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Journal articles on the topic 'Sasanian Empire'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 April 2022

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1

Gross, Simcha. "Being Roman in the Sasanian Empire." Studies in Late Antiquity 5, no. 3 (2021): 361–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2021.5.3.361.

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Over the past several decades, scholars have challenged longstanding assumptions about Christian narratives of persecution. In light of these revisionist trends, a number of scholars have reconsidered the “Great Persecution” of Christians under the fourth-century Sasanian king Shapur II. Where scholars previously argued that the cause of Sasanian imperial violence against Christians was a perceived connection between them and the increasingly Christian Roman Empire, these new accounts reject this explanation and downplay the scope of violence against Christians. This article reexamines Sasania

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Farrokh, Kaveh, Javier Sánchez-Gracia, and Katarzyna Maksymiuk. "Caucasian Albanian Warriors in the Armies of pre-Islamic Iran." Historia i Świat, no. 8 (August 29, 2019): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2019.08.02.

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Albania, an ancient country in the Caucasus, was turned into a Sasanian province by Šāpūr I (c. 253). The Albanians became increasingly integrated into the battle order of the Iranian army (especially cavalry). All along the Caspian coast the Sasanians built powerful defense works, designed to bar the way to invaders from the north. The most celebrated of these fortifications are those of Darband in Caucasian Albania. Albania remained an integral part of the Sasanian Empire until the Arab conquest of Iran.

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Hutter, Manfred. "Manichaeism in the Early Sasanian Empire." Numen 40, no. 1 (1993): 2–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852793x00022.

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AbstractIt is well-known that Mani knew Christian Gnosticism, Zoroastrianism and also a little of Buddhism and used different items from these religions. As we can see from the Šäbuhragän, the central themes of Mani's teachings at the Sasanian court were the "two principles" and the "three times", but he reworked them and brought them close to Zurwanism, because King Šäbuhr did not favour 'orthodox' Zoroastrianism but 'heretical' Zurwanism. Thus Manichaeism could flourish for thirty years within the Sasanian empire. After Šäbuhr's death the Zoroastrian priest Kirdir gained influence at the cou

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Gross, Simcha. "Rethinking Babylonian Rabbinic Acculturation in the Sasanian Empire." Journal of Ancient Judaism 9, no. 2 (2018): 280–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00902008.

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The study of the Babylonian rabbis in their Persian context(s) has largely adopted a binary paradigm whereby certain rabbis, usually associated with specific regions, are characterized as adopting a strategy of either accommodation or resistance to Persian language and culture. A central piece in the discussion of rabbinic attitudes to Persian culture has been the question of Babylonian rabbinic use – or lack thereof – of Persian language, often cited as a sign for the disconnect between, perhaps even the intentional distancing of, the Babylonian rabbis and Persian culture more generally. Taki

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Havener, Wolfgang. "Metus Persicus?" Millennium 14, no. 1 (2017): 31–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mill-2017-0002.

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Abstract The Sasanians have been characterized as Rome’s enemy par excellence in the ancient sources as well as in modern scholarship. According to the Greek and Roman historians, from the moment of its emergence in the second decade of the third century CE, the new dynasty pursued an extremely aggressive policy towards the Western neighbour that resulted in fierce and renewed military conflict and brought the Roman Empire to the brink of desaster. However, a closer look on the respective historiographic and biographic texts from contemporary and later authors reveals a deeper meaning behind t

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GYSELEN, Rika. "Primary Sources and Historiography on the Sasanian Empire." Studia Iranica 38, no. 2 (2009): 163–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/si.38.2.2046914.

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Gross, Simcha. "Rethinking Babylonian Rabbinic Acculturation in the Sasanian Empire." Journal of Ancient Judaism 9, no. 2 (2018): 280–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/jaju.2018.9.2.280.

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Compareti, Matteo. "The Spread Wings Motif on Armenian Steles: Its Meaning and Parallels in Sasanian Art." Iran and the Caucasus 14, no. 2 (2010): 201–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338410x12743419190106.

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AbstractThis paper is a study on the so-called “spread wings”—a particular element of the Sasanian art that is attested also in other regions of the Persian Empire in Late Antiquity, including the western coast of the Persian Gulf and the Caucasus. The spread wings can be observed on Sasanian coins above the royal crowns, which are considered specific for every Sasanian sovereign, supporting astronomical elements, like the crescent, star, and, possibly, the sun. The Arabs and the peoples of the Caucasus who adopted Christianity used the spread wings element as a pedestal for the cross. In Arme

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Vacca, Alison. "Bahl Šahastan in the land of the K‘ušans: Medieval Armenian memories of Balkh as an Arsacid capital." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 84, no. 1 (2021): 19–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x21000033.

