Journal articles on the topic 'Sasanian Coins'

The Sasanians were the last pre-Islamic Persian dynasty that ruled present-day Iran and its neighbouring extensive territories, succeeding the Parthians from 224 A.D to 651 A.D. It was the second-longest reigning Persian imperial dynasty, enduring over four centuries until the Muslims defeated the last Sasanian Emperor, Yazdegerd III. Six unpublished coins of this dynasty stored among the rich collections of nearly fifty-eight thousand manifold coins of the Bangladesh National Museum are matter of surprise and curiosity because Bengal was neither a part of their Empire nor ever ruled by them. These coins were discovered in Bengal in the early twentieth century. They have been identified recently, although they were unidentified for a long time following collection. Typically, coin from one region found in another conveys a trading identity. The early Arabs used Sasanian coins along with other coins as currency before introducing their purely Arabic coins in 696 A.D. They were traditionally traders and had commercial contacts with South and Southeast Asia since the seventh century. They might have used these unpublished coins in the seventh century as a means of exchange in Bengal because the region was well-heeled in ancient times and drew traders from all over the world. This article has unveiled these hitherto unpublished coins with their identification and conducted a comprehensive numismatic endeavour virtually to give insight into the inferential cause as well as the timeframe of their arrival in Bengal.

This article concerns the dating of the Caucasian Albanian palimpsest (Gospel of John) on the basis of a refined interpretation of the monetary term **zaizowzńa. In the first part of paper is offered and justified the etymology of the word **zaizowzńa, that derived from the Sasanian monetary term zūzā ‘dirham’. The Albanian umbrella term **zaizowzńa indicated a general concept of a ‘zuza-like (coin)’, which unified wide range of various imitations of Hormizd IV’s silver coins (or ZWZWN, as they named in Pahlavi on coins), struck in the end of the 6th century after defeating of Varhrān Čōbīn in 592 as payment to the Byzantine army, as well as typologically close to them pre-reform Islamic coins of the Sasanian type struck in the 7th – beginning of 8th centuries (so-called Arab-Sasanian coins). In the Caucasian Albanian Gospel of John the word **zaizowzńa was used to translate the Greek δηναρίων, but in the corresponding places of Armenian or Georgian translations were used another words — dahekan/drahkani, denar or satiri/statiri (etymology of these words also discussed and shown that they are not related to Sasanian zūzā). Thus, the use of a special term for Greek δηναρίων is not associated with the established translation tradition and unequivocally indicates its local, Caucasian Albanian origin. The period of time when **zaizowzńa coins were used in the Transcaucasia is outlined, and it is shown that the Sinai edition of the Albanian Gospel of John was completed between the beginning of the 6th century and the beginning of the 10th century.

AbstractThe author here catalogues 295 Sasanian coins according to the classification of Robert Gölbl, giving also a transliteration of coin legends, dates and mint monograms and various other details.

