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Journal articles on the topic 'Sarajevo, Attentat de, 1914'
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1
Markovich, Slobodan. "Anglo-American views of Gavrilo Princip." Balcanica, no. 46 (2015): 273–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1546273m.
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The paper deals with Western (Anglo-American) views on the Sarajevo assassination/attentat and Gavrilo Princip. Articles on the assassination and Princip in two leading quality dailies (The Times and The New York Times) have particularly been analysed as well as the views of leading historians and journalists who covered the subject including: R. G. D. Laffan, R. W. Seton-Watson, Winston Churchill, Sidney Fay, Bernadotte Schmitt, Rebecca West, A. J. P. Taylor, Vladimir Dedijer, Christopher Clark and Tim Butcher. In the West, the original general condemnation of the assassination and its main culprits was challenged when Rebecca West published her famous travelogue on Yugoslavia in 1941. Another Brit, the remarkable historian A. J. P. Taylor, had a much more positive view on the Sarajevo conspirators and blamed Germany and Austria-Hungary for the outbreak of the Great War. A turning point in Anglo-American perceptions was the publication of Vladimir Dedijer?s monumental book The Road to Sarajevo (1966), which humanised the main conspirators, a process initiated by R. West. Dedijer?s book was translated from English into all major Western languages and had an immediate impact on the understanding of the Sarajevo assassination. The rise of national antagonisms in Bosnia gradually alienated Princip from Bosnian Muslims and Croats, a process that began in the 1980s and was completed during the wars of the Yugoslav succession. Although all available sources clearly show that Princip, an ethnic Serb, gradually developed a broader Serbo-Croat and Yugoslav identity, he was ethnified and seen exclusively as a Serb by Bosnian Croats and Bosniaks and Western journalists in the 1990s. In the past century imagining Princip in Serbia and the West involved a whole spectrum of views. In interwar Anglo-American perceptions he was a fanatic and lunatic. He became humanised by Rebecca West (1941), A. J. P. Taylor showed understanding for his act (1956), he was fully explained by Dedijer (1966), challenged and then exonerated by Cristopher Clark (2012-13), and cordially embraced by Tim Butcher (2014).
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Kreibohm, Patricia. "El Tratado de Versalles: la firma de una Paz Cartaginesa." Relaciones Internacionales 28, no. 56 (August 8, 2019): 251–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.24215/23142766e066.
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La Gran Guerra, que se inició en julio de 1914 tras el atentado de Sarajevo, finalizó el 11 de Noviembre de 1918 con un Armisticio entre los comandantes del Bloque Aliado y los representantes alemanes.
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Subotić, Jelena. "Terrorists are Other People: Contested Memory of the 1914 Sarajevo Assassination." Australian Journal of Politics & History 63, no. 3 (September 2017): 369–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12369.
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Miller-Melamed, Paul. ""Warn the Duke"." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 45, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2019.450106.
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How has the Sarajevo assassination been conjured and construed, narrated and represented, in a wide variety of media including fiction, film, newspapers, children’s literature, encyclopedias, textbooks, and academic writing itself? In what ways have these sources shaped our understanding of the so-called “first shots of the First World War”? By treating the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand (28 June 1914) as a "site of memory" à la historian Pierre Nora, this article argues that both popular representations and historical narratives (including academic writing) of the political murder have contributed equally to the creation of what I identify here as the “Sarajevo myth.”
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Turanjanin, Veljko, and Dragana Cvorovic. "Sarajevo 1914: Trial process against Young Bosnia: Illusion of the fair process." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 50, no. 1 (2016): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns50-11198.
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Lehfeldt, Werner. "A Russian Shadow over the Assassination in Sarajevo." Slovene 5, no. 1 (2016): 218–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2016.5.1.8.
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The main purpose of the present note is to draw attention to a document that contains hints of a possible Russian background to the assassination of the successor to the Austrian throne, Archduke Franz Ferdinand, and his wife on 28 June 1914 in Sarajevo. This document was written by the main organizer of this disastrous murder, the chief of the Serbian military secret service, Colonel Dragutin Dimitrijević-Apis, in 1917, when Dimitrijević-Apis was accused of having organized another such attempt on the Serbian regent Aleksandar. Dimitrijević-Apis writes that he made the final decision to organize the murder of Archduke Franz Ferdinand only after he had been assured by the Russian military attaché in Belgrade, Colonel Viktor Artamanov, that Russia would not leave Serbia without military support in case of an Austrian attack.
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Velagić, Adnan. "Assassination in Sarajevo and its reflections in the area of Herzegovina." Historijski pogledi 2, no. 2 (October 28, 2019): 174–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2019.2.2.174.
