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Journal articles on the topic 'Santa Maria (Basilica)'
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Prokop, Krzysztof R. "Recenzja]: Cronotassi degli Arcipreti della Basilica Papale Santa Maria Maggiore, a cura di Mons. Michał Jagosz, contributi di Andreas Rehberg [...]." Archiwa, Biblioteki i Muzea Kościelne 108 (December 20, 2018): 429–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/abmk.12543.
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Pełny tytuł: [Recenzja]: Cronotassi degli Arcipreti della Basilica Papale Santa Maria Maggiore, a cura di Mons. Michał Jagosz, contributi di Andreas Rehberg, Giovanni Sicari (biografie e ritrattistica), Vincenzo Parrino (elaborazioni araldiche) (Studia Liberiana • Studie documenti sulla storia della Basilica Papale e del Capitolo di Santa Maria Maggiore • Edizioni Capitolo Liberiano, vol. XI), Roma 2017, ss. 184 [liczne ilustracje]
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Kinney, Dale. "Liturgy, Space, and Community in the Basilica Julii (Santa Maria in Trastevere)." Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 31 (December 31, 2019): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/acta.7801.
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The Basilica Julii (also known as titulus Callisti and later as Santa Maria in Trastevere) provides a case study of the physical and social conditions in which early Christian liturgies 'rewired' their participants. This paper demonstrates that liturgical transformation was a two-way process, in which liturgy was the object as well as the agent of change. Three essential factors - the liturgy of the Eucharist, the space of the early Christian basilica, and the local Christian community - are described as they existed in Rome from the fourth through the ninth centuries. The essay then takes up the specific case of the Basilica Julii, showing how these three factors interacted in the concrete conditions of a particular titular church. The basilica's early Christian liturgical layout endured until the ninth century, when it was reconfigured by Pope Gregory IV (827-844) to bring the liturgical sub-spaces up-to-date. In Pope Gregory's remodeling the original non-hierarchical layout was replaced by one in which celebrants were elevated above the congregation, women were segregated from men, and higher-ranking lay people were accorded places of honor distinct from those of lesser stature. These alterations brought the Basilica Julii in line with the requirements of the ninth-century papal stational liturgy. The stational liturgy was hierarchically organized from the beginning, but distinctions became sharper in the course of the early Middle Ages in accordance with the expansion of papal authority and changes in lay society. Increasing hierarchization may have enhanced the transformational power of the Eucharist, or impeded it.
Keywords: S. Maria in Trastevere, stational liturgy, tituli, presbyterium.
On cover:Monks singing the Office and decorated initial A[sperges me.]. Gradual Olivetan Master (Use of the Olivetan Benedictines), illuminated manuscript on parchment ca. 1430-1439. Italy, Monastero di Santa Maria di Baggio near Milan, Ca 1400-1775.Beinecke Ms1184: The olivetan Gradual. Gradual. General Collection, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University.
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Borge Cordovilla, Francisco José. "La forma de la primitiva iglesia de San Juan Bautista de Oviedo: análisis y contextualización de restos arqueológicos a través de procedimientos de informática gráfica." Virtual Archaeology Review 4, no. 9 (November 5, 2013): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/var.2013.4236.
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<p>The application of the procedures commonly used by computer graphics has allowed the author contextualize the existing remains under the present church of San Pelayo de Oviedo as corresponding to a high medieval crypt, built by the shop that built Santa Maria del Rey Casto basilica and Foncalada fountain, reigning Alfonso II (to 842), including making a joint hypothesis of the same with the primitive basilica of San Juan Bautista named by early medieval sources in Asturias, characterized by a complex liturgical equipment, "confessio" semi-underground low chancel and sanctuary high; by linking the building with other Europeans, the Merovingian and Anglo-Saxon area, of which derived type, also present in the s Roman basilicas of the eighth century.</p>
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Tsykunov, I. V. "Cosmatesque matrix: syntax of style in Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome." Язык и текст 4, no. 1 (2017): 83–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/langt.2017040109.
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Cosmatesque style mosaic is not only the decorative ornament that has decorated medieval temples; it is the developed symbolical system, which represents religious concepts and ideas of a universe structure. Cosmatesque structure includes hierarchy of levels that is similar to phonetic, lexical and grammatical levels of language in its functions. Figures of this style can be include in composition, structurally and functionally corresponding to the sentences and texts developing in a narrative. This article to analyse Cosmatesque syntax and interpretation of concepts of craftsmen Cosmati, on the example of Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome. The author of this article assumes that the basilica floor represents the Christological cycle made of plots of the New Testament. Nevertheless, as at that time there was a ban on images of the Scripture Christological cycle is presented by symbolical design of craftsmen Cosmati.
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Alaggio, Rocco, Angelo Aloisio, Elena Antonacci, and Riccardo Cirella. "Two-years static and dynamic monitoring of the Santa Maria di Collemaggio basilica." Construction and Building Materials 268 (January 2021): 121069. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.conbuildmat.2020.121069.
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Tsykunov, I. V. "Prayer in stone: symbols cosmatesque in the Basilica of Santa-Maria-Maggiore in Rome." Язык и текст 3, no. 3 (2016): 31–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/langt.2016030305.
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All the architectural elements of a medieval temple, like itself, are common symbolic space where all details represent the idea of God and face either the faithful or to the Creator himself. And in this system are not the masters of mosaic floors Cosmati alien element - in fact, it is nothing like prayer, created in stone, but the prayer of living presented in the complex language of mosaic figures of Christian imagery. In the article on the example of the Roman basilica of Santa-Maria-Maggiore are considered rich semiotic cosmatesque opportunity to express ideas and concepts of his age. Author restores the value style characters, based on the texts of the era and the reconstruction of views of the Middle Ages made by historians of art and religion.
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Sigismondi, Costantino. "Pinhole Solar Monitor tests in the Basilica of Santa Maria degli Angeli in Rome." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 2, S233 (March 2006): 521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921306002584.
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Kuznetsova, Nataliya S. "THE IMAGE OF THE ALTAR OF ST. PETER'S BASILICA IN THE ROMAN CHURCHES OF THE 12-13TH CENT." Articult, no. 3 (2020): 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2227-6165-2020-3-56-64.
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The Main purpose of the study is an analysis of influence of the image of St. Peter's Basilica on the Roman church architecture of the 12th-13th centuries. It is possible to search the special type of the presbytery, characterized by uniting of the altar on the pedestal and the reliquary “confession” in the general vertical composition. The congregation of these churches had opportunities to see the process of worship and approach the saint relicts. The altar stood so that the Priest served the mass facing the worshippers, as it was in San Pietro. So, this important monument of Rome could be a model for the other churches of the Middle Ages. Among the churches of this period, such features have the altar space of San Giovanni in Laterano, as well as the basilicas of San Giorgio in Velabro, Santa Maria Assunta in Anagni and Santi Giovanni e Paolo in Ferentino. All these buildings was connected with the Power of Papa.
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Mamlina, Aleksandra. "Milan Cathedral Project: To the Historiography of the Question." Stephanos Peer reviewed multilanguage scientific journal 46, no. 2 (March 31, 2021): 109–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24249/2309-9917-2021-46-2-109-114.
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The prehistory of the new Duomo constructed instead of the old Cathedral of Santa Maria Maggiore (winter cathedral) and the Basilica of Santa Tecla (summer cathedral) remains a matter of debate. For a long time historiography attributes the main role in the renovation of the Duomo to the first Duke of Milan, Giangaleazzo Visconti. The first attempts to reassess the contribution of Giangaleazzo to the founding of the cathedral met with radical rejection. The question of the origin of the project itself (whether it was developed by Lombard or foreign engineers), as well as whether it has undergone changes in the initial phases of construction and what this may be due to, remains controversial. The article presents an analysis of the latest historiography on the theme.
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Cimellaro, Gian Paolo, Andrei M. Reinhorn, and Alessandro De Stefano. "Introspection on improper seismic retrofit of Basilica Santa Maria di Collemaggio after 2009 Italian earthquake." Earthquake Engineering and Engineering Vibration 10, no. 1 (March 2011): 153–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11803-011-0054-4.
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Cavalagli, Nicola, and Vittorio Gusella. "Dome of the Basilica of Santa Maria Degli Angeli in Assisi: Static and Dynamic Assessment." International Journal of Architectural Heritage 9, no. 2 (October 2, 2014): 157–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15583058.2014.951799.
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Barazzetti, L., R. Brumana, D. Oreni, M. Previtali, and F. Roncoroni. "True-orthophoto generation from UAV images: Implementation of a combined photogrammetric and computer vision approach." ISPRS Annals of Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences II-5 (May 28, 2014): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprsannals-ii-5-57-2014.