AbstractThis paper discusses two denominations of gold coins struck by the Sasanian kingof kings, Khusro II (590–628). They both have the same design. On the obverse is theprofile head of the king facing right, similar to that found on the silver but without themarginal stars and crescents. The legend on the left is the same as that on the drachmsbut there is a longer legend on the right so the whole legend reads: 'Khusro king of kingshas increased the royal glory‘. On the reverse there is a facing bust with the headsurrounded by flames, similar to that seen on some 'special‘ issue silver drachms. Therehave been a number of different identifications of this bust, the most plausible being thatit is the personification of xwarrah, the 'Royal Glory‘, a concept that was very importantto Khusro II. There is no mint on these gold coins but there is a date, regnal year 21(610/11), on the left. On the right the legend reads: 'he (= Khusro II) has increasedĒrān, he is well-omened‘.Gold coins were struck in small quantities by most Sasanian kings. It appears tohave been mostly a ceremonial coinage, with only Shapur II (309–79) and Peroz (459–84) striking larger amounts. Khusro II‘s gold coinage is relatively plentiful whencompared to that of other late Sasanian rulers. Khusro II‘s predecessor, Hormizd IV(579–90), struck no gold coins and only five coins of Khusro I (531–79) have beenrecorded. The usurper Vahran VI (590–1) is the sole other late Sasanian king whose goldcoins have survived in comparatively large numbers.The larger of Khusro‘s two denominations, the heavy (or 1½) dinar, is knownfrom three specimens, plus another which has been over-struck as an Ilkhanid dinar ofAbu Said (1316–35). The smaller denomination, the light (or 1) dinar, is more plentifulwith over 50 coins recorded. The year 21 gold coinage was struck using three obverse and three reverse dies, one pair of dies being used for both the heavy and light dinar coins. Two obverse and reverse dies were used together but the third pair has not yet been linked to them. As light dinars of Khusro II are regularly seem in commerce this picture may change.The gold coins have been listed and the source of each coin noted (Table 1). All the dies have been identified, and the available physical information, weight, diameter and die axis, has been added. The result shows that two pairs of dies were used to strike 42 out of the 53 light dinars and also the three heavy dinars. The other die pairings struck many fewer coins: one pair struck eight coins, one pair struck two coins and one pair struck one coin.A number of the coins are double struck on both obverse and reverse and one reverse die has a flaw across the neck and shoulder of xwarrah (reverse die 1). Die flaws and double striking are frequently seen on the drachm coinage and it is evident that the mint did not take especial care when producing the gold.The average weight of the light or 1 dinar coins is 4.56 grams (with a mean of 4.57 grams). The average of the four heavy dinars is about 6.73 grams but with so few coins one cannot arrive at any definitive result regarding the weight. The relationship between these two denominations is not clear (4.57g x 1½ = 6.855g). The diameters of the light dinars vary between 21.3 and 23.5 millimetres (from 16 specimens). The diameters of the heavy dinars are similar, as one would expect, varying between 22 and 22.7 millimetres. The exception is the over-struck coin which is larger.

AbstractThis paper is a study on the so-called “spread wings”—a particular element of the Sasanian art that is attested also in other regions of the Persian Empire in Late Antiquity, including the western coast of the Persian Gulf and the Caucasus. The spread wings can be observed on Sasanian coins above the royal crowns, which are considered specific for every Sasanian sovereign, supporting astronomical elements, like the crescent, star, and, possibly, the sun. The Arabs and the peoples of the Caucasus who adopted Christianity used the spread wings element as a pedestal for the cross. In Armenian literature, there are some connections between those spread wings and glory, so that a kind of pedestal could be considered a device to exalt or glorify the element above it. The floating ribbons attached to Sasanian crowns had possibly the same meaning and were adopted also outside of proper Persia. In the same way, it could be considered correct to identify those luminaries on Sasanian crowns as divine elements connected with the religion of pre-Islamic Persia.

This article concerns the presentation of two unpublished coins discovered in the cave of Areni-1 (the Birds’ Cave). The Areni-1 cave is a particularly important site (Figure 1) mainly thanks to its very well preserved Late Chalcolithic sequence (4.300–3.400 Cal BC). In addition, important medieval (4th–18th centuries AD) occupations were found. The coins were discovered in July 2010, during the fifth season of excavations, inside the cave in Trench 2A in Gallery no. 1, in the lower level of the Late Medieval pit area (Figure 2). The coins were probably part of a hoard disturbed by excavation activities in the Late Medieval period. One coin dates to the Sasanian period and may be attributed to Khosrow I Anōšīravān. The beginning of the Sasanian domination of the Armenian highlands started in 428 AD with the investiture of Veh Mihr Shapur (428-442 AD) as marzbān by Bahrām V Gōr (406-438 AD). These years correspond to the earlier phase of the Early Medieval period in the regional chronology, a period of important socio-economic and cultural changes for Armenia. The second coin is of the Abbasid Caliph Abū Jaʿfar Abd Allāh ibn Muḥammad al-Manṣūr. In this period Armenia, then called Arminiya or the Emirate of Armenia, was part of the Abbasid Caliphate. During this time, al-Manṣūr revoked the privileges and subsidies of the local rulers (naxarar) and imposed harsh taxation. This situation led to a major rebellion in 774 AD. The revolt was suppressed by the Battle of Bagrevand in 25 April 775 AD.