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The murder of the Austro-Hungarian crown prince Franco Ferdinand and his wife, Sofia Hohenberg, in Sarajevo in 1914, opened numerous questions and controversies. Opposite conclusions and observations on this issue were elaborated not only by historians, but by politologists, sociologists, psychologists, and others, which was only one of the reasons why many issues in this issue remain in the sphere of controversial answers. It is therefore to be assumed that the giving of the final scientific court, the murder that triggered the world cataclysm, will continue to be the subject of many discussions and controversies. In this paper, the author sought to highlight events from this turbulent time in the Herzegovina region based on archival material, which has not been published so far.
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Perovšek, Jurij. "Russia as Seen by Slovenian Politics from the Sarajevo Assassination to the Outbreak of the World War in 1914." Monitor ISH 16, no. 1 (November 21, 2014): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33700/1580-7118.16.1.7-23(2014).
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After the Sarajevo assassination of June 28th, 1914, Slovenian politicians carefully observed the actions of the European superpowers. The contemporary international role and significance of the Russian Empire were considered by the Catholic and Liberal camps but ignored by the Marxist camp. Slovenian politics saw Russia as a dangerous country, hostile to Austria-Hungary, and as a threat to European peace. The most negative attitude to Russia, based on Austrian patriotism, was adopted by the Catholic camp, which supported its anti-Russian stance with ideological and religious reasons. When Austria-Hungary declared war on Russia on August 6th, 1914, Slovenians were convinced of Austrian victory. In the course of the war, however, the Slovenian outlook on Russia changed: as the anti-Austrian disposition grew, Russia began to be seen in a more favourable light by the Catholic and Liberal camps alike.
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James, David, and Urmila Seshagiri. "Metamodernism: Narratives of Continuity and Revolution." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 129, no. 1 (January 2014): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2014.129.1.87.
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The task for contemporary literature is to deal with the legacy of modernism.—Tom McCarthy (2010)A century separates us from an iconic moment of aesthetic metamorphosis: 1914 witnessed the appearance of James Joyce's Dubliners, Gertrude Stein's Tender Buttons, Mina Loy's “Parturition,” and the vorticist journal Blast. It was the year Dora Marsden and Harriet Shaw Weaver, aided by Ezra Pound, started the literary review the Egoist in London and Condé Nast and Frank Crowninshield launched Vanity Fair in New York. Arnold Schoenberg's atonal symphonic works assaulted classical sonorities; Wassily Kandinsky elevated the purity of geometric form above the functional work of visual representation. Most crucially, 1914 saw the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand in Sarajevo and the subsequent outbreak of the First World War. Cutting a bloody, four-year swath across Europe, the war took almost forty million lives and rendered all subsequent formal innovation inseparable from cultural devastation: thus the intricate, ruptured literary architectures of The Waste Land (1922), Ulysses (1922), and To the Lighthouse (1927).
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Jevremović, Petar. "Sigmund Freud and Martin Pappenheim." History of Psychiatry 31, no. 1 (October 29, 2019): 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957154x19884284.
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During World War I, Martin Pappenheim, as a young doctor in the field of neurology and psychiatry, studied various possible consequences of war traumas, perhaps as part of a wider project of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy’s army. He visited military hospitals, sanatoriums and prisons, and between February and June 1916, while residing in Terezin, he had several opportunities to talk with Gavrilo Princip, who was imprisoned there. Princip was a young Bosnian Serb who had assassinated Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria and his wife, Sophie, in Sarajevo on 28 June 1914. There is written evidence of Pappenheim’s conversations with Princip; they were first published in Vienna 1926. My article is concerned with the possibility of Pappenheim’s influence on the later development of Freud’s theory.
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Lis, Tomasz Jacek. "Amila Kasumović, Austrougarska trgovinska politika u Bosni i Hercegovini 1878-1914, Udruženje za Modernu Historiju, Sarajevo 2016, ss. 397." Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studia 24 (February 20, 2018): 248–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bp.2017.24.16.
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Cole, Laurence, Marlene Horejs, and Jan Rybak. "When the Music Stopped: Reactions to the Outbreak of World War I in an Austrian Province." Austrian History Yearbook 52 (May 2021): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237821000023.