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This paper presents a photogrammetric methodology for true-orthophoto generation with images acquired from UAV platforms. The method is an automated multistep workflow made up of three main parts: (i) image orientation through feature-based matching and collinearity equations / bundle block adjustment, (ii) dense matching with correlation techniques able to manage multiple images, and true-orthophoto mapping for 3D model texturing. It allows automated data processing of sparse blocks of convergent images in order to obtain a final true-orthophoto where problems such as self-occlusions, ghost effects, and multiple texture assignments are taken into consideration. <br><br> The different algorithms are illustrated and discussed along with a real case study concerning the UAV flight over the Basilica di Santa Maria di Collemaggio in L'Aquila (Italy). The final result is a rigorous true-orthophoto used to inspect the roof of the Basilica, which was seriously damaged by the earthquake in 2009.
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Borge Cordovilla, Francisco José. "La basílica de Santa María de Oviedo: del panteón real a la catedral doble. Hipótesis de restitución en función del análisis compositivo y metrológico." Virtual Archaeology Review 5, no. 10 (May 2, 2014): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/var.2014.4228.
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The Basilica of Santa Maria de Oviedo (now “Rey Casto” Chapel of the Cathedral), was the lower church of the "Double Cathedral" Oviedo. For historians, the purpose of this building was the royal pantheon, creating a formal architectural framework around the tombs of the kings of Asturias, associated funerary cult in memory of the monarchs. This vision has been maintained, despite non-membership archeology shows the cemetery to the original draft of the building, which is deducted important morphological and functional changes in it. Analysis techniques based on computer graphics and numerical approach to serve the reasonable assumptions that allow the reconstruction of this building still missing.
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TANGARI, NICOLA. "Mensural and polyphonic music of the fourteenth century and a new source for the Credo of Tournai in a gradual of the Basilica di Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome." Plainsong and Medieval Music 24, no. 1 (April 2015): 25–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137115000029.
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ABSTRACTAn early fourteenth-century gradual produced for use in Avignon and today preserved in Rome at the Basilica di Santa Maria Maggiore is a new source for understanding the musical and liturgical exchange between France and Italy in the fourteenth century. The present article will consider compositions written after the main body of the gradual, and found now in the initial fascicle and on the last three folios of the manuscript. These folios contain a hitherto unknown source for the Credo of Tournai as well as other works not recorded elsewhere; for example, a polyphonic Gloria, a polyphonic Credo, a troped Sanctus and a Credo in cantus fractus.
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Betti, Michele, and Andrea Vignoli. "Numerical assessment of the static and seismic behaviour of the basilica of Santa Maria all’Impruneta (Italy)." Construction and Building Materials 25, no. 12 (December 2011): 4308–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.conbuildmat.2010.12.028.
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Booth, Sara Elizabeth, and Albert van Helden. "The Virgin and the Telescope: The Moons of Cigoli and Galileo." Science in Context 13, no. 3-4 (2000): 463–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889700003872.
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The ArgumentIn 1612, Lodovico Cigoli completed a fresco in the Pauline chapel of the Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome depicting Apocalypse 12: “A woman clothed with the sun, and the moon under her feet.” He showed the crescent Moon with spots, as his friend Galileo had observed with the newly invented telescope. Considerations of the orthodox view of the perfect Moon as held by philosophers have led historians to ask why this clearly imperfect Moon in a religious painting raised no eyebrows. We argue that when considered in the context of biblical interpretation and the rhetoric of the Counter-Reformation, the imperfect Moon under the woman's feet was entirely consistent with traditional interpretations of Apocalypse 12.
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booth, sara elizabeth, and albert van helden. "the virgin and the telescope: the moons of cigoli and galileo." Science in Context 14, s1 (June 2001): 193–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889701000345.
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in 1612, lodovico cigoli completed a fresco in the pauline chapel of the basilica of santa maria maggiore in rome depicting apocalypse 12: “a woman clothed with the sun, and the moon under her feet.” he showed the crescent moon with spots, as his friend galileo had observed with the newly invented telescope. considerations of the orthodox view of the perfect moon as held by philosophers have led historians to ask why this clearly imperfect moon in a religious painting raised no eyebrows. we argue that when considered in the context of biblical interpretation and the rhetoric of the counter-reformation, the imperfect moon under the woman's feet was entirely consistent with traditional interpretations of apocalypse 12.
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Arcidiacono, Vincenzo, Gian Paolo Cimellaro, and John A. Ochsendorf. "Analysis of the failure mechanisms of the basilica of Santa Maria di Collemaggio during 2009 L’Aquila earthquake." Engineering Structures 99 (September 2015): 502–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.engstruct.2015.04.051.
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Leucci, Giovanni, Lara De Giorgi, Ivan Ferrari, Francesco Giuri, Lucrezia Longhitano, Alberto Felici, and Cristiano Riminesi. "Non-Destructive Diagnosis on the Masaccio Frescoes at the Brancacci Chapel, Church of Santa Maria del Carmine (Florence)." Remote Sensing 15, no. 4 (February 20, 2023): 1146. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rs15041146.
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The Basilica of Santa Maria del Carmine in Florence, in the Oltrarno area, was built in 1268 (pre-Renaissance low medieval context) and consecrated in 1422. Following a devastating fire in the interior of the original church, in 1771, very little remained. Among the parts that were saved were the Corsini and Brancacci chapels. The architect Giuseppe Ruggeri was responsible for the reconstruction of the church, which was completed in 1782 (with the exception of the gabled façade which remained unfinished, as can still be seen today). Geophysical investigations were undertaken into the Brancacci chapel in order to have information on the structure of the wall that contains wall paintings by Masaccio, Masolino, and Filippino Lippi, to understand the stratigraphy of the mortars, and to formulate some hypotheses on the causes of their detachment. The results are interesting.
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Veress, Ferenc. "Following the Star : Nativity Scenes and Sacred Drama from the Middle Ages to the Baroque." Uránia 1, no. 1 (2021): 58–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.56044/ua.2021.1.4.eng.
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This study discusses the origin, and liturgical function, of a popular accessory of the Christmas celebrations, that is, the Bethlehem nativity scene. The events of the life of Jesus attracted much attention in the early period of Christianity, as a result of which the Holy Land was visited by flocks of pilgrims. Descriptions of the sentiments aroused by a pilgrimage to Bethlehem may be found in sources as early as the letters of Saint Jerome. Fragments of the Bethlehem manger were kept in the Santa Maria Maggiore Cathedral in Rome, so it is here that one of the first nativity scenes, a sculptural group by Arnolfo di Cambio, can be found (late 13th century). The work of Arnolfo was commissioned by the same Pope Nicholas IV who also sponsored the ornamentation of the Cathedral of San Rufino. One screen of the Giotto Assisi fresco cycle depicts Saint Francis’ Miracle of Greccio, in which the Holy Mass is celebrated over the manger and the Child comes to life. The Bethlehem nativity scene was the subject of numerous paintings and sculptures during the Renaissance and the Baroque era. From the sacrificial procession of the faithful in the liturgy evolved the genre of sacral drama, from which in turn mystery plays were developed, leaving the premises of the church. Nativity scenes incorporating elements of mystery plays, such as the presence of the shepherds, were intended primarily to make the miracle of embodiment a palpable reality for the believers. The presence of the Holy Family, the three Magi and the shepherds made the nativity scene realistic, always with a touch of the day and age. A tabernacle cabinet carried by angels was erected in 1589 over the Chapel of the Nativity in the Santa Maria Maggiore Basilica; commissioned, again, by a Franciscan Pope, Sixtus V. Caravaggio’s Adoration of the Shepherds altar paintings (the Museo Nazionale, Messina, and the San Lorenzo church, Palermo), represented a novel interpretation of the subject. In sculpture, Antonio Begarelli’s terracotta groups (1526-1527, Modena Cathedral), which resemble paintings, preceded baroque art. The nativity scene, as a genre in sculpture, started to flourish again in Hungary in the 17th century, a symbolic representative of which was the medieval Adoration of the Shepherds sculptural group found by Jesuits in the Town Hall of Lőcse (today Levoča, in Slovakia), a work executed by the master Pál Lőcsei (today in the Basilica of Saint James, Levoča). Three Magi altars are to be found in the churches of Saint Michael in both Sopron and Kolozsvár (today Cluj-Napoca, in Romania), which presumably must have had their medieval antecedents. While the Adoration of the Three Magi sculptural group is a work of an immigrant Bavarian sculptor, Georg Schweitzer, in Sopron, it was Franz Anton Maulbertsch who painted a Three Magi altar screen in Kolozsvár (Cluj-Napoca). Maulbertsch also developed the theme of the Three Magi and the Adoration of the Shepherds in two separate fresco scenes in the parish church of Sümeg, deliberately associating with the great tradition leading to the Church of Nativity in Bethlehem, via the Santa Maria Maggiore Basilica in Rome.