Khosrow II (r. 590–628 CE) was the last great Sasanian king who took the throne with the help of the Romans and broke with dynastic religious preferences as he became married to a Christian empress. It was under his rule that the Sasanian Empire reached its greatest expansion. From the standpoint of iconographic studies, Khosrow II is among the most influential Persian kings. Although he was literally occupied by rebels and wars within the borders of the Sasanian territories and beyond, Khosrow managed to create a powerful image of himself that emphasized the legitimacy of his monarchy. Indeed, Khosrow Parviz (the Victorious) drew upon royal iconography as a propaganda tool on a wide range of materials such as rock and stucco reliefs, coins, seals, and metal plates. His image (created both visually and verbally) not only revived the traditional iconography of the Persian kings but also evolved it in a way that transcended his time and was passed on to the early Islamic Caliphates after him. Khosrow II imitated and manipulated the traditional royal iconography of his predecessors in order to display his legitimacy, piety, and valor.

Calibration-Free Laser-Induced Breakdown Spectroscopy (LIBS) was used for depth-profile analysis of one Sasanian coin from the Kunsthistorisches Museum of Vienna, and to characterize the Hg layer covering its surface.

Three Sasanian Silver Bowls at the National Museum of Iran, known collectively as the “dancer-musician scenes,” have been considered as one of the museum’s most iconic works for the past 70 years. Only bowl No. 1 has been examined by numerous Western and Iranian scholars. Based on the catalog of the exhibition “7000 Years of Iranian Art Exhibition” in Vienna (2001-2002), these dishes have been tentatively dated to 8-9th centuries CE. All subsequent exhibitions have followed the same pattern. In addition, the dark heart-shaped decorations on two dishes have been called minā (enameling) in most of the previous publications. The importance of these three bowls (and also the famous Sasanian silver cup) has been the main reason for their selection for technical analysis, X-Ray fluorescence (XRF), and spectroscopy. However, a well-known Sasanian cup (called also “a silver musician-dancer” piece) was only subjected to a semi-quantitative investigation using XRF analysis. The XRF has been extremely helpful in determining a more exact dating for the three bowls indicated above, but it has also raised serious concerns about the dark heartshaped embellishments. Moreover, the dating of the artifacts has been called into doubt by an XRF study of Arabo-Sasanian coins (early Islamic periods) and a comparison of the metal compounds of these objects with those of the three dishes. Additionally, the authors of the present article have proposed niello for the dark ornamentation on the bowls based on these two technical evaluations. Indeed, spectroscopy was not able to answer the main question about the heart-shaped decorations on bowls No. 1 & No. 2, but it has opened a new venue to challenge the term minā, which was widely used in printed works. However, these two chemical analyses expose the possibility that the items may have been created in a workshop of the same artist (or a group of artists).

We describe a silver coin found in one of the burials at Gorny-10 cemetery in northern Altai, excavated by expeditions from the Altai State University in 2000–2003. The coin was discovered in a destroyed burial of children (No. 46) along with other informative artifacts, which are rather uncommon in such burials. Judging by horse harness and ornaments, the assemblage falls in the interval from the late 6th to early 8th century AD. The coin is an imitation of the drachm of the Sasanian shah Pērōz I to classify as type or emission 287, according to R. Göbl, that is one of the most common types of Hephthalite coins. The elemental concentration of the specimen has a high content of silver and no gold. The specimen has no analogs in North or Central Asia. It could have been brought to the forest-steppe Altai by Türks, who conquered the Hephthalite Empire in the fi rst decades of the late 6th century AD.