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AbstractThe article analyzes reactions to the outbreak of World War I in the Habsburg Crownland of Salzburg. Based on a detailed examination of local sources, such as diaries, memoirs, church and gendarmerie chronicles, regional newspapers, and administrative records, the study sheds light on the complexity of responses and emotions elicited during the summer of 1914. Engaging with recent historiography on the question of “war enthusiasm” and the “August experience,” the ensuing analysis allows for profound insights into how the local population reacted to the news of the Sarajevo assassinations, Austria-Hungary's ultimatum to Serbia, and the subsequent declaration of war, mobilization, and the first weeks of the conflict. The article highlights the role of the press, governmental policies, and repression as key factors in creating an agitated atmosphere to which people responded in different ways, depending on age, class, gender, and the urban–rural divide. At times, frenzied patriotic mobilization occurred alongside not only a widespread acceptance of the obligation to do one's duty, but also—and equally—great uncertainty and anxiety. This highlights the complexities of public reactions in the summer of 1914, thereby challenging from a regional historical perspective the notion of an “enthusiastic” welcoming of the war.
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Maubert, Lucas. "ECOS DE SARAJEVO EN EL DESIERTO: REPRESENTACIONES E IMPACTOS DEL ESTALLIDO DE LA GRAN GUERRA EN TACNA Y ARICA (1914)." Diálogo andino, no. 62 (August 2020): 155–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0719-26812020000200155.
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Barovic, Vladimir. "Novi Sad newspaper Zastava coverage about the assassination of Franz Ferdinand." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 154 (2016): 129–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1654129b.
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Novi Sad newspaper titled Zastava, founded in 1866 by a great politi?cian Svetozar Miletic, had a great influence on Serbian public in Vojvodina. At the time of Franz Ferdinand?s assassination, June 28, 1914 in Sarajevo, the newspaper was in a very complex political and social situation. At that time, Zastava was the organ of the Serbian National Radical Party, edited by a famous politician and journalist Jasa Tomic. The coverage in Zastava about media discours research of this specific historical event had a big impact on the history of our media. Austro-Hungarian government pressure, psychosis, pursuits and other elements significaly affected journalists? reports at the time. Main goal of this research is to determine in which manner the journalists of the most valuable media of the Serbs from Vojvodina reported about the assassination that led to the outbreak of the World War I.
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Valone, Stephen J. "“There Must Be Some Misunderstanding”: Sir Edward Grey's Diplomacy of August 1, 1914." Journal of British Studies 27, no. 4 (October 1988): 405–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385920.
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For over two generations, scholars have studied Sir Edward Grey's response to the Sarajevo crisis, apparently considering every aspect of his dual effort to find a diplomatic solution while convincing the cabinet that England must intervene in a general war. Historians have generally agreed that Grey's last hope to prevent war evaporated by the end of July, although the cabinet did not decide to intervene until August 2. In this light, the events of August 1, 1914, are only considered to be either a prelude or a postscript to more significant events. The purpose of this essay is to suggest that Grey pursued two distinct, yet interrelated, courses of action on August 1, 1914: (1) for as long as he was unsure of cabinet support for intervention, he sought to make a diplomatic deal with the German ambassador so that a neutral England could salvage something from the crisis, but (2) once confident England would enter the conflict, he sought to prevent the war altogether by applying diplomatic pressure on France.Historians have overlooked Grey's diplomacy on August 1 primarily because of the cloud cast over the events of the day by the so-called misunderstanding between Grey and the German ambassador, Prince Karl Max Lichnowsky. The first Grey-Lichnowsky exchange took place that morning when Sir William Tyrrell, Grey's private secretary, brought a message to the German embassy. After subsequently receiving a personal call from Grey, Lichnowsky, at 11:14 a.m., sent a wire to Berlin in which he indicated Grey had proposed that, if Germany “were not to attack France, England would remain neutral and would guarantee France's passivity.”
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Feldman, David. "European Human Rights and Constitution-building in a Post-conflict Society: the Case of Bosnia and Herzegovina." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 7 (2005): 101–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/152888712802730747.
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The constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina (henceforth ‘BiH’) was born out of conflict. The country, like much of the Balkan region, had been subject to waves of invasion, nationalist tension and foreign domination for many centuries. The Ottoman Empire, with a complex system of public and private law influenced by Islamic law, had been followed by the Austro-Hungarian Empire, overlaying the legal system with the tradition of the Code Civil. Before the Ottoman period the Slav population had divided between adherents to the Church of Rome and followers of the Eastern Orthodox Church. Under the Ottomans a group of Slavs had converted to Islam, further fracturing the religious coherence of the region. During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the pan-Slavist movement had sought to establish a Serb national homeland for its people. When Princip assassinated the Archduke Ferdinand of Austria in Sarajevo in 1914, the aim was to establish a Serb state free of imperial domination.
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Feldman, David. "European Human Rights and Constitution-building in a Post-conflict Society: the Case of Bosnia and Herzegovina." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 7 (2005): 101–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1528887000004523.