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Pulcrano, M., S. Scandurra, E. Fragalà, D. Palomba, and A. di Luggo. "MULTI-SENSOR DATA ACQUISITION AND INTEGRATION PROCESSES FOR THE STUDY AND DOCUMENTATION OF THE CHURCH OF SANTA MARIA DEGLI ANGELI IN PIZZOFALCONE IN NAPLES." International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLVI-M-1-2021 (August 28, 2021): 571–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprs-archives-xlvi-m-1-2021-571-2021.
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Abstract. The paper presents the results of a research carried out on the Church of Santa Maria degli Angeli in Pizzofalcone in Naples, in which multi-sensor surveys have been performed in order to assess the architectonical, geometrical and colorimetric characteristics of the majestic basilica. The use of integrated technologies made it possible to realize 3D digital models that allowed the complete representation of the building, integrating data and filling the gaps of the different previous surveys. The performances of the various reality-based technologies employed have been subjected to critical analysis in order to maximize their potential, optimize survey and data elaboration phases, and obtain the expected results. These latter have been defined through the derived digital re-elaborations and representations. Hence, the objective of the research is to carry out a comparative analysis on the 3D models generated through the different active and passive sensors employed in order to proceed with their integration and achieve an accurate, original and updated methodology of building survey.
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Marrocchino, Elena, Chiara Telloli, Marilena Leis, and Carmela Vaccaro. "Geochemical-Microscopical Characterization of the Deterioration of Stone Surfaces in the Cloister of Santa Maria in Vado (Ferrara, Italy)." Heritage 4, no. 4 (October 1, 2021): 2996–3008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/heritage4040167.
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Santa Maria in Vado is a monument in the rich artistic heritage of the city of Ferrara (north of Italy). In this paper we want to investigate the state of conservation of tombstones, cloister and the entrance to the basilica, in order to keep them in the best possible state for the future generations. From the chemical characterization, the state of conservation was determined focusing on the biodeteriogenic and non-biodeteriogenic factors, which determine a series of unwanted changes in the physical, mechanical and above all aesthetic properties of the material, often closely connected with the environment and conservation conditions. On the macroscopic observation, the state of conservation of the tombstones appeared to be very deteriorated through aesthetic and structural damage. In detail, the stereo microscope observation of samples collected from the tombstones show the presence of efflorescence probably caused by the abundant of water that bring the salts present inside the rock into solution. Relating the columns, μ-XRF analysis confirm the carbonate composition of samples and presence of iron and sulfur. Finally, SEM observation highlighted the presence of black crust on arch samples and the presence of pollen on the black crust and spheroidal particles probably related to atmospheric pollution.
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Tucci, Pier Luigi. "A funerary monument on the Capitoline: architecture and painting in mid-Republican Rome, between Etruria and Greece." Journal of Roman Archaeology 31 (2018): 30–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104775941800123x.
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The debate on the relationships between Rome, Italy, and the Mediterranean world in the Archaic and mid-Republican periods remains very lively. Complementing the most recent discoveries and interpretations, I present two unknown mid-Republican documents from the Arx, the N summit of the Capitoline hill (fig. 1). Excavations for the Monument to Victor Emmanuel II brought to light after 1887 many walls and artifacts, which have been studied almost exclusively to produce archaeological maps or catalogues of objects, but the structures sealed beneath the basilica of Santa Maria in Aracoeli toward the end of the 13th c., rediscovered in the 1980s and surveyed by the present author since 2001, shed new light on a number of religious, historical, topographical, architectural and art-historical issues.The new archaeological evidence may be summarized as follows. In the 1st c. B.C., an aristocratic domus set on three levels occupied the NW sector of the Arx; it was remodeled in the Flavian and Severan periods (figs. 2-3). Apparently a location of the temple of Juno Moneta on the site of the Aracoeli must be ruled out. Among the structures still preserved beneath the basilica, which include an Imperial-era wall with huge curvilinear spurs that can be associated with the Iseum Capitolinum, we may mention an ashlar wall in blocks of Grotta Oscura tuff (a stone available after the defeat of Veii in 397 B.C.) that constituted the façade of a monument with a false arch dating from the 4th c. B.C. (fig. 2).
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Amoroso, Sara, Iolanda Gaudiosi, Marco Tallini, Giuseppe Di Giulio, and Giuliano Milana. "2D site response analysis of a cultural heritage: the case study of the site of Santa Maria di Collemaggio Basilica (L’Aquila, Italy)." Bulletin of Earthquake Engineering 16, no. 10 (March 24, 2018): 4443–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10518-018-0356-2.
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Marinho, G., J. Peta, J. Pereira, and M. Marguilho. "Stendhal syndrome: Can art make you ill?" European Psychiatry 64, S1 (April 2021): S317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/j.eurpsy.2021.852.
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IntroductionA psychosomatic disorder, Stendhal Syndrome, causes tachycardia, dizziness, sweating, disorientation, fainting, and confusion when someone is looking at artwork with which he or she connects deeply emotionally. In 1817, a French author named Marie-Henri Beyle, whose pseudonym was Stendhal, described his experience visiting the Basilica of Santa Croce in Florence and feeling overwhelmed by all the beauty and rich history surrounding him. Over a century later, visitors to Florence continued to suffer from similar symptoms. In 1979, Dr. Graziella Magherini, Chief of Psychiatry at the Hospital of Santa Maria Nuova in Florence, observed more than 100 tourists who were hospitalized after looking at art in Florence and coined the term Stendhal Syndrome.ObjectivesTo review literature on Stendhal syndrome, a bizarre travel-related syndrome.MethodsPubMed and Google Scholar search using the keywords Stendhal syndrome, travel syndromes, culture shockResultsVictims are typically impressionable, single people between 26-40 years old, who are stressed by travel and may be struggling with jet lag. For art lovers, the thrill of arriving somewhere like Florence that gathers so much famous art is like meeting all your heroes at once. This strange aesthetic sickness is surely evidence of the special power of Renaissance art.ConclusionsStendhal Syndrome does not currently appear in the DSM-5 (Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders). Psychiatrists have however, documented the syndrome in medical journals and advise that tourists pace themselves in art museums and get enough rest in between viewings of Italy’s breathtaking, powerful masterpieces.
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Sigismondi, Costantino. "Earth’s Obliquity and Stellar Aberration Detected at the Clementine Gnomon (Rome, 1703)." Physical Sciences Forum 2, no. 1 (February 22, 2021): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ecu2021-09323.
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The Clementine Gnomon was built in 1700–1702 by the astronomer Francesco Bianchini, upon the will of Pope Clement XI. This meridian line is located in the Basilica of santa Maria degli Angeli e dei Martiri in Rome, and it is visited by thousands of students and tourists per year. This 45-m meridian line was designed to measure the secular variation of the obliquity of the ecliptic ε and to verify the tropical years’ length used in the Gregorian Calendar. With a pencil and a meter, a synchronized watch and a videocamera, we can obtain an accuracy of up to one arcsecond in the position of the solar center. The observations from 21 November 2020 to 19 January 2021 are analyzed to recover the solstice’s instant in Capricorn, the ingresses into Sagittarius and Aquarius, and the corresponding observational uncertainties. Astrometric corrections to the total length of the meridian line and to the pinhole’s height are found. The 5′11″ Eastward deviation of the meridian line between the two solstices, found by comparing our observations and the ephemerides, and the aberration of Sirius’ light explain the timing of the solstices and equinoxes calculated by Bianchini for 1703. The aberration in declination of Sirius explains the variations of its meridian position observed in 1702-3.
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Aronberg Lavin, Marilyn. "El Pueblo de Nuestra Señora la Reina de los Ángeles de la Porciúncula: Or How Los Angeles Got its Name." Religion and the Arts 18, no. 1-2 (2014): 11–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685292-01801003.