The mound of Kuyunjik contains the longest known archaeological sequence of occupation in Mesopotamia, spanning all periods from the sixth millennium BC until at least the thirteenth century AD. The prehistoric periods have been comprehensively studied by Gut (1995, 2002) and the general sequence of excavation, occupation and principal architectural finds reviewed by Reade (2000), yet despite a few exceptions (Curtis 1976, 1995; Reade 1998, 1999, 2001; Simpson 1996), the pottery and other finds from the Seleucid period onwards have thus far attracted surprisingly little study. For these periods though, the material culture is characterised by a strong mixture of Classical and Oriental traditions; thus, first-century AD graves contained gold face-coverings and the remains of diadems, both hinting at the eastern extension of practices more commonly found in the eastern Roman provinces, but Western lamps, glassware, ceramics and even a Roman military badge also occur at the site. Some of these betray direct political and military control, whereas others reflect a mixture of imports and local imitations; an appreciation of this rich cultural mix is important for the clearer understanding of Nineveh in Late Antiquity.Nineveh almost certainly held a Roman garrison at the extreme eastern limit of its empire but following the humiliation of the apostate Julian's Mesopotamian campaign of 363, it must have been ceded as part of the handover of five trans-Tigridian Roman provinces containing Nisibis, Singara, Castra Maurorum and fifteen unnamed forts to Shapur II (309–379). Thereafter the material culture from Nineveh finally acquires an Iranian character and, until its capture in 637/38 or 641/42 by an Arab army generally believed to have been commanded by ‘Utba bin Farqad, it flourished as a Sasanian town, bridgehead and fortress on the east bank of the Tigris (cf. Robinson 2000, 36–7). The datable finds of this period include four hoards of silver and bronze coins (Simpson 1996, 95–6); several personal seals, bullae and elaborate cutlery of Sasanian type (Simpson 1996, 97–8; 2003, 362–3, Fig. 3); a range of plain, mould-blown and cut glass (Simpson 2005); and four helmets, the latter hinting at the military component of the settlement referred to in the Arab sources (Simpson forthcoming, b).

Five Indo-Sasanian copper-silver alloy coins were examined to determine the chemical composition and fabrication route. Based on iconography, the investigated coins were dated in the range 8th to 9th century CE. The chemical composition of the coins confirmed that the coins were made of copper-silver alloy. The percentage of silver was found to be in the range from 14 wt.% to 16 wt.%, and other elements iron and lead were present as impurities. There was no significant difference in the chemical composition from the surface to the center. Chlorine was detected in the localized green corrosion, which confirms the presence of active corrosion, and coins must be conserved by giving proper conservation treatment. The formation of unusual active corrosion compounds i.e. paratacamite was identified by the XRD, and this may be formed due to the exposure of coins to river water and soil. Optical microscopy revealed the dendritic and dual-phase structure, and the presence of dendrite showed that the coins were manufactured by the casting. It was confirmed from the optical microscopy that coins were not subjected to heat treatment and deformation. The microstructure consists of dual phases, in which the white phase is silver-rich, and the black phase is rich in copper. The morphology and chemical composition of the corrosion compound formed on the surface of the coins mainly indicated the formation of copper oxide with different morphology.

