interface to that database. A visitor to an online museum may only move through the content of the database by following those paths that have been enabled by those who created the museum (Manovich, New Media 227). In short it is by means of the interface provided to the viewer that the content of the database is structured into a narrative (Manovich, New Media: 226). It is possible to understand online museums as constructions in which narrative and database aspects are emphasized to varying degrees for users. There are a variety of museum projects in which the importance of the interface in creating a narrative interface has been acknowledged. Goldblum et al. describe three examples of websites in which interfaces may be understood as, and explicitly designed for, carrying meaning as well as enabling interactivity: Life after the Holocaust; Ripples of Genocide; and Yearbook 2006.As with these examples, we suggest that it is important there be an explicit engagement with the significance of interface(s) for online museums about Indigenous peoples. The means by which visitors access content is important not only for the way in which visitors interact with material, but also as to what is communicated about, culture. It has been suggested that the curator’s role should be moved away from expertly representing knowledge toward that of assisting people outside the museum to make “authored statements” within it (Bennett 11). In this regard it seems to us that involvement of Indigenous peoples with the construction of the interface(s) to online museums is of considerable significance. Pieterse suggests that ethnographic museums should be guided by a process of self-representation by the “others” portrayed (Pieterse 133). Moreover it should not be forgotten that, because of the separation of content and interface, it is possible to have access to a database of material through more than one interface (Manovich, New Media 226-7). Online museums provide a means by which the artificial homogenization of Indigenous peoples may be challenged.We regard an important potential benefit of an online museum as the replacement of accessing material through the “unassailable voice” with the multiplicity of Indigenous voices. A number of ways to do this are suggested by a variety of new media artworks, including those that employ a database to rearrange information to reveal underlying cultural positions (Paul 100). Paul discusses the work of, amongst others, George Legrady. She describes how it engages with the archive and database as sites that record culture (104-6). Paul specifically discusses Legrady’s work Slippery Traces. This involved viewers navigating through more than 240 postcards. Viewers of work were invited to “first chose one of three quotes appearing on the screen, each of which embodies a different perspective—anthropological, colonialist, or media theory—and thus provides an interpretive angle for the experience of the projects” (104-5). In the same way visitors to an online museum could be provided with a choice of possible Indigenous voices by which its collection might be experienced. We are specifically interested in the implications that such approaches have for the way in which online museums could engage with film. Inspired by Basu’s work on reframing ethnographic film, we see the online museum as providing the possibility of a platform to experiment with new media art in order to expose the meta-narrative(s) about the politics of film making. As Basu argues, in order to provoke a feeling of involvement with the viewer, it is important that the viewer becomes aware “of the plurality of alternative readings/navigations that they might have made” (105). As Weinbren has observed, where a fixed narrative pathway has been constructed by a film, digital technology provides a particularly effective means to challenge it. It would be possible to reveal the way in which dominant political interests regarding Indigenous cultures have been asserted, such as for example in the popular film The Gods Must Be Crazy. New media art once again provides some interesting examples of the way ideology, that might otherwise remain unclear, may be exposed. Paul describes the example of Jennifer and Kevin McCoy’s project How I learned. The work restructures a television series Kung Fu by employing “categories such as ‘how I learned about blocking punches,’ ‘how I learned about exploiting workers,’ or ‘how I learned to love the land’” (Paul 103) to reveal in greater clarity, than otherwise might be possible, the cultural stereotypes used in the visual narratives of the program (Paul 102-4). We suggest that such examples suggest the ways in which online museums could work to reveal and explore the existence not only of meta-narratives expressed by museums as a whole, but also the means by which they are realised within existing items held in museum collections.ConclusionWe argue that the agency for such reflective moments between the San, who have been repeatedly misrepresented or underrepresented in exhibitions and films, and multiple audiences, may be enabled through the generation of multiple narratives within online museums. 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