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This study traces the route by which the city of Los Angeles came to be called by that name. Late in life St. Francis retired to a tiny hut on “a little piece of property,” una porziuncola near Assisi. Because angels were frequently heard singing there, the area around his hut was known as “La Valle di Nostra Donna degli Angeli.” Here, Francis experienced two appearances of Mary and her Son, during which he obtained the revolutionary plenary indulgence known as Il Perdono d’Assisi. The Porziuncola became a pilgrims’ shrine, and Francis’s hut was transformed into a huge basilica dedicated to Santa Maria degli Angeli. Reception of the indulgence slowly spread throughout Europe, and most particularly in Spain. Columbus, who was a Franciscan Tertiary, after a stay in the monastery of Our Lady of the Angels at La Rábida, set sail on his momentous journey on the feast of the Perdono (2 August). The indulgence was carried to the New World by the Franciscans where the devotion developed a wide-spread cult. Three hundred years later, the Spanish king’s army, accompanied by Franciscan friars, journeyed up the western coast and came upon a clear stream, which they called la Porciúncula. In 1781, the New World City of the Angels was founded in the cult’s honor.
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Di Maio, Rosa, Alessia Frisetti, Luigi Ferranti, Claudio De Paola, Mauro La Manna, and Ester Piegari. "Geophysical prospecting for the pre- and early-historical reconstruction of the subsurface underneath the Paleochristian Basilica of Santa Maria di Compulteria (northern Campania, Italy)." Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 38 (August 2021): 103091. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2021.103091.
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Tucci, Pier Luigi. "LIVING ON THE CAPITOLINE HILL: THE DOMUS OF THE ARACOELI AND ITS SCULPTURAL AND PAINTED DECORATION." Papers of the British School at Rome 87 (December 18, 2018): 71–144. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246218000351.
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This article investigates an aristocratic domus located on the Arx, overlooking the better-known insula of the Aracoeli from the northern summit of the Capitoline hill. This domus was buried during the construction of the basilica of Santa Maria in Aracoeli in the thirteenth century and remained sealed until the 1980s. I have reconstructed its layout — at least three levels survive — relying on my architectural survey and on the Vittoriano archives. The original phase dates from the first century BC, but substantial restorations were made during the Flavian age, when the domus lost its fauces–atrium–tablinum pattern, and in the early third century AD, when it was expanded vertically by a deep cut into the tuff bank, received a new facade and was redecorated with frescoes. The domus of the Aracoeli must have been a residence of high status, and in the Severan age it was supplied by lead pipes bearing imperial stamps. Although the Capitoline was mostly occupied by public buildings, the Arx was a prestigious neighbourhood and not a sort of monumental acropolis. I discuss the development and the architectural design of the domus of the Aracoeli, including its underground residential spaces as well as its sculptural and painted decoration; finally, I examine the remodellings of the original atrium house from a socio-cultural point of view.
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Ciampi, Vincenzo. "Discussion 1 on “Introspection on improper seismic retrofit of Basilica Santa Maria di Collemaggio after 2009 Italian earthquake” by G.P. Cimellaro, A.M.Reinhorn and A. De Stefano." Earthquake Engineering and Engineering Vibration 11, no. 2 (June 2012): 281–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11803-012-0118-0.
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Chavarria Arnau, Alexandra. "Paola Marina DE MARCHI, Michela PALAZZO (eds), La basilica di Santa Maria Maggiore di Lomello (Pavia): l’architettura e il ciclo decorativo in stucco. Ricerche, restauro, valorizzazione." Hortus Artium Medievalium 22 (May 2016): 490–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.ham.4.00067.
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Cartapati, Enzo. "Discussion 2 on “Introspection on improper seismic retrofit of Basilica Santa Maria di Collemaggio after 2009 Italian earthquake” by G.P. Cimellaro, A.M. Reinhorn and A. De Stefano." Earthquake Engineering and Engineering Vibration 11, no. 2 (June 2012): 289–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11803-012-0120-6.
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Battini, C., and R. Vecchiattini. "SURVEY AND RESTORATION: NEW WAYS OF INTERACTION." ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLII-5/W1 (May 17, 2017): 655–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprs-archives-xlii-5-w1-655-2017.
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The present paper analyses two cases exemplifying a possible use of survey and its elaborations in the field of conservation: the bell tower of the Basilica Santa Maria delle Vigne and the Chiesa di San Matteo, both situated in Genoa. In the first case, the threedimensional survey was used as a basis to build a model for the structural analysis. The need for an accurate database created with the three-dimensional survey allowed the research team to determine and highlight the critical points of the structure as the thickness of vaults and floors, the location of loads and the inclination of the walls. The data collected was used to create an accurate 3D model to be tested with simulations, in order to verify the stability of the bell tower when applying stress and limitations. In the second case, the three-dimensional survey was used as the basis for the collection, management and representation of the data derived from the survey on rising damp. The purpose was to test a dynamic data processing system that could be used as a tool to collect data on site as well as to access data remotely. By using software for three-dimensional representation and a node programming language, it was possible to define a system that offered dynamic viewing and was easy to use, through the use of chromatic scales and level curves, which can be generated starting from tables containing numerical data. Surveying, diagnostics, modelling and representation allow one to experiment with new ways of interaction within the common goal of conservation.
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Camuffo, Dario, Giovanni Sturaro, and Antonio Valentino. "Thermodynamic exchanges between the external boundary layer and the indoor microclimate at the Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore, Rome, Italy: the problem of conservation of ancient works of art." Boundary-Layer Meteorology 92, no. 2 (August 1999): 243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/a:1002026711404.
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Cimellaro, Gian Paolo, Andrei M. Reinhorn, and Alessandro De Stefano. "Reply to “Discussion 1 on ‘Introspection on improper seismic retrofit of Basilica Santa Maria di Collemaggio after 2009 Italian earthquake’ by G.P. Cimellaro, A.M. Reinhorn and A.De Stefano” by Vincenzo Ciampi." Earthquake Engineering and Engineering Vibration 11, no. 2 (June 2012): 283–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11803-012-0119-z.
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Cimellaro, Gian Paolo, Andrei M. Reinhorn, and Alessandro De Stefano. "Reply to “Discussion 2 on ‘Introspection on improper seismic retrofit of Basilica Santa Maria di Collemaggio after 2009 Italian earthquake’ by G.P. Cimellaro, A.M. Reinhorn and A.De Stefano” by Enzo Cartapati." Earthquake Engineering and Engineering Vibration 11, no. 2 (June 2012): 291–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11803-012-0121-5.
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Oreni, D., R. Brumana, S. Della Torre, and F. Banfi. "SURVEY, HBIM AND CONSERVATION PLAN OF A MONUMENTAL BUILDING DAMAGED BY EARTHQUAKE." ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLII-5/W1 (May 15, 2017): 337–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprs-archives-xlii-5-w1-337-2017.