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The constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina (henceforth ‘BiH’) was born out of conflict. The country, like much of the Balkan region, had been subject to waves of invasion, nationalist tension and foreign domination for many centuries. The Ottoman Empire, with a complex system of public and private law influenced by Islamic law, had been followed by the Austro-Hungarian Empire, overlaying the legal system with the tradition of the Code Civil. Before the Ottoman period the Slav population had divided between adherents to the Church of Rome and followers of the Eastern Orthodox Church. Under the Ottomans a group of Slavs had converted to Islam, further fracturing the religious coherence of the region. During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the pan-Slavist movement had sought to establish a Serb national homeland for its people. When Princip assassinated the Archduke Ferdinand of Austria in Sarajevo in 1914, the aim was to establish a Serb state free of imperial domination.
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Tommasi, A., R. Cefalo, F. Zardini, and M. Nicolaucig. "USING WEBGIS AND CLOUD TOOLS TO PROMOTE CULTURAL HERITAGE DISSEMINATION: THE HISTORIC UP PROJECT." ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLII-5/W1 (May 17, 2017): 663–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprs-archives-xlii-5-w1-663-2017.
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On the occasion of the First World War centennial, GeoSNav Lab (Geodesy and Satellite Navigation Laboratory), Department of Engineering and Architecture, University of Trieste, Italy, in coooperation with Radici&Futuro Association, Trieste, Italy, carried out an educational Project named “Historic Up” involving a group of students from “F. Petrarca” High School of Trieste, Italy. <br><br> The main goal of the project is to make available to students of Middle and High Schools a set of historical and cultural contents in a simple and immediate way, through the production of a virtual and interactive tour following the event that caused the burst of the First World War: the assassination of Franz Ferdinand and his wife Sofia in Sarajevo occurred on June 28, 1914. <br><br> A set of Google Apps was used, including Google Earth, Maps, Tour Builder, Street View, Gmail, Drive, and Docs. The Authors instructed the students about software and team-working and supported them along the research. After being checked, all the historical and geographic data have been uploaded on a Google Tour Builder to create a sequence of historical checkpoints. Each checkpoint has texts, pictures and videos that connect the tour-users to 1914. Moreover, GeoSNaV Lab researchers produced a KML (Keyhole Markup Language) file, formed by several polylines and points, representing the itinerary of the funeral procession that has been superimposed on ad-hoc georeferenced historical maps. This tour, freely available online, starts with the arrival of the royals, on June 28<sup>th</sup> 1914, and follows the couple along the events, from the assassination to the burial in Arstetten (Austria), including their passages through Trieste (Italy), Ljubljana (Slovenia), Graz and Wien (Austria).
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Zorić, Vladimir. "A Wandering Bullet: Staging the Sarajevo Assassination in Biljana Srbljanović’s Play Princip: This Grave is too Small for Me." Transcultural Studies 11, no. 2 (April 10, 2015): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23751606-01102003.
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This essay explores the remembrance of the Sarajevo assassination in the centenary year with a particular focus on theatrical productions in Austria and former Yugoslavia. The momentous event of June 1914 has been evoked in Yugoslav and post-Yugoslav cultures in different periods and with different pragmatic goals. The twists of this memory site are illustrated with reference to Genette’s concept of ellipsis (silence), prolepsis (prefiguration) and paralepsis (divination). The essay analyses the recent play by Biljana Srbljanović, Princip: This Grave Is Too Small for Me against the backdrop of the playwright’s earlier dramatic works as well as in the context of the dominant articulations of the mythos of assassination. The essay argues that Srbljanović’s play for all its vociferousness does not bring much novelty to her own opus nor for that matter to the existing patterns of remembrance of Franz Ferdinand and Gavrilo Princip. The constitutive ambiguities and inconsistencies of the dramatic text are then explored in its two stage renditions, one in Austria and the other in the former Yugoslav region. Although the two productions cater for different audiences in different languages they nevertheless end up in the same pitfall: they try to salvage the text at the cost of sacrificing stage momentum and the ethical credibility of the characters represented.
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Batakovic, Dusan. "Storm over Serbia the rivalry between civilian and military authorities (1911-1914)." Balcanica, no. 44 (2013): 307–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1344307b.