Historic-Archaeological Research of the Catholic University of the Sacred Heart of Milano on the Indus Delta (2010-2018). The following text is only an abridged note on the excavations at Banbhore and some significant extra-moenia surveys carried out by the Italian Team within the Institutional framework of a “Pak-French-Italian Historical and Archaeological Research at Banbhore” on the basis of a Licence issued by the competent Pakistani Authorities (2010-2015 - Coordinator of the Project Dr Kaleemullah Lashari), and, some later, within a new institutional asset: a “Memorandum of Understanding” (MoU) signed in the 2017 between the Director General of the Department of Antiquities of Sindh (Manzoor A. Kanasro) and the Magnifico Rettore of the Catholic University of the Sacred Heart of Milan (Prof. Franco Anelli). Aims of the said MoU are: (a) historical-archaeological research-work at Banbhore and Rani Kot; (b) training (theoretical and on the job) to selected students and officers of the DAS. The Italian group works under the sponsorship of the Italian Ministry for Foreign Affairs (now Ministry for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation/MAECI). Scientific director for the Italian Team is Prof. Valeria Piacentini, member of the Board of Directors of the Research Centre CRiSSMA of the Catholic University. In the following dissertation I won’t linger on the debated issue about the identification of the site of Banbhore with historic sites on the Indus delta (the historical Mihrān river) mentioned and described in the written sources of the past. Too many respected scholars and archaeologists have entered this debate since the end of the 19th Century, for which I refer to a well-known exhaustive literature. In the “50s of the previous century, Leslie Alckok – then official to the Department of Archaeology of Pakistan – carried out some preliminary excavations, followed by Dr Rafique Mughal and F.A. Khan. This latter carried out a systematic and extensive archaeological campaign of several years between the “50s and the “60s, well backed by one of the most authoritative Pakistani historians, N.A. Baloch. Khan brought to light extraordinary archaeological and architectural evidence, but, unfortunately, his excavation-notes have gone lost and little or nothing has been published. Thence, our research-work had to start from nothing. First of all and most urgent was an updated planimetric and altimetric study of the site by kite-photos: a massive wall of c. 1,4 km with 55 towers, 7 posterns, and major and secondary accesses to the citadel (2010-2012 by Y. Ubelman, S. Reynard, A. Tilia), regularly updated with advanced technologies (A. Tilia). Then, in collaboration with Dr M. Kervran, head of the French Team, we undertook an accurate study of the bastions and the shapes of its towers (squared, U-shaped, circular), which has brought to envisage three main occupational phases of the intra-moenia area: 1. Indo-Parthian/Indo-Kushan phase (c. III-II Century b.CE – III-IV Century CE); 2. Sasanian/Indo-Sasanian phase (c. III-IV Century – early VIII Century CE); 3. Islamic phase (VIII – XII/early XIII Century CE). Decay and/or abandonment and end of any settled life on the site can be dated around the XII-early XIII Century, due to attacks and pillaging by Turco-Mongol nomadic tribes, and/or the deviation of this branch of the Indus delta and consequent filling of the harbour, or both. Archaeological evidence come to light confirms the historical information. Our third aim (2010-2015) was to arrive to a first chronological panorama of the site through levels in stratigraphy and the assemblage of pottery and other significant evidence with the individual levels (N. Manassero – A. Fusaro – A. Tilia). Deep trenches were excavated (T/7 and T/9 on the Italian side; T/1 on the French side near the western portion of the bastions skirting the Hindu Temple. These brought to the very early Sasanian period or late Indo-Parthian (c. II-III Century CE), then the water-table invaded the trenches preventing us to go deeper; however, drillings (T/9) have allowed to go deeper for c.1,8 mt of shards …thus reaching a much earlier occupational phase. The question about an Hellenistic occupation at the bottom of the site (Arrian’s harbour of Alexander) is still unanswered… a dream…but the importance of Banbhore has induced to take it seriously and include it within our priorities. Ours and the French trenches have also produced significant information on the architectural panorama of the site for its earlier periods of life. A main N-S and E-W road axis was traced. The site was organised in insulae, each insula with its pits of organic and inorganic