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Surveying a monumental building damaged by the earthquake means to analyse its geometries, the structural elements, the connection still exist between the different parts, in order to define its state of conservation, to make structural analysis and to plan a proper project of restoration, consolidation, seismic improvement or addition of new elements. The survey of structural geometry represents the first necessary moment of building’ knowledge investigation, to be performed after the securing of the building by the Firefighters or Civil Protection. How and by which instruments the geometric analysis are conducted depends on many factors, not always exclusively on the will of the experts involved in the restoration project, but more often dictated by political, technical, social or economic needs. The accurate geometrical survey is referred as fundamental operation even by national <i>Directive for evaluation and earthquake risk reduction of cultural heritage</i> (GU n. 24 &ndash; 29/01/2008 and 2011 updates), which defines guidelines for preventive interventions on built heritage in order to make the structures less vulnerable in case of earthquake. <br><br> Nowadays, the wide use of tools and accurate surveying techniques makes it possible to achieve an adequate level of accuracy of information related to the buildings, overcoming the difficulties due to accessibility of the damaged structures. <br><br> The geometrical survey of the Basilica of Santa Maria di Collemaggio in L'Aquila, was made by Politecnico di Milano starting from 2013, within the project "Ripartire da Collemaggio" (<a href=" http://www.ungiornoacollemaggio.it/content/2027"target="_blank">http://www.ungiornoacollemaggio.it/content/2027</a>), financed by Eniservizi. The basilica, an important symbol for the community of L'Aquila, was gravely damaged by the earthquake of 6<sup>th</sup> April 2009. The objective of Eni was to turn the restoration of the building in a re-birth moment for all the community. The knowledge step was aimed to plan a restoration project able of returning the basilica to a safe and full use. In the two years knowledge investigation steps (geometric survey, historical and stratigraphic analysis, materials investigation, structures and soils examination, <i>in situ</i> tests and numerical elaborations) was involved an interdisciplinary group of researchers from various Italian universities, Politecnico di Milano, Università La Sapienza in Rome and the University of L'Aquila, called to provide a scientific advice to the Soprintendenza ai Beni Architettonici e Paesaggistici per l’Abruzzo, project manager of the restoration step. In early 2016 the yard of restoration was opened and it is still on-going. <br><br> The geometrical survey of the basilica was aim to investigate, measure and represent the exact geometry of the damaged structures and their three-dimensional complexity; the survey was planned choosing the tools and methods most appropriate in relation with the accessibility and safety of the structures, the operating ranges of acquisition and the level of detail required by the analysis and the project. This meant to integrate global and local surveying techniques, in order to cross relate data derived by different tools and to make the graphical restitution of the entire monumental complex: topography, laser scanning, photogrammetry, but also hands on instruments, at a scale of representation from 1&thinsp;:&thinsp;1 to 1&thinsp;:&thinsp;50. The laser scanner survey, registered in the accurate geomatics network, responded to the need to punctually investigate and interpret the geometrical configuration of different spaces of the Basilica, as well as its structural articulation, enabling a series of horizontal and vertical profiles, as requested by various experts involved in the diagnostic steps. <br><br> HBIM model (Historical Building Information Modeling) of the entire basilica was primarily intended as a tool for stereotomic description of the building and its parts, following the constructive logic of each structural element; then it was used as a support tool for the restoration simulation, project, management and yard. To perform the division of the building in its constructive elements, sometimes it has been used stratigraphic methodologies and instruments of analysis. The entirety of the geometric and structural complexity of the basilica, was guarantee using sophisticated 3D software and drawing complex entities, integrated and stored in the parametric BIM logic. This process has allowed to accurately and timely represent the geometry of the structural elements, of the areas characterized by crushing, empties, variations of the masonry sections and out of plumbs. <br><br> It is on the pillars of the nave that was focused the attention of survey: the will to preserve as much as possible the existing structures, in their material authenticity, required a careful analysis of each individual stone element of each pillar, investigated in its geometry, texture and state of conservation. The aim of the project was to ward a complete replacement of the pillars, preferring instead a removing and replacing intervention of only of the stone ashlars completely deteriorated and no longer recoverable, considering the question of structural safety as fundamental. The HBIM of the basilica had the primary function of connecting into one virtual space all the available data; that model has also been made as a tool for managing the restoration yard, supporting the computation of stone to buy, quarry and grossly slot, saving time on site. <br><br> Different and complementary skills were used in every knowledge and restoration steps; the accurate analysis of the structures made it possible to plan a consolidation and restoration project as close as possible to the structural conception of the existing building, adding only the new structural elements necessary to increase the resistance and to guarantee the safety of the structures, also in case of new earthquake. The Italian <i>Codice dei Beni culturali e del paesaggio</i> (DL n.42/2004), at paragraph 4 of art. 29, states that the restoration includes structural improvements. For the restoration of Collemaggio the solutions chosen were the ones able to be more effective and, at the same time, less invasive, more respectful as possible of the sacredness of the architecture, its highest historical significance, the authenticity of the material and its cultural significance. <br><br> The main principles and criteria of restoration were: maximum correspondence of conservation doctrine, with a focus on improving the structural characteristics compared to the seismic risk; exemplarity of the management practices of the restoration process; exemplarity of innovative techniques; transparency of all processes and accurate communication of cultural and scientific content. Despite of some inevitable compromises, the detailed knowledge of the building allowed to design punctual interventions, inserting new structures where the oldest were collapsed and consolidating damaged elements, in order to improve the global safety of the building but without modifying substantially the structural conception of the stratified basilica.
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Meucci, Marco, Marco Seminara, Fabio Tarani, Cristiano Riminesi, and Jacopo Catani. "Visible Light Communications through Diffusive Illumination of Sculptures in a Real Museum." Journal of Sensor and Actuator Networks 10, no. 3 (July 7, 2021): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jsan10030045.
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The recent, massive diffusion of LED-based illumination devices makes Visible Light Communications (VLC) a widely recognised wireless communication technology with large potential impact in many indoor and outdoor applications. In the indoor scenario, one of the most promising VLC implementations is foreseen in museums, exhibitions and cultural heritage sites. In this context, digital data can be transmitted by the specific lighting system of each artwork and received by the nearby standing visitors, allowing a complete set of dedicated services such as augmented reality (AR) and real-time indoor positioning, exploiting the directionality of the optical channel. In this work, we achieve, for the first time, VLC transmission through diffusive LED illumination of three-dimensional artworks (wooden and marble sculptures) in a real museum, exploiting the available LED illumination system, demonstrating the feasibility of VLC technology also when complex three-dimensional artworks, such as sculptures or bas-reliefs, are involved. In our experimental campaign, performed inside the Basilica of Santa Maria Novella in Florence, we perform extensive Packet Error Rate (PER) and Signal-to-Noise Ratio (SNR) tests on two important wooden and marble sculptures (Crucifix by Brunelleschi and the Holy Water Font by Bordoni, respectively), for different distances, view angles and configurations, in order to mimic a wide set of situations that visitors may encounter in a realistic scenario. We achieve successful VLC transmission for distances up to 8 m from artworks, at baud rate of 28 kBaud. We also provide detailed results on the characterization of the transmission Field of View (FoV) for our prototype, as well as the effect of side shifts of the observer’s position on the quality of VLC transmission, providing essential information for future implementations of positioning protocols and dedicated services in realistic, indoor scenarios. Our work represents an important step forward towards the deployment of VLC technology in museums and, more in general, it opens for far-reaching developments in a wide set of real indoor environments, including the cultural heritage sector, where diffusive VLC links exploiting illumination of three-dimensional objects could represent a ground-breaking innovation.
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Veress, Ferenc. "Az eucharisztia tiszteletének szimbolikus-építészeti formái." Építés - Építészettudomány 48, no. 3-4 (September 22, 2020): 197–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/096.2020.008.
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Tanulmányomban a templomhomlokzat és az oltárépítmény felépítésének, tagoló rendszerének párhuzamaira kívántam felhívni a figyelmet. Mind a homlokzatoknak, mind az oltárarchitektúráknak a tervezői építészek voltak, így természetes, hogy hasonló motívumokat használtak fel mind a két esetben. A tridenti zsinat utáni katolikus megújulás fontos szereplője, Borromei Szent Károly, új tabernákulumformát és tértípust hozott létre a lombard építész, Pellegrino Tibaldi közreműködésével. Pellegrinónak kulcsszerepe volt a jezsuita templomtípus megteremtésében, tervei nyomán nem csupán Milánóban, hanem Torinóban is épült templom; hatása kimutatható a bécsi domonkos templom homlokzatán is, amelynek építésze, a bissonei Giovanni Giacomo Tencalla családjának több tagja révén közvetíthette Magyarországra az itáliai hatást. Az építészek, mint például a bécsi Kirche am Hof tervezője, a luganói Filiberto Lucchese, maguk is terveztek oltárokat, vagy közreműködtek a stukkátorokkal, akik gyakran ugyanabból a régióból érkeztek, mint a tervező építész. Így fordulhatott elő, hogy a nyugat-dunántúli stukkóoltárokat általában észak-itáliai mesterek készítették a templomhomlokzatok nyomán.Summary. This study proposes to re-examine the dynamic interaction between the frontispiece of the church and the high altar. While the façade often functions as an open-air altarpiece, the altar itself is a “gate of Paradise.” Both the frontispieces and the altar structures were designed by architects, consequently, they use similar motives. Carlo Borromeo, as a key-figure of post-tridentine church reformed the sacred space and the tabernacle of the Cathedral in Milan following the designs of Pellegrino Tibaldi. Pellegrino played an eminent role in creating a new Jesuit church-type in San Fedele, Milan, which served as a model for the Corpus Christi basilica in Torino as well as for the Santa Maria Dominican Church in Vienna. The latter one was planned by Giovanni Giacomo Tencalla from Bissone (Lugano), and from the same family stemmed well-known stuccators and painters, who also worked for Hungarian commissioners. The architect of the Jesuit church Kirche am Hof in Vienna, Filiberto Lucchese, also worked for the Batthyány family, and designed altarpieces. In this way, we are able to establish a strong interaction between the altar-structure and façade, bringing considerable novelty in analysing architectural forms and design.
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CHEN, JEN-YEN. "MASSES BY ALESSANDRO SCARLATTI AND FRANCESCO GASPARINI: MUSIC FROM THE BASILICA OF SANTA MARIA MAGGIORE, ROME ED. LUCA DELLA LIBERA Recent Researches in the Music of the Baroque Era 137 Middleton: A-R Editions, 2004 pp. xxii + 242; IBSN: 978 0 89579 557 1." Eighteenth Century Music 6, no. 1 (March 2009): 131–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478570609001821.