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As a new force on the political scene of Serbia after the 1903 Coup which brought the Karadjordjevic dynasty back to the throne and restored democratic order, the Serbian army, led by a group of conspiring officers, perceived itself as the main guardian of the country?s sovereignty and the principal executor of the sacred mission of national unification of the Serbs, a goal which had been abandoned after the 1878 Berlin Treaty. During the ?Golden Age? decade (1903-1914) in the reign of King Peter I, Serbia emerged as a point of strong attraction to the Serbs and other South Slavs in the neighbouring empires and as their potential protector. In 1912-13, Serbia demonstrated her strength by liberating the Serbs in the ?unredeemed provinces? of the Ottoman Empire. The main threat to Serbia?s very existence was multinational Austria-Hungary, which thwarted Belgrade?s aspirations at every turn. The Tariff War (1906-1911), the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina (1908), and the coercing of Serbia to cede her territorial gains in northern Albania (1912-1913) were but episodes of this fixed policy. In 1991, the Serbian army officers, frustrated by what they considered as weak reaction from domestic political forces and the growing external challenges to Serbia?s independence, formed the secret patriotic organisation ?Unification or Death? (Black Hand). Serbian victories in the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) enhanced the prestige of the military but also boosted political ambitions of Lt.-Colonel Dragutin T. Dimitrijevic Apis and other founding members of the Black Hand anxious to bring about the change of government. However, the idea of a military putsch limited to Serbian Macedonia proposed in May 1914 was rejected by prominent members of the Black Hand, defunct since 1913. This was a clear indication that Apis and a few others could not find support for their meddling in politics. The government of Nikola P. Pasic, supported by the Regent, Crown Prince Alexander, called for new elections to verify its victory against those military factions that acted as an ?irresponsible factor? with ?praetorian ambitions? in Serbian politics. This trial of strength brings new and valuable insights into the controversial relationship between the Young Bosnians and the Black Hand prior to the Sarajevo assassination in June 1914.
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Kalavszky, Zsófia, and Alexandra P. Urakova. "Exploring the Boundaries of Texts and Literary Cults." Studia Litterarum 5, no. 4 (2020): 66–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2500-4247-2020-5-4-66-87.
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The essay focuses on the interrelated phenomena of literary cult and cultic text. Bearing on the conceptual ideas of Sergey Zenkin and Péter Dávidházi, we problematize the boundaries between text and cults on the example of two case studies. One has to do with a recent interpretation of Uncle Tom’s Cabin, a nineteenth-century bestseller novel that had a great impact on literary and political life of the United States in the antebellum period. David S. Reynolds argues that Ulyanov-Lenin’s escape from the Finnish mainland by breaking his way on the broken ice of the river to an island might have been inspired by Uncle Tom’s Cabin where a fugitive slave Eliza does exactly the same thing. This essay suggests seeing this random encounter of the East and the West, the fictional and the “real” not as а curious anecdote or coincidence but as a mechanism of inventing a cultic text. What happens when one of the prominent figures of the European historical narrative, the crown prince assassinated in 1914, reads the works of the Russian poet before the fatal day in Sarajevo? Milorad Pavić building his short story Prince Ferdinand Reads Pushkin upon recognizable allusions to Pushkin’s texts, highlights similarities and differences, the fatal and the accidental in the stories of the poet shot in the duel and the Austrian crown prince being a victim of an assassination — two intersective storylines that may be described as “isomorphic plots.”
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Djuric, Djordje. "Prince Lichnowsky’s memorandum as a source for determining the responsibility for the outbreak of the First World War." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 150 (2015): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1550043d.
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Prince Karl Max Lichnowsky was a German ambassador in London from 1912 to 1914. He was one of the most important direct participants of the July Crisis which led to the outbreak of the First World War. This document was written in 1916 and secretly delivered to the German military and political supreme authorities. It came into possession of Swedish socialists and they published it, first in English and then in all other European languages. This document explicitly attributes the responsibility for the outbreak of the war to the German political and social circles. It accuses them of instigating Austria- Hungary to attack Serbia. The Germans declined and undermined solemn interventions to evade the war. Also, this document briefly describes the German imperialistic politics in the decade before the War and indicates that these politics have inevitably led to the confrontation with Great Britain, Russia and France. Assassination in Sarajevo is indicated as a motive but little attention is paid to it (Gavrilo Princip is not even mentioned at all). During the Paris Peace Conference (in Versailles), this document was used as one of the important arguments to declare Germany guilty of starting the war. Western press wrote a great deal about it and it was given a lot of credit. Also, this memorandum was often disputed during the debate in German politics and historiography in the 1920s and the 1930s on the war accountability (Kriegsschuldsfrage), but it was often quoted by German opponents.
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Carrellan Ruiz, Juan Luis. "Las imágenes del comienzo de la Primera Guerra Mundial en El Mercurio de Santiago de Chile: De la «tragedia de Sarajevo» al inicio del «conflicto europeo»." CUHSO · Cultura - Hombre - Sociedad 27, no. 2 (December 29, 2017): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.7770/cuhso-v27n2-art1275.