refusals, densely built along narrow roads by small mono-nuclear houses, roofed, bases in local stones and the elevation in unbacked bricks. Interesting the presence of refusals of some crafts, as if each building had at the same time the function of “home” and workshop. The refusals shew activities of ivory-working (T/1,T/4, T/9), and other crafts carried out “within the bastions of the citadel”, such as glass, shells and mother of pearl, alloys and various metallurgic activities, too, and so on. Significant the presence of a wealth of clay-moulds. T/5 has produced a clay-mould nearly intact in its shape. No less interesting, in the deeper layers, the presence of a well arranged organisation of the hydraulic resources (small canals, little domed cisterns in roughly cut local stones, wells..: T/9). One element of the site attracted our attention: the so called “Partition Wall”. It has a North-South direction; then, it bends Eastwards, including the Mosque and the Eastern lagoon, but cutting out the majestic Southern Gate. So far, it had been interpreted as a Wall that had a “religious” or “social” function to separate – after the Islamic conquest – the Muslims from the non-Muslim inhabitants of the site. Manassero dedicated the 2014 Field-Season to investigate: T/7 and T/8 were the trenches that gave a new profile to this structure and to the general occupational organisation of the citadel during its last period of life. The round-shaped tower in mud-bricks and the walls on both sides show that they had been hurriedly erected in a late phase of the life of the citadel (around the end of the X – early XI Century CE). They had been built on the top of pre-existing buildings either abandoned and collapsed or hastily flatted-down, likely to defend this eastern portion of the site and its Mosque by some human ravage that had succeeded to open a breach in the lower western bastion leaving the higher north-eastern area exposed to attacks (the skeleton found by Dr Kervran on her portion of the wall, and Khan’s skeletons with arrow-heads in their skulls and chests). According to F.A. Khan’s excavations and what he left us in his little booklet that so far – printed and re-printed – is the guide for visitors to Banbhore, in the eastern portion of the site during the latest stage of its life still stood beautiful palaces, the Friday Mosque, markets, and an eastern gate where a staircase (still in situ in the 2015) brought to a lagoon at the foot of the eastern bastions and to the river. At the end of this first stage of our historical and archaeological research-work, the identification of the site of Banbhore with the historic Sasanian/Indo-Sasanian fortified harbour-town seemed quite feasible. When we resumed our field-work in the 2017, we decided to go deeper in this direction. In the meantime, Dr Manassero had resigned due to personal choices of life. Dr Simone Mantellini bravely accepted to be our Field-Director for the archaeological sector. T/9 had unearthed an imposing Building (Building 1) running along the East-West road-axis, parallel to a second Building (Building 2). The road – wide about 5 meters – must have been a major road, that had played a central role within the general architectural urban asset of the site. Building 2 had the typical structure of the local houses: base in rough stones, elevation in mud-bricks. Excavations of Building 1 produced fillings well flatted and an endless chronological procession of floors in row mud, likely the re-occupation of an important palace during the last phase of the occupational life of Banbhore. The material (pottery and others) associated with the various levels in stratigraphy (Dr A. Fusaro) confirmed the dating of the dug portion from c. the early XIII to the XI Century CE. Historically speaking, it makes sense: chronicles of the time report about the invasion of Lower Sindh by the Seljuks (second half of the XI Century CE); they indulge on the assaults against the walls of its great harbour-town named Daybul, its long siege concluded with a peace-treaty that fixed the border with Makrān at Gwadar and gave to Daybul an autonomous status (nāḥiya) within the Seljuk dominion of Qāvurd-Khān ibn Chaghrī Beg. More interesting was the copious filling with ivory refusals. Along Building 2, were found semi-worked shells, glass, iron and brass rivets, iron instruments, alloys, coins and other. This induced to think to a late quarter of work-shops outside the Partition Wall, built on previous buildings. Lastly, some surveys extra-moenia and in the Lahiri Bandar and Mullah-ka Kot islands have revealed a close connection and interaction between these spaces and the citadel. Around the bastions: the remains of a