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Matejčić, Ivan. "Crkva Sv. Nikole u Puli (nekada posvećena Sv. Mariji)." Ars Adriatica, no. 2 (January 1, 2012): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.438.
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The church of St Mary at Pula was rededicated to St Nicholas in 1583 when it was handed over for the use of the Greek Orthodox community of refugees from Crete and the Peloponnese. During the seventeenth and eighteenth century, various structures (the bell-tower, the narthex, the sacristy) were added along the eastern and northern sides of the church, several door and window openings were walled in, and the lintel and jambs of the main portal were replaced; however, the main architectural core has remained well-preserved. It has a single-cell structure of square ground plan with an eastern apse, which is semicircular in shape in the inside but polygonal on the outside. The dimensions of the church are based on a module of ten Byzantine feet (c. 31.25 cm); the church is 20 feet wide and 30 feet long, while a 10 foot square can fit into the apse. In the interior is a well-preserved triumphal arch. It is composed of a pair of marble columns with capitals which carry a large, central arch. The composite capitals possess an interesting detail: the centres of the capitals on opposing sides were left undecorated and so it can be concluded that these capitals were intended for insertion in a multi-apertured structure which was screened off with a transenna. Such capitals can be seen on large early Byzantine structures, and two similar capitals are placed in the atrium of the Basilica of Euphrasius at Poreč (mid-sixth century). This detail provides evidence about a technique used in the church’s construction, which made extensive use of prefabricated, often even imported elements of architectural decoration. The same type of marble used for the columns of the triumphal arch was used for the parts of the small trifore window set on the façade. In the scholarly literature to date, this trifore has been considered late medieval, but the carving details are identical to those on the parts of the triumphal arch and altar posts at the church of St Nicholas. The masonry of the wall also points to the fact that it had not been inserted in the sixth-century façade at a later date. In the centre of the apse is a marble block which belonged to an altar base, having four holes which still bear the lower parts of the small posts which originally carried the altar table. The remains of the altar can be seen on the photographs which document the restoration works in 1962. The altar remains were subsequently covered with a new altar structure which was removed during the works in 2000. In 1962, when the filling of the window in the south wall was removed, B. Marušić discovered a part of a marble post with a simple capital which he recognized as belonging to the aforementioned altar. Based on this data, a reconstruction of the altar has been proposed in a drawing. B. Marušić also discovered two stone transennae in the walled in-windows of the south wall, which were smaller than the original structure of the window opening and for this reason he suggested that they belonged to a later intervention. The transennae were removed and transported to the Archaeological Museum of Istria for safekeeping. During the 2000 works, fragments of identical transennae were also found in two apse windows, while a complete transenna was discovered in the walled-in window on the north face which was obscured by the addition of the bell-tower. Similar and identical transennae are found on the nearby chapel of Santa Maria Formosa, the remainder of a large basilica which was built in the mid-sixth century by the archbishop of Ravenna Maximian. In the vicinity of Pula, at least three more examples of similar transennae were found, all of which can be compared to the shape of a wooden window frame from the church of Sant’Apollinare in Classe at Ravenna. A number of arguments suggest that the aforementioned transennae belong to the first phase of the church of St Nicholas.
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Maiste, Juhan. "Miks kõneleb Laokoon kirjasõnas ja ei kõnele marmoris?" Baltic Journal of Art History 11 (November 30, 2016): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/bjah.2016.11.02.
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In this article, the author focuses on the work called Laocoön, which was one of the most popular subjects for 18th century art writers. The first description of the work was provided by Pliny the Elder who, in the 36th volume of his Naturalis historia, calls it the best work of the art in the world – be it painting or sculpture. Pliny identifies three artists from Rhodes – Hagesandros, Polydoros and Athenedorus – as the authors of the Laocoön Group. After the sculpture was found in the vicinity of the Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore, the Laocoön has repeatedly aroused the interest of art historians. Johann Joachim Winckelmann raised the sculptural group into focus during the Age of Enlightenment. And his positions, and sometimes opposition to them, form the basis of Gotthold Ephraim Lessing’s, Johann Gottfried Herder’s and Johann Wolfgang Goethe’s writings on the Laocoön. I am sure that their thoughts deserve also attention today, when we speak about the fundamental change in philosophy, philology, and partially also in art history. In seeking an answer to Lessing’s question, “Why does Laocoön not cry in marble but in poetry?” Can art speak? And if it can, how? The first stage of the article explores the contradictory nature of word and picture, in which regard both Lessing and Herder preferred the former. The second question that arises in the article is: What are the framework and boundaries of art writing as a method of art history for ascertaining and describing the internal nature of a work of art? And further, do words enable one to arrive at the deeper layers of a work and the reason for the act of creation? And if so, to what extent? The third and most important issue examined in the article is the two possible approaches to a work of art, and visual images more generally – the analytical and phenomenological. By relying on history, and the broadly accepted methods of the narrative, sociological, biographical, and other sciences contingent on it, the epistemological nature of art has remained outside the conceivable limits of scientific language. And as such, it has reduced the possibility of understanding pictures and finding them a place in today’s scale of assessments; of speaking not only about the external and measurable parameters, but also about works of art as unique phenomena, in which an invisible and metaphysical content exists in addition to that which is inherent to the visible and the describable. Just as much as our rudiments of rationality and logical analysis help us to understand works of art, their impact relies on a subjective readiness to receive artistic experiences, which according to Goethe, transform the Laocoön into something affectively animated in the torchlight. Art is usually revealed by in-depth sources via the contemplative reflection that follows sensory experiences. Since Longinus’s time, this has been described as sublimity, and it garnered supporters in the form of the Neo-Platonic authors of the Renaissance, whose role in 18th century aesthetics is just as significant as the art history tradition based on classical archaeological research. In the writings of Winckelmann, and those who followed him, the two poles of this approach to art are tightly merged. The author’s goal is to draw attention to ways of understanding and writing about art, besides the descriptive methods and those related to history; to those that focus on the processes related to the gnoseological side and to subconscious creation, and provide a place for words and their power to create ever newer and more expressive metaphors. One possibility for translating visual images into verbal form is to adopt the breadth of poetry and its language, which truthfully, being just as ambiguous and inexplicable as art, enables us to make the indescribable describable; via a work of art as the initial idea, and the work that informs us of this idea as a series of formed images that can be assessed as pictures that describe the spiritual image (or eidolon in Greek).
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Dong, Bella. "Reviewer Acknowledgements for Journal of Food Research, Vol. 8 No. 3." Journal of Food Research 8, no. 3 (May 30, 2019): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jfr.v8n3p133.
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Journal of Food Research wishes to acknowledge the following individuals for their assistance with peer review of manuscripts for this issue. Their help and contributions in maintaining the quality of the journal are greatly appreciated.
Journal of Food Research is recruiting reviewers for the journal. If you are interested in becoming a reviewer, we welcome you to join us. Please find the application form and details at http://www.ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/jfr/editor/recruitment and e-mail the completed application form to jfr@ccsenet.org.
Reviewers for Volume 8, Number 3
Adele Papetti, University of Pavia, Italy
Asima Asi Begic-Akagic, Faculty of Agriculture and Food Sciences, Bosnian
Cheryl Rosita Rock, California State University, United States
Codina Georgiana Gabriela, Stefan cel Mare University Suceava, Romania
Elke Rauscher-Gabernig, Austrian Agency for Health and Food Safety, Austria
Elsa M Goncalves, Instituto Nacional de Investigacao Agrária (INIA), Portugal
Jose Maria Zubeldia, Gestión Sanitaria de Canarias – Gobierno de Canarias, Spain
Juliano De Dea Lindner, Federal University of Santa Catarina (UFSC), Brazil
Lenka Kourimska, Czech University of Life Sciences Prague, Czech Republic
Leonardo Martín Pérez, Pontifical Catholic University of Argentina, Argentina
Luis Patarata, Universidade de Trás-os-Montes e Alto Douro, Portugal
Magdalena Polak-Berecka, University of Life Sciences in Lublin, Poland
Marco Iammarino, Istituto Zooprofilattico Sperimentale della Puglia e della Basilicata, Italy
Maria Fernanda Pessoa, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Portugal
Mariana de Lourdes Almeida Vieira, Centro Federal de Educação Tecnológica de Minas Gerais, Brazil
Massimiliano Renna, Institute of Sciences of Food Production, Italy
Na-Hyung Kim, Wonkwang University, Korea
Richard Nyanzi, Tshwane University of Technology, South Africa
Shalini A. Neeliah, Ministry of Agro-industry and food security, Mauritius
Sonchieu Jean, Higher Technical Teachers Training College (HTTTC), University of Bamenda, Cameroon
Tanima Bhattacharya, Seacom Skills University, India
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Dong, Bella. "Reviewer Acknowledgements for Journal of Food Research, Vol. 7 No. 1." Journal of Food Research 7, no. 1 (January 30, 2018): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jfr.v7n1p96.