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La historiografía tradicional ha minusvalorado los impactos de la Gran Guerra en las sociedades latinoamericanas. Desde los años previos a la conmemoración del centenario del inicio de la guerra se ha comenzado a cuestionar esta posición por algunos autores y han ido apareciendo investigaciones sobre el tema en diferentes países de Iberoamérica. En el caso chileno, el interés por el tema ha sido escaso y se ha limitado a celebrar seminarios en varias universidades, de los cuales se han visto pocas publicaciones. Nuestra hipótesis es que la sociedad chilena vivió con interés y preocupación los acontecimientos desarrollados en Europa tras la tragedia de Sarajevo. Los efectos fueron intensos y variados. Uno de ellos se dio en la esfera informativa. En general, las noticias del extranjero del momento que llegaban a los diarios chilenos estaban controladas y dirigidas por las agencias de noticias europeas y eran recibidas a través cables telegráficos de compañías europeas y norteamericanas. Esta circunstancia hizo que la información independiente escaseara y que la opinión pública chilena tuviera una determinada visión de los hechos desarrollados en Europa en 1914. Para este trabajo hemos analizado las imágenes publicadas en El Mercurio de Santiago de Chile referentes a los momentos previos al inicio de la Primera Guerra Mundial. El diario dio una gran cobertura y espacio a los hechos estudiados: el asesinato del heredero al trono austrohúngaro, la guerra austroserbia y el inicio de la Primera Guerra Mundial. Se percibe también un claro alineamiento proaliado respecto a los bloques enfrentados, transmitiendo una serie de ideas y de valores de cada uno de ellos.
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Strauss, Lon. "28 June: Sarajevo 1914–Versailles 1919: The War and Peace that Made the Modern World. Edited by Alan Sharp. (London, United Kingdom: Haus Publishing, 2014. Pp. xii, 404. $40.00.)." Historian 79, no. 1 (March 1, 2017): 193–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hisn.12489.
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Bakic, Dragan. "Apis’s men: The black hand conspirators after the Great war." Balcanica, no. 46 (2015): 219–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1546219b.
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The activities of Colonel Dragutin Dimitrijevic Apis and his clandestine Black Hand organisation in Serbia have long been scrutinised in connection with the assassination of Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo in 1914 and the outbreak of the First World War. Regent Alexander and the Pasic government dealt severely with the Black Hand in the Salonica show trial in 1917 when Apis and two of his friends were sentenced to death, a number of officers sentenced to prison and other Black Handers purged from the civilian and military authorities. The rest of Black Handers, particularly those more prominent, who survived the war found themselves in a position of pariah in the newly-founded Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia). They were constantly under the watchful eye of the authorities and suspected of plotting subversive activities. To be sure, the Black Handers remained in close contact and sought to bring about a ?revision? of the Salonica trial and rehabilitate themselves and their dead comrades. This paper focuses on three particular Black Handers, Bozin Simic, Radoje Jankovic and Mustafa Golubic - although their other friends are also mentioned in connection with them - who offered stiff resistance to the regime that had condemned them. Their cases demonstrate that some of former Apis?s associates in time came to terms with the authorities in order to secure peaceful existence or even obtain a prominent status, whereas other remained staunch opponents of King Alexander and their frustration took the shape of a left-wing opposition ranging from republicanism to outright communism.
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Lebow, Richard. "The Assassination of the Archduke: Sarajevo 1914 and the Romance that Changed the World. By Greg King and Sue Woolmans. (New York, NY: St. Martin’s Press, 2013. Pp. 384. $17.99.)." Historian 78, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hisn.12137.
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Marčetič, Adrijana. "A Tribute to Princip: Metapoetry and Commentaries." Transcultural Studies 11, no. 2 (April 10, 2015): 163–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23751606-01102001.
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Just after the end of the Great War Miloš Crnjanski wrote a poem dedicated to Gavrilo Princip, the assassin of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria, in Sarajevo, on 28 June 1914. The title of the poem is “A Tribute to Princip” (“Spomen Principu”), and it was first published in Crnjanski’s early book of poetry Lyrics of Ithaca (Lirika Itake, 1919). Forty years later Crnjanski wrote a commentary on the poem, a sort of its prose paraphrase, and entitled it “On the Poem about Princip” (“Uz pesmu o Principu”); it was published in his Commentaries on Lyrics of Ithaca (Komentari uz Liriku Itake, 1959). Although by no means as significant as his famous poem “Sumatra”, and equally famous “Explanation of Sumatra”, that is considered a kind of Crnjanski’s personal poetic manifesto, as well as a poetic manifesto of Serbian modernism in general, “A Tribute to Princip” and its explanation represent an equally important testimony to Crnjanski’s poetic sensibility and his literary inspiration. The subject of the poem, the manner of poetic expression, on the one side, and the prose style of its commentary, on the other, clearly indicate what was considered by young Crnjanski the main role of the new, modern poetry he was advocating for: the break with the tradition, the rejection of the old and no longer productive poetic and national myths, and the affirmation of the new role of poetry in the everyday life. Therefore, opposing the standard interpretation of the poem, in this paper I argue that “A Tribute to Princip” is not a political poem but a “poem about poem”, which we could read as metapoetry or a poetry poem, providing that we apply the term with a little more freedom.