densely settled area and a well organised regulation of the waters and the territory, rock quarries, urban quarters, dwellings, cairn-tombs (some of them re-used), an artificial lake of sweet water delimited to the south by a “barrage”, wells, and a vast so called “industrial area” to the north-northwest of the bastions, pottery kilns and others completed the image of a urban asset at least for a given span of time. Architectural and archaeological evidences have regularly been graphically, photographically and topographically documented (A. Tilia). Archaeometric analyses on the job (pottery, metals, alloys, coins…) and in Italy (ivory, glass, clay-moulds, shards…) have provided precious support and new elements to the archaeological work. We are now confronted with the plan of a positive shahristān. Banbhore is no longer only a fortified citadel. Written sources in Arabic and Persian confirm this feature. After the Jan.-Feb. 2018 field-season, the Islamic occupational phase of Banbhore and the “archaeological park” surrounding it enhanced this image: a positive fluvial and maritime system stemmed out, a well-fortified system and harbour-town, a centre of mercantile power, production and re-distribution of luxury goods, an international centre of pilgrimage and religious learning, too, outlet to the sea of the capital-city of the moment. For the forthcoming field-seasons, it was decided to concentrate the attention on the sector where the North-South axis crosses the East-West one. In particular: to further investigate Building 1; to look for the ivory-workshops that must be there around – given the copious pieces so far brought to light and used as refilling (more than 9.000 fragments) and some fragments of rough ivory (specialist of the Italian Team G. Affanni); to organise a deep-trench in the Pakistani sector (T/11), in order to resume Manassero’s investigations on the urban and architectural features of the pre-Islamic phases...and (why not?) try to overcome the water-table problem with the technological support offered by the Bahrya University of Karachi…the much dreamed quest of Alexander the Macedonian’s port. All in all and to conclude. Nowadays, at the end of this first stage of historical and archaeological research-work in collaboration with the DAS, the identification of the site of Banbhore and its surrounding area with the Sasanian/Indo-Sasanian and the Early-Islamic well-fortified harbour-town of Daybul/Debol can be confirmed. No other site with the characteristics described by the written sources of the time (chronicles, geographies, travelogues…plus Marco Polo and some significant Genoese archival documents) has so far come to light on the Indus deltaic region. Conversely, still un-answered are other queries: Banbhore can be identified also with the great harbour of Alexander the Macedonian? Or with the Barbaricum/Barbarikon/Barbariké, harbour-town of Parthian rulers or local lords of “Skuthia”, also mentioned in the Periplus Maris Erythraei? Or again with Dib/Deb, harbour mentioned in a Parthian-Manichaean text? Or again the Dibos of Greek sources? Or the Dêbuhl/Dêphul of an Arminian text à propos of the Prophet Mani? Wishful thinking; however, these queries represent some amongst the ambitious aims of our future research-work.

In this article, a group of coins were catalogd at the Bursa Archeology Museum of Byzantine emperor Herakleios. The article mentioned the history of the Byzantine Empire before the cataloging part. In the Byzantine period, the issues of coin, Herakleios’s life and the Byzantine economy were discussed during the Herakleios period. The article is handled from a meticulous and objective point of view and is used from local and foreign sources. The Byzantine empire was the first in 330 AD Founded by Konstantinos in the city of Constantinople. The Byzantine empire, which continues in the Middle Ages, is governed by various sules and names. The Empire has spread to a large geography. It was destroyed by the Ottoman Empire in 1453. The use of coins in the Byzantine Empire I.. From the time of Anastasius (491), the final emperor XI. It continued until Constantinos (1453). These coins are printed in copper, silver and gold. Herakleios, son of the Carthage governor Herakleios, was born in 575. He is one of the most important rulers of the Byzantine empire. Herakleios has taken over a financially exhausted administration. The spreading policies of the Sasanis have caused the Byzantine empire to be difficult both economically and politically. With the support of Patrik Sergios, the leader of the Orthodox churches, he has won his battles with the Sasanis, bringing the empire to political and economic prosperity.