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of manuscripts for this issue. Their help and contributions in maintaining the quality of the journal are greatly appreciated.Journal of Food Research is recruiting reviewers for the journal. If you are interested in becoming a reviewer, we welcome you to join us. Please find the application form and details at http://recruitment.ccsenet.org and e-mail the completed application form to jfr@ccsenet.org.Reviewers for Volume 7, Number 1Alex Augusto Gonçalves, Federal Rural University of Semi-Arid (UFERSA), BrazilBojana Filipcev, University of Novi Sad, SerbiaComan Gigi, Dunarea de Jos University of Galati, RomaniaCorina-aurelia Zugravu, University of Medicine and Pharmacy Carol Davila, RomaniaDiego A. Moreno-Fernández, CEBAS-CSIC, SpainEfstathios S Giotis, Royal Veterinary College, United KingdomElke Rauscher-Gabernig, Austrian Agency for Health and Food Safety, AustriaGisele Fátima Morais Nunes, Federal Center of Technological Education of Minas Gerais, BrazilIsabela Mateus Martins, State University of Campinas, BrazilJose M. Camina, National University of La Pampa and National Council of Scientific and Technical Researches (CONICET), ArgentinaJose Maria Zubeldia, Gestión Sanitaria de Canarias – Gobierno de Canarias, SpainJuliano De Dea Lindner, Federal University of Santa Catarina (UFSC), BrazilLenka Kourimska, Czech University of Life Sciences Prague, Czech RepublicLuis Patarata, Universidade de Trás-os-Montes e Alto Douro, PortugalMamdouh El-Bakry, Cairo University, EgyptMarco Iammarino, Istituto Zooprofilattico Sperimentale della Puglia e della Basilicata, ItalyMulunda Mwanza Mulunda, School of Agriculture North West University, South AfricaNingning Zhao, Oregon Health & Science University, United StatesQinlu Lin, Central South University of Forestry and Technology, ChinaSachin Kumar Samuchiwal, Harvard Medical School, Harvard University, United StatesSonchieu Jean, University of Bamenda, CameroonTinna Austen Ng'ong'ola-Manani, Lilongwe University of Agriculture & Natural Resources, MalawiXingjun Li, Academy of the State Administration of Grains, ChinaXinyin Jiang, Brooklyn College, United States
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Talbot, M. "Italian vocal music for chapel and chamber: Masses by Alessandro Scarlatti and Francesco Gasparini: music from the basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore, Rome, ed. Luca della Libera, Recent Researches in the Music of the Baroque Era, cxxxviii (Middleton, WI: A-R Editions, 2004), $80 * Atto Melani, Complete cantatas, ed. Roger Freitas, Yale University Collegium Musicum, Second Series, xv (Middleton, WI: A-R Editions, 2005), $83 * Giovanni Legrenzi, Two cantatas from the Munich manuscript, ed. Barbara Sachs (Richmond: Green Man Press, n.d.), 5.90 * Giovanni Legrenzi, A cantata & two canzonettas for bass and b.c., ed. Cedric Lee (Richmond: Green Man Press, n.d.), 6.90 * Giovanni Legrenzi, Three cantatas for bass and b.c., ed. Cedric Lee (Richmond: Green Man Press, n.d.), 5.90." Early Music 34, no. 4 (November 1, 2006): 692–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/em/cal096.
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Demori Staničić, Zoraida. "Ikona Bogorodice s Djetetom iz crkve Sv. Nikole na Prijekom u Dubrovniku." Ars Adriatica, no. 3 (January 1, 2013): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.461.
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Recent conservation and restoration work on the icon of the Virgin and Child which stood on the altar in the Church of St. Nicholas at Prijeko in Dubrovnik has enabled a new interpretation of this paining. The icon, painted on a panel made of poplar wood, features a centrally-placed Virgin holding the Child in her arms painted on a gold background between the two smaller figures of St. Peter and St. John the Baptist. The figures are painted in the manner of the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Dubrovnik style, and represent a later intervention which significantly changed the original appearance and composition of the older icon by adding the two saints and touching up the Virgin’s clothes with Renaissance ornaments, all of which was performed by the well-known Dubrovnik painter Nikola Božidarević. It can be assumed that the icon originally featured a standing or seated Virgin and Child. The Virgin is depicted with her head slightly lowered and pointing to the Christ Child whom she is holding on her right side. The chubby boy is not seated on his mother’s lap but is reclining on his right side and leaningforward while his face is turned towards the spectator. He is dressed in a red sleeveless tunic with a simple neck-line which is embroidered with gold thread. The Child is leaning himself on the Virgin’s right hand which is holding him. He is firmly grasping her thumb with one hand and her index finger with the other in a very intimate nursing gesture while she, true to the Hodegitria scheme, is pointing at him with her left hand, which is raised to the level of her breasts. Such an almost-realistic depiction of Christ as a small child with tiny eyes, mouth and nose, drastically departs from the model which portrays him with the mature face of an adult, as was customary in icon painting. The Virgin is wearing a luxurious gold cloak which was repainted with large Renaissance-style flowers. Her head is covered with a traditional maphorion which forms a wide ring around it and is encircled by a nimbus which was bored into thegold background. Her skin tone is pink and lit diffusely, and was painted with almost no green shadows, which is typical of Byzantine painting. The Virgin’s face is striking and markedly oval. It is characterized by a silhouetted, long, thin nose which is connected to the eyebrows. The ridge of the nose is emphasized with a double edge and gently lit whilethe almond-shaped eyes with dark circles are set below the inky arches of the eyebrows. The Virgin’s cheeks are smooth and rosy while her lips are red. The plasticity of her round chin is emphasized by a crease below the lower lip and its shadow. The Virgin’s eyes, nose and mouth are outlined with a thick red line. Her hands are light pink in colour and haveelongated fingers and pronounced, round muscles on the wrists. The fingers are separated and the nails are outlined with precision. The deep, resounding hues of the colour red and the gilding, together with the pale pink skin tone of her face, create an impression of monumentality. The type of the reclining Christ Child has been identified in Byzantine iconography as the Anapeson. Its theological background lies in the emphasis of Christ’s dual nature: although the Christ Child is asleep, the Christ as God is always keeping watch over humans. The image was inspired by a phrase from Genesis 49: 9 about a sleeping lion to whom Christ is compared: the lion sleeps with his eyes open. The Anapeson is drowsy and awake at the same time, and therefore his eyes are not completely shut. Such a paradox is a theological anticipation of his “sleep” in the tomb and represents an allegory of his death and Resurrection. The position, gesture and clothes of the Anapeson in Byzantine art are not always the same. Most frequently, the ChristChild is not depicted lying in his mother’s arms but on an oval bed or pillow, resting his head on his hand, while the Virgin is kneeling by his side. Therefore, the Anapeson from Dubrovnik is unique thanks to the conspicuously humanized relationship between the figures which is particularly evident in Christ’s explicitly intimate gesture of grasping the fingers of his mother’s hand: his right hand is literally “inserting” itself in the space between the Virgin’s thumb and index finger. At the same time, the baring of his arms provided the painter with an opportunity to depict the pale tones of a child’s tender skin. The problem of the iconography of the Anapeson in the medieval painting at Dubrovnik is further complicated by a painting which was greatly venerated in Župa Dubrovačka as Santa Maria del Breno. It has not been preserved but an illustration of it was published in Gumppenberg’sfamous Atlas Marianus which shows the Virgin seated on a high-backed throne and holding the sleeping and reclining Child. The position of this Anapeson Christ does not correspond fully to the icon from the Church of St. Nicholas because the Child is lying on its back and his naked body is covered with the swaddling fabric. The icon of the Virgin and Child from Prijeko claims a special place in the corpus of Romanesque icons on the Adriatic through its monumentality and intimate character. The details of the striking and lively Virgin’s face, dominated by the pronounced and gently curved Cimabuesque nose joined to the shallow arches of her eyebrows, link her with the Benedictine Virgin at Zadar. Furthermore, based on the manner of painting characterized by the use of intense red for the shadows in the nose and eye area, together with the characteristic shape of the elongated, narrow eyes, this Virgin and Child should be brought into connection with the painter who is known as the Master of the Benedictine Virgin. The so-called Benedictine Virgin is an icon, now at the Benedictine Convent at Zadar, which depicts the Virgin seated on a throne with a red, ceremonial, imperial cushion, in a solemn scheme of the Kyriotissa, the heavenly queen holding the Christ Child on her lap. The throne is wooden and has a round back topped with wooden finials which can also be seen in the Byzantine Kahn Virgin and the Mellon Madonna, as well as in later Veneto-Cretan painting. The throne is set under a shallow ciborium arch which is rendered in relief and supportedby twisted colonettes and so the painting itself is sunk into the surface of the panel. A very similar scheme with a triumphal arch can be seen