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Bozanic, Snezana, and Ana Elakovic-Nenadovic. "From the “personal dossier” of dr. Adolf Hempt: From school time to the retirement." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 170 (2019): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1970195b.
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The paper analyzes the professional movements, the scientific and professional work of Dr. Adolf Hempt, one of the leading rabiologists in Yugoslavia and in the world. The research is based on the well-preserved and unexplored personal dossier of Dr. Adolf Hempt, which is kept in the Archive of Vojvodina (Novi Sad). From the rich source of material, the authors selected the documents that partircularly highlight his life in Lukavac, then certificates of his scientific and professional engagement in Vienna, Paris and Budapest (1910-1912), testimony about the preparations for his participation in the First International Conference on Rabies, and many letters written by Hempt himself. His Curriculum Vitae of 26 August, 1921, and two copies of Official gazette (from 1926 and 1932) should be particularly mentioned. The original material is in Serbian, German and Latin. Dr. Hempt lived or spent longer or shorter periods of his life, researching and improving himself, in Novi Sad, Sarajevo, Graz, Munich, Vienna, Gross-Enzersdorf, Lukavac, Paris, and Budapest. His professional career can be tracked through several stages. He was a military doctor in peace (1898-1905) and at war (1914-1918). His arrival in Lukavac coincides with the socio-economic development and the rise of this small town. He worked here as a factory, municipal, and railway doctor (1905-1921). Working on the eradication of infectious diseases and epidemics, he left an indelible mark on the history of health care and culture in Bosnia and Herzegovina. From 1908 until the beginning of the First World War, he was engaged in the launch of the Pasteur Institute in Bosnia and Herzegovina. After he moved to Novi Sad, as a founder and administrator of the Pasteur Institute, he wrote scientific papers, travelled and explored. This paper deals with a series of lesser known and unknown facts which complements and illuminates the biography of Dr. Adolf Hempt.
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Vasic, Aleksandar. "Music in Serbian literary magazine and Yugoslav ideology." Muzikologija, no. 4 (2004): 39–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/muz0404039v.
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It is worth noting that the important journal of the history of Serbian literature and music, the Serbian Literary Magazine (1901 - 1914, 1920 1941), became more Yugoslav-oriented within a relatively short period following its inception. From its early beginning to 1906, the Magazine?s musical critics did not actively express its Yugoslav ideology. But from 1907 there was an increase of interest in both the music and the musicians from Croatia and Slovenia. In 1911 the Croatian Opera spent almost two weeks in Belgrade performing; the composer and musicologist, Miloje Milojevic began to develop the idea of union with Slavs from the South in a critical analysis he rendered of their performance. Until the end of the first/old series, SLM highlighted a noticeable number of texts about Croatians and Slovenians: critical reviews of Croatian musical books, concerts of Slovenian artists in Belgrade, score editions of Slovenian music performances of instrument soloists from Zagreb in Belgrade - as well as notes about the musical work of Croatian Academy (Yugoslav Academy of Sciences and Arts, Zagreb). Echoes of rare tours of Serbian musicians in South Slavs cultural centers did not go unheard, either. In the older series of the journal, lasting and two-fold relations had already begun to lean towards Yugoslav ideology. From one side, even before World War I, Yugoslav ideology in the Magazine was accepted as a program objective of Serbian political and cultural elite. On the other, the journal does not appear to have negotiated any of its aesthetic criterion when estimating musical events that came from Zagreb and Ljubljana to Belgrade - at least not "in the name of Yugoslav ideology". In later series of SLM, the Yugoslav platform was being represented as official ideological statehood of newly created Kingdoms of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians (1918), i.e., the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (1929). At that time, the Magazine had occasional literary cooperation from Croatian musical writers such as Lujo Safranek-Kavic, Bozidar Sirola and Antun Dobronic. Their articles described activities of the Croatian National Theatre and evaluated new works of Croatian composers. But they were not at all remiss about acknowledging great masterpieces of European music being performed in Zagreb in their day, either. The works of Claude Debussy, Pell?as et M?lisande; Ludwig van Beethoven, Missa solemnis Richard Wagner, Lohengrin were also followed through reviews, albeit within a curious Croatian-paradigm of musical history which included musical and dramatic theatre from Ljubljana, Zagreb, Split, Sarajevo, Skoplje, Osijek. In other words, they seem to have been aware of the cultural differences without ignoring what from them were shared in common. Before the First World War, SLM classified Bulgarians together with Serbs, Croats and Slovenians, as the future "Yugoslav nation". When the reality of politics clouded their vision, the Magazine?s musical critics nevertheless pursued a troupe of Bulgarian performers to visit Belgrade, and thus added to their repertoire from works of Bulgarian composers. Among musical contributors to the journal were the eminently known "Yugoslavs", Dr Miloje Milojevic (1884 - 1946) and Dr Viktor Novak (1889 - 1977). From Croatia and Slovenia musicians Juro Tkalcic and Ciril Licar, Milojevic spoke about "our national artists" and praised musicians who, in their program, included compositions of "all Yugoslav nations". Dr Novak demanded that Belgrade become the musical capital of South Slavs, and invited Belgrade Opera to show on its scene the best Serbian, Croatian and Slovenian operas and ballets. From its onset, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was burdened by heavy political and economical problems. That would also lead to bitter dispute about Yugoslavian ideology. Nevertheless, SLM did not renounce the system of its objectives and values upon which it was built. But there is one particular section where the Magazine?s inconsistency can be noticed - when seen from a Yugoslav dimension of the journal - is the necrology column. Magazine did not publish even one obituary of Croatian musicians, and wrote fragmentary unclear and unconvincing criterion about Slovenians. However, it would be neither appropriate, nor real, to interpret incompleteness of the Magazine?s musical necrological texts in purely ideological light. Namely an insufficient number of musical contributors from all Yugoslav provinces - with the exception of Serbia - was probably the main reason for these omissions. After all, SLM was a literary journal and, as such, entertained numerous literary problems and questions. At some point, the editors must have agreed that the information in the field of musical posthumous articles was insufficient. The obvious absence of said would indicate that they did.
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Pires, Ana Paula. "The Iberian Peninsula and the First World War: Between neutrality and non-belligerency (1914–1916)." War in History, May 11, 2020, 096834451988206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344519882066.
Full textAbstract:
This article seeks to analyse the political and diplomatic effects of the outbreak of the First World War on the Iberian Peninsula, considering the relationship between Portugal and Spain in the context of the (dis)equilibria of power caused by the Sarajevo assassination in the summer of 1914, and the debates between neutrality and belligerency that occurred in both countries. Neutral and non-belligerent societies had to legitimate themselves within total war; they had also to reflect on the role played by their respective nations and build an Iberian narrative to sustain it. In this matter, Spanish neutrality and Portuguese non-belligerency, until 1916, should always be analysed as specific foreign policies and within the framework of the public debate ‘decadence vs regeneration’, present in both countries since the last decade of the nineteenth century.
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Batančev, Dragan. "The unseen shots: anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist aspects of unmade co-productions about the 1914 Sarajevo Assassination." Studies in Eastern European Cinema, April 14, 2021, 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2040350x.2021.1908772.
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عبد, فهد عويد. "تطورات رومانيا الداخلية وسياستها الخارجية أبان الحرب العالمية الاولى حتى احتلال بخارست (آب 1914 – كانون الاول 1916)." لارك, no. 27 (March 3, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/lark.vol0.iss27.414.
Full textAbstract:
The Balkan region in general and Romania in particular have witnessed major political developments during the First World War. Suffice it to say that the first outbreak of war began from the Balkans, namely Sarajevo, and ended in the Balkans, where the last peace treaties were signed with the surrender of Bulgaria on September 29, 1918. Years of War The Balkans were generally a theater in which the armies of the belligerents demonstrated their military capabilities. Moreover, in the same period, both sides of the conflict (the Axis Powers or the Wafd States) were struggling to obtain the support of the Balkans, including Romania, Sugary, political and economic, both on military operations or planed Supply issues or control over trade routes, and on the other side of Romania was seeking for its part to take advantage of the chance of war to the maximum extent possible to achieve the national dream of achieving political unity.
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Nossowska, Małgorzata. "Czy z prowincji widać było wojnę? Ostatnie miesiące pokoju i zamach w Sarajewie z perspektywy prasy lubelskiej / Was war visible from the province? The last months of peace and the Sarajevo assassination from the perspective of Lublin press." Annales UMCS, Historia 68, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/umcshist-2015-0006.
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AbstractThe article tries to present the atmosphere in Lublin in the last months of peace in 1914. Its aim is to present the information from the local press that influenced local public opinion about European policy and first of all about events of June and July of 1914. Its aim is to find the moment at which an inevitability of war became obvious.