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AbstractThis paper explores the medieval Armenian understanding of the city of Balkh as a capital of the Arsacid Empire. Medieval Armenian sources employ four strategies of remembrance: scriptural geography, genealogy, folk etymology, and origin stories. These strategies invest the city of Balkh as the source of power of both Armenian royalty and nobility, through their connections to the Great Arsacids. There are two main themes in the descriptions of Balkh. First, the Arsacids of Balkh consistently decimated Sasanian armies in ways that the Armenian Arsacids could not emulate. Second, Balkh

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Elman, Yaakov. "Law in the Crisis of Empire: A Sasanian Example." Journal of Persianate Studies 6, no. 1-2 (2013): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341251.

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Abstract Except for a century or so beginning with Alexander’s invasion, one or another Iranian dynasty ruled a vast empire for some 1200 years—and then vanished with disconcerting speed in only a few short years in the aftermath of the Arab invasion. The following remarks attempt an explanation for this rapid demise. In particular, I intend to isolate two important factors that contributed mightily to that process, factors which, in my opinion, are reflected in perhaps the most important document dating from that short period: the so-called Sasanian Lawbook, the Mādiyān ī Hazār Dādestān, the

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O’Farrell, Matthew. "The Death of Mani in Retrospect." Millennium 18, no. 1 (2021): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mill-2021-0003.

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Abstract The execution of the prophet Mani (c. 216-273) by the Sasanian king Bahram I (r. 271-274) received sharply different treatments in the historiography of three of the confessional groups of the Sasanian empire. Variously a persecuted prophet, a blasphemous lunatic or a sinister heresiarch the representations of this moment sought to establish its meaning in the context of communal narratives predicated on the claims of sacred history. Despite this, it is notable that Manichean, Christian and Perso-Arabic accounts clearly share features. This indicates not only that Mani’s death became

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Rezakhani, Khodadad. "Decline and Fall of the Sasanian Empire: The Sasanian–Parthian Confederacy and the Arab Conquest of Iran." Iranian Studies 44, no. 3 (2011): 415–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2011.556396.

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MASIA, Kate. "The Evolution of Swords and Daggers in the Sasanian Empire." Iranica Antiqua 35 (January 1, 2000): 185–289. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ia.35.0.519101.

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MASIA, K. "The Evolution of Swords and Daggers in the Sasanian Empire." Iranica Antiqua 35, no. 1 (2005): 185–289. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ia.35.1.519101.

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Khosrowzadeh, Alireza, Aliasghar Norouzi, and Hossein Habibi. "A Newly Discovered Administrative Center of the Late Sasanian Empire." Near Eastern Archaeology 83, no. 4 (2020): 222–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/710097.

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Daryaee, Touraj. "The Fall of the Sasanian Empire to the Arab Muslims: From Two Centuries of Silence to Decline and Fall of the Sasanian Empire: the Partho-Sasanian Confederacy and the Arab Conquest of Iran." Journal of Persianate Studies 3, no. 2 (2010): 239–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187471610x537280.

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Campopiano, Michele. "Zoroastrians, Islam and the Holy Qur’ān. Purity and Danger in Pahlavi Literature in the Early Islamic Period (Seventh–Tenth Centuries)." Journal of Transcultural Medieval Studies 5, no. 1 (2018): 75–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jtms-2018-0004.

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AbstractThis paper will reflect on how Pahlavi texts after the Islamic conquest conceptualize conflicts between Islamic norms and Zoroastrian rules, in particular those concerning purity. The paper will therefore be concerned with the representation of Islam and Islamic practices within the Mazdean community. For this reason, the issue of the reception of the Holy Qur’ān within Pahlavi literature will also need to be addressed. The paper will formulate some hypotheses on what goals the Mazdean intellectual elites (in this case, essentially their clergy) tried to achieve through their represent

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Paz, Yakir. "Banned and Branded: The Mesopotamian Background of Šamata." Aramaic Studies 19, no. 2 (2021): 177–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-bja10023.

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Abstract The verb √šmt and noun šamata, attested in the dialects of Eastern Aramaic in the Sasanian period, would seem at first to be synonymous with the Palestinian term nidui, ‘excommunication’. However, a closer examination reveals that šamata has a different semantic value. It is not simply conceived as a social sanction of excommunication but is understood as a curse involving divine violence; is closely associated with binding; and is often perceived as the property of powerful agents. In this article I argue that √šmt is derived from the Akkadian šamātu, ‘to mark’, ‘to brand’, especiall

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Wood, Jonathan R., and Yi-Ting Hsu. "RECYCLING ROMAN GLASS TO GLAZE PARTHIAN POTTERY." Iraq 82 (October 14, 2020): 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2020.9.

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Alkaline glazes were first used on clay-based ceramics in Mesopotamia around 1500 B.C., at the same time as the appearance of glass vessels. The Roman Empire used lead-based glazes, with alkaline natron glass being used only to produce objects of glass. Chemical analysis has had some success determining compositional groups for Roman/Byzantine/early Islamic glasses because of the discovery of major production sites. Parthian and Sasanian glass and glazed wares, however, have been found only in consumption assemblages, which have failed to inform on how they were made. Here we reanalyse composi

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Sijpesteijn, Petra M. "Expressing New Rule: Seals from Early Islamic Egypt and Syria, 600–800 CE." Medieval Globe 4, no. 1 (2018): 99–148. http://dx.doi.org/10.17302/tmg.4-1.5.

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This article explores the usage, imagery, and linguistic expressions found on seals produced in the early Muslim empire and reveals how these developed from the seventh century to the ninth. Comparing Islamic and preIslamic samples exposes continuities and changes in sealing practices among Byzantine, Sasanian, and Arabian cultures and shows how these developments can be linked to the underlying ideologies and ambitions of Muslim authorities. In particular, it explains how and why different practices unfolded in Egypt and the Levant, and compares this phenomenon to the dissemination of shared

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Bedos-Rezak, Brigitte Miriam. "Cultural Transactions: An Introduction to Medieval Seals from a Global Perspective." Medieval Globe 4, no. 1 (2018): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.17302/tmg.4-1.1.

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Extensive geographic coverage, including China, South East Asia, Arabia, Sasanian Persia, the Muslim Empire, the Byzantine empire, and Western Europe allows the essays gathered in this volume to offer a well differentiated examination of seals and sealing practices between 400 and 1500 CE. Contributors expose rather than assume the inter-subjective, transnational, and transcultural connectivity at work within the varied processes mediated by seals and sealing – representation, authorization, identification, and transmission. These essays encourage an understanding that seals operated in limina

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Canepa, Matthew P. "“Building a New Vision of the Past in the Sasanian Empire: The Sanctuaries of Kayānsīh and the Great Fires of Iran”." Journal of Persianate Studies 6, no. 1-2 (2013): 64–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341249.

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Abstract This article analyzes how Zoroastrian holy sites as celebrated in the Avesta or elaborated in later, related traditions, emerged as important architectural and ritual centers in late antiquity. Instead of ancient foundations whose details were lost in the depths of time, this paper argues that some of the holiest sanctuaries of the Zoroastrian religion, including Ādur Gušnasp, Ādur Farnbāg, Ādur Burzēn-Mihr, Ādur Karkōy and Lake Kayānsīh, emerged no earlier than the Arsacid era, and were actively manipulated and augmented by the Sasanian dynasty. These ‘Avestan’ sites of memory emerge

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WOOD, PHILIP. "The Christian Reception of the Xwadāy-Nāmag: Hormizd IV, Khusrau II and their successors." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 26, no. 3 (2016): 407–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186315000528.

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AbstractThis article considers the Islamic-era sources that report the history of the last Sasanian kings. It focuses on scenes that seem to indicate Christian influence and asks what this tells us about Christian transmission of the Middle Persian royal histories and about the position of Christians in the empire more broadly. In particular, it discusses three scenes from al-Ṭabarī: his presentation of Hormizd IV as a ‘pluralist’ monarch; the changing attitudes of Christians to Khusrau II and the presentation of Khusrau's short-lived successors.

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Mokhtarian, Jason Sion. "Empire and Authority in Sasanian Babylonia: The Rabbis and King Shapur in Dialogue." Jewish Studies Quarterly 19, no. 2 (2012): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/094457012800934112.

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Rossi, Domiziana. "A Road to Fīrūzābād." Ex Novo: Journal of Archaeology 3 (December 31, 2018): 79–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/exnovo.v3i0.382.

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A serpentine path created by the river Tang-āb through the Zagros Mountains has always been the only access from north to the city of Ardašīr-Xwarrah, located at five kilometers west from the modern Fīrūzābād, in Iran. This inaccessibility prompted the king of Fārs Ardašīr to found his stronghold against the Arsacid power here. This path endured the fall of the Sasanian Empire throughout Islamic times as a crossroads of the routes connecting the port of Sīrāf to other cities. The impervious path allowed both the coup d'État that marked the rise of the Sasanian dynasty and the development of tr

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Akbar, Ali. "The Zoroastrian Provenance of Some Islamic Eschatological Doctrines." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 49, no. 1 (2019): 86–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429819844499.

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Zoroastrianism, as the major Iranian religion before the fall of the Sasanian Empire in the seventh century, exercised a deep influence on other religious traditions of the region around it. In particular, it has exercised a strong influence on the development of eschatological ideas in the Arabic and Islamic literature. This article explores some of the main features of the transmission of ideas from Zoroastrian sources to Islamic literature, focusing on doctrines regarding the judgment of souls after death. It argues that the Islamic literature that emerged in the first centuries of Islamic

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Hussain, Ashaq, and G. N. Khaki. "Expansion and Consolidation of Islam in Iran to the End of Qajar Period." Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 17, no. 3 (2014): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2014.17.3.34.

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Under Islam, for the first time since the Achaemenids, all Iranians including those of Central Asia and on the frontiers of India became united under one rule. Islam was rescued from a narrow Bedouin outlook and Bedouin mores primarily by the Iranians, who showed that Islam, both as a religion and, primarily, as a culture, need not be bound solely to the Arabic language and Arab norms of behavior. Instead Islam was to become a universal religion and culture open to all people. This was a fundamental contribution of the Iranians to Islam, although all Iranians had become Muslims by the time of

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Walker, Joel. "Iran and Its Neighbors in Late Antiquity: Art of the Sasanian Empire (224–642 C.E.)." American Journal of Archaeology 111, no. 4 (2007): 795–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.111.4.795.

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Astanin, Dmitry. "Renovation of the first sable reserve of Russian empire in the planned Sasanian biosphere reserve." E3S Web of Conferences 138 (2019): 01014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/201913801014.

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In 1918-1919 Sayanian reserve ceased to exist, even before it officially formalized at the governmental level. Sayanian reserve was reestablished in 1939. But in 1951, the reserve was closed due to lack of security. The existing and planned for opening specially protected areas in the central part of the Eastern Sayans, as well as the Sayan Geopark and the territory of traditional nature use Tofalar would restore the Sayan Reserve to the original borders as a complex of territories with different conservation status. It would be historical justice.

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Rekavandi, Hamid Omrani, Eberhard W. Sauer, Tony Wilkinson, et al. "An Imperial Frontier of the Sasanian Empire: Further Fieldwork at the Great Wall of Gorgan." Iran 45, no. 1 (2007): 95–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/05786967.2007.11864721.

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Melnik, Viktor Miroslavovich. "On the Question Legal and Cultural Interaction Between the Sasanian Iran and the Eastern Roman Empire." Ethnic Culture, no. 4 (5) (December 25, 2020): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-85931.

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The purpose of the article is to prove the presence of a deep (archaic) ideological foundation in the Roman-Persian political and legal complementarity of the times of late antiquity. Methods. The author uses the «panoramic approach», сomparative analysis of primary historical sources and the structural-functional method. Results. The author’s attention is devoted to the antique community in the legal content of imperial titles, the correlation of temporary and spatial understanding of the power of the Roman emperors and the power of the Persian Šâhanšâh’s. The main author’s thesis: 1) the pro

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Mortezaee, Mahlagha, and Mohsen Abolqasemi. "The Concept of ‘MiOra’ in the Ancient Iranian Mythology." Asian Culture and History 8, no. 2 (2016): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ach.v8n2p76.

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MiOra (male) is the name of one of the Ancient Iran’s gods. MiOra, meaning ‘contract’ and keeping it within measure, is the gist of Manichaean ethics and has mighty and theurgic forces. The myth prevalent in Mihr-Yašt is that MiOra observes all the contracts agreed upon in the society, sets people free of troubles, and brings peace and security. The myth has had important consequences for beliefs and behaviors of the people of the time. However, even though MiOra was dignified in Zoroastrianism, Ohrmazd was regarded as God of gods in this religion. Yet, MiOra is close to Soroush and Sun and ha

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Gardner, Iain. "Did Mani Travel to Armenia?" Iran and the Caucasus 22, no. 4 (2018): 341–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20180402.

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This paper will present new evidence to resolve a long-standing problem in the biography of Mani, the founder of Manichaeism, who lived in Sasanian Iran during the third-century A.D. There are a number of important early references to Armenia in Manichaean texts. These include a Sogdian account of how Mār Gabryab brought the religion to Armenia and contains the earliest known literary reference to the name of the capital city of Erevan; and various notices of Mani’s own Letter to Armenia in Arabic, Middle Persian and Sogdian. But the principal focus for this paper is to resolve the question as

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Daryaee, Touraj. "JAMSHEED K. CHOKSY, Conflict and Cooperation, Zoroastrian Subalterns and Muslim Elites in Medieval Iranian Society (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997). Pp. 207. $46.00." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 1 (2000): 158–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002129.

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In the past two decades, several important studies have dealt with the impact of the Arab Muslim conquest on the Near East, but they have mostly dealt with the lands that were conquered from the Mediterranean region to Iraq. Although the book under review is not a detailed history of Arab Muslims' conquest of Iran, it attempts to fill the gap in our knowledge of the eastern area that came under their control. The work is primarily concerned with the interaction between the Zoroastrian and the Muslim community in Iran and Central Asia from the 7th to the 13th century. The book attempts to study

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Toral-Niehoff, Isabel. "Late Antique Iran and the Arabs: The Case of al-Hira." Journal of Persianate Studies 6, no. 1-2 (2013): 115–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341252.

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Abstract This article reevaluates our evidence for the interaction of Arab and Iranian elements in the Arab frontier-state of al-Hira, a state in late antiquity, which can be seen as a paradigmatic “third space” of special cultural dynamics. First, it sums up our evidence about the political and commercial ties connecting the Lakhmid principality and the Sasanian Empire; next, it focuses on the possible agents of cultural exchange between the two; finally, we direct our attention to the cultural spheres themselves and the issue of where and how Iranian-Arab transculturation as a process can be

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Seregin, N. N., V. V. Tishin, and N. F. Stepanova. "Hephthalite Coin from an Early Medieval Burial at Gorny-10, Northern Altai." Archaeology, Ethnology & Anthropology of Eurasia 49, no. 4 (2022): 100–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.17746/1563-0110.2021.49.4.100-108.

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We describe a silver coin found in one of the burials at Gorny-10 cemetery in northern Altai, excavated by expeditions from the Altai State University in 2000–2003. The coin was discovered in a destroyed burial of children (No. 46) along with other informative artifacts, which are rather uncommon in such burials. Judging by horse harness and ornaments, the assemblage falls in the interval from the late 6th to early 8th century AD. The coin is an imitation of the drachm of the Sasanian shah Pērōz I to classify as type or emission 287, according to R. Göbl, that is one of the most common types o

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Kaizer, Ted. "Capital punishment at Hatra: Gods, magistrates and laws in the Roman-Parthian period." Iraq 68 (2006): 139–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001224.

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This paper deals with gods, magistrates and laws. It centres on one example from the Roman-Parthian period. Its title derives from five Hatrean Aramaic inscriptions which record legal statements on capital punishment at Hatra, a city in the steppe of northern Mesopotamia that came to flourish suddenly (and briefly) in the second and early third century AD. I will argue that the information in these inscriptions about the divine world, institutional aspects and legislation can contribute to our understanding of the interaction of various cultural spheres of influence at Hatra. As such, this inf

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Pankenier, David W. "Parallel Planetary Astrologies in Medieval China and Inner Asia." International Journal of Divination and Prognostication 1, no. 2 (2020): 157–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25899201-12340008.

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Abstract Portentous clusters of the five visible planets are repeatedly implicated in historical sources in connection with dynastic transitions in early China. In the medieval period, which is the focus of this investigation, the History of the Three Kingdoms records how timely planetary portents during the decline of the Later Han dynasty (184–220 CE) were exploited as the celestial signs justifying usurpation and the founding of the (Cao-)Wei 曹魏 dynasty by Cao Pi 曹丕 (ca. 187–226). Half a millennium later, in mid-Tang 唐 dynasty, the impetus for the devastating rebellion of An Lushan 安祿山 (703

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Stausberg, Michael. "Der Zoroastrismus als iranische religion und die Semantik von ,Iran' in der zoroastrischen religionsgeschichte." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 63, no. 4 (2011): 313–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007311798293575.

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AbstractZoroastrianism, one of the three recognized religious minorities in the Islamic Republic, can claim a specific linkage with Iran since the Avestan Vendidād and its other primary religious documents were written in Iranian languages and its history has for the most part unfolded in Iran (in a larger geographical sense). The term Aryan is used in inscriptions by the Achaemenian king Darius I as a way to gloss the name of the deity Ahura Mazdā (the 'God of the Aryans'). In the Sasanian period, Iran became the name of the empire. Zoroastrian literature written under Islamic rule, reaffirms

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Ghasemi, Parsa. "THE SASANIAN EMPIRE - (E.W.) Sauer (ed.) Sasanian Persia. Between Rome and the Steppes of Eurasia. Pp. xxii + 314, figs, ills, maps. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2017. Cased, £85. ISBN: 978-1-4744-0101-2." Classical Review 70, no. 1 (2020): 200–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x19002336.

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Simpson, St J. "Christians at Nineveh in Late Antiquity." Iraq 67, no. 1 (2005): 285–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002108890000139x.

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The mound of Kuyunjik contains the longest known archaeological sequence of occupation in Mesopotamia, spanning all periods from the sixth millennium BC until at least the thirteenth century AD. The prehistoric periods have been comprehensively studied by Gut (1995, 2002) and the general sequence of excavation, occupation and principal architectural finds reviewed by Reade (2000), yet despite a few exceptions (Curtis 1976, 1995; Reade 1998, 1999, 2001; Simpson 1996), the pottery and other finds from the Seleucid period onwards have thus far attracted surprisingly little study. For these period

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Djamali, Morteza, Alireza Askari Chaverdi, Silvia Balatti, Frédéric Guibal, and Coralie Santelli. "On the chronology and use of timber in the palaces and palace-like structures of the Sasanian Empire in “Persis” (SW Iran)." Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 12 (April 2017): 134–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2017.01.030.

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Becker, Adam H. "The Comparative Study of “Scholasticism” in Late Antique Mesopotamia: Rabbis and East Syrians." AJS Review 34, no. 1 (2010): 91–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009410000243.

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Now is an appropriate time to reconsider the historiographical benefit that a comparative study of the East Syrian (“Nestorian”) schools and the Babylonian rabbinic academies may offer. This is attributable both to the recent, rapid increase in scholarship on Jewish–Christian relations in the Roman Empire and late antiquity more broadly, and to the return by some scholars of rabbinic Judaism to the issues of a scholarly exchange of the late 1970s and early 1980s about the nature of rabbinic academic institutionalization. Furthermore, over the past twenty years, scholars of classics, Greek and

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Nazarov, Andrey. "Persian Immigrants in the Armed Forces of Early Byzantium." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (February 2021): 201–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.6.15.

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Introduction. The article is devoted to Persians who served in the Early Byzantine armed forces. Even during the Principate period, alae and cohortes which were originally recruited from Parthians were part of the Roman imperial army. Units from Persian defectors and prisoners were also created from the 4th to the 6th century. Methods. Using tools of the positivist methodology makes it possible to provide a critical analysis of information from the sources. At the same time, the prosopographical method allows to study mechanisms of integration of immigrants from neighboring realms into the Ear

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Keaveney, Arthur. "Sasanian Persia: The Rise and Fall of an Empire. By Touraj Daryaee. (New York, NY: I. B. Tauris, 2013. Pp. xxvi, 225. $29.00.)." Historian 76, no. 4 (2014): 803–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hisn.12054.

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Humphries, Mark. "Late Antiquity and World History." Studies in Late Antiquity 1, no. 1 (2017): 8–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2017.1.1.8.

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The flourishing of late-antique studies in the last half-century has coincided with the rise of “world history” as an area of academic research. To an extent, some overlap has occurred, particularly with Sasanian Persia being considered alongside the late Roman Empire as constituting an essential component in what we think of in terms of the “shape” of late antiquity. Yet it is still the case that many approaches to late antiquity are bound up with conventional western narratives of historical progress, as defined in Jack Goody's The Theft of History (2006). Indeed, the debate about whether la

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Lincove, David. "Book Review: The Persian Empire: A Historical Encyclopedia." Reference & User Services Quarterly 56, no. 2 (2017): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.56n2.145b.

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This encyclopedia is the first English language reference source to focus exclusively on ancient Iran during the period of its great empires before the arrival of Islam from 700 BCE to 651 CE. The major empires were the Medes, the Achaemenids, the Seleucids, the Arsacids (Parthians), and the Sasanians. Ancient Iran covered a geographic area that varied over time. At its greatest expanse the Achaemenid Empire (559–330 BCE) ruled territory continuous from Thrace in southeastern Europe to the Indus River in India. Almost as large was the Seleucid Empire (305–125