on Byzantine ivory diptychs with shallow ciborium arches and twisted colonettes. In its composition, the icon from Prijeko is a combination ofthe Kyr i ot i ss a and the Hodegitria, because the Virgin as the heavenly queen does not hold the Christ Child frontally before her but on her right-hand side while pointing at him as the road to salvation. He is seated on his mother’s arm and is supporting himself by pressing his crossed legsagainst her thigh which symbolizes his future Passion. He is wearing a formal classical costume with a red cloak over his shoulder. He is depicted in half profile which opens up the frontal view of the red clavus on his navy blue chiton.He is blessing with the two fingers of his right hand and at the same time reaching for the unusual flower rendered in pastiglia which the Virgin is raising in her left hand and offering to him. At the same time, she is holding the lower part of Christ’s body tightly with her right hand.Various scholars have dated the icon of the Benedictine Virgin to the early fourteenth century. While Gothic features are particularly evident in the costumes of the donors, the elements such as the modelling of the throne and the presence of the ceremonial cushion belong to the Byzantine style of the thirteenth century. The back of the icon of the Benedictine Virgin features the figure of St. Peter set within a border consisting of a lively and colourful vegetal scroll which could be understood as either Romanesque or Byzantine. However, St. Peter’s identifying titulus is written in Latin while that of the Virgin is in Greek. The figure of St. Peter was painted according to the Byzantine tradition: his striking and severe face is rendered linearly in a rigid composition, which is complemented by his classical contrapposto against a green-gray parapet wall, while the background is of dark green-blue colour. Equally Byzantine is themanner of depicting the drapery with flat, shallow folds filled with white lines at the bottom of the garment while, at the same time, the curved undulating hem of the cloak which falls down St. Peter’s right side is Gothic. The overall appearance of St. Peter is perhaps even more Byzantine than that of the Virgin. Such elements, together with the typically Byzantine costumes, speak clearly of a skilful artist who uses hybrid visual language consisting of Byzantine painting and elements of the Romanesque and Gothic. Of particular interest are the wide nimbuses surrounding the heads of the Virgin and Child (St. Peter has a flat one) which are rendered in relief and filled with a neat sequence of shallow blind archesexecuted in the pastiglia technique which, according to M. Frinta, originated in Cyprus. The Venetian and Byzantine elements of the Benedictine Virgin have already been pointed out in the scholarship. Apart from importing art works and artists such as painters and mosaic makers directly from Byzantium into Venice, what was the extent and nature of the Byzantineinfluence on Venetian artistic achievements in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries? We know that the art of Venice and the West alike were affected by the Fourth Crusade and the sack of Constantinople in 1204, and by the newly founded Latin Empire which lasted until 1261.The Venetians played a particularly significant political and administrative role in this Empire and the contemporary hybrid artistic style of the eastern Mediterranean, called Crusader Art and marked by the strong involvement of the Knights Templar, must have been disseminated through the established routes. In addition to Cyprus, Apulia and Sicily which served as stops for the artists and art works en route to Venice and Tuscany, another station must have been Dalmatia where eastern and western influences intermingled and complemented each other.However, it is interesting that the icon of the Benedictine Virgin, apart from negligible variations, imitates almost completely the iconographic scheme of the Madonna di Ripalta at Cerignola on the Italian side of the Adriatic, which has been dated to the early thirteenth century and whose provenance has been sought in the area between southern Italy (Campania) and Cyprus. Far more Byzantine is another Apulian icon, that of a fourteenth-century enthroned Virgin from the basilica of St. Nicholas at Bari with which the Benedictine Virgin from Zadar shares certain features such as the composition and posture of the figures, the depictionof donors and Christ’s costume. A similar scheme, which indicates a common source, can be seen on a series of icons of the enthroned Virgin from Tuscany. The icon of the Virgin and Child from Prijeko is very important for local Romanesque painting of the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century because it expands the oeuvre of the Master of the Benedictine Virgin. Anicon which is now at Toronto, in the University of Toronto Art Centre Malcove Collection, has also been attributed to this master. This small two-sided icon which might have been a diptych panel, as can be judged from its typology, depicts the Virgin with the Anapeson in the upper register while below is the scene from the martyrdom of St. Lawrence. The Virgin is flanked by the figures of saints: to the left is the figure of St. Francis while the saint on the right-hand side has been lost due to damage sustained to the icon. The busts of SS Peter and Paul are at the top.The physiognomies of the Virgin and Child correspond to those of the Benedictine Virgin and the Prijeko icon. The Anapeson, unlike the one at Dubrovnik, is wrapped in a rich, red cloak decorated with lumeggiature, which covers his entire body except the left fist and shin. On the basis of the upper register of this icon, it can be concluded that the Master of the Benedictine Virgin is equally adept at applying the repertoire and style of Byzantine and Western painting alike; the lower register of the icon with its descriptive depiction of the martyrdom of St.Lawrence is completely Byzantine in that it portrays the Roman emperor attending the saint’s torture as a crowned Byzantine ruler. Such unquestionable stylistic ambivalence – the presence of the elements from both Byzantine and Italian painting – can also be seen on the icons of theBenedictine and Prijeko Virgin and they point to a painter who works in a “combined style.” Perhaps he should be sought among the artists who are mentioned as pictores greci in Dubrovnik, Kotor and Zadar. The links between Dalmatian icons and Apulia and Tuscany have already been noted, but the analysis of these paintings should also contain the hitherto ignored segment of Sicilian and eastern Mediterranean Byzantinism, including Cyprus as the centre of Crusader Art. The question of the provenance of the Master of the Benedictine Virgin remains open although the icon of the Virgin and Child from Prijeko points to the possibility that he may have been active in Dalmatia.However, stylistic expressions of the two icons from Zadar and Dubrovnik, together with the one which is today at Toronto, clearly demonstrate the coalescing of cults and forms which arrived to the Adriatic shores fromfurther afield, well beyond the Adriatic, and which were influenced by the significant, hitherto unrecognized, role of the eastern Mediterranean.
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Sabatino Cecchini and Francesca Curotti. "The Basilica of Santa Maria di Collemaggio in L’Aquila: Modern Provisional Measures." Journal of Civil Engineering and Architecture 8, no. 1 (January 28, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.17265/1934-7359/2014.01.007.
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Aloisio, Angelo, Elena Antonacci, Massimo Fragiacomo, and Rocco Alaggio. "The Recorded Seismic Response of the Santa Maria Di Collemaggio Basilica to Low-intensity Earthquakes." International Journal of Architectural Heritage, August 11, 2020, 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15583058.2020.1802533.
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Smørvik, Kjersti Karijord. "Why enter the church on holiday? Tourist encounters with the Basilica of Santa Maria in Trastevere, Rome." Journal of Heritage Tourism, August 17, 2020, 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1743873x.2020.1807557.
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Nordhagen, Per Jonas, and Per Olav Folgerø. "The Case of the Missing Anastasis. An iconographical conundrum in the presbytery of S. Maria Antiqua." CLARA 6 (December 5, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/clara.v6i0.8374.
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In the present contribution, two authors approach a limited part of the iconography in the sanctuary of Santa Maria Antiqua in Rome, painted during the pontificate of John VII (705-707 AD). Two different hypotheses will try to come closer to a solution of a problem concerning the Christ cycle on the sanctuary side walls, where Christ’s appearance to the Disciples on the Road to Emmaus is the concluding motif. This rather reasonable solution stands, however, in huge contrast to John’s Christ cycle in his oratory in Old Saint Peter’s Basilica which concludes with the ʽHarrowing of Hellʼ or Christ’s descent into Hades. Being a novelty, this, so called Anastasis-scene, where Christ liberates the prisoners of Hades, has a strong soteriological, or salvation historical, meaning. Anastasis, which, in fact, appears in two different locations in John’s rich assembly of motifs in S. Maria Antiqua, is wholly absent from the highly ʽcerebralʼ sanctuary iconography. Our two alternative solutions to this absence both include an Anastasis, either as a free hanging icon (Nordhagen), or as a motif included in the vast Adoration scene on the triumphal arch, here located below the Crucifixion on the steep Cliff of Golgotha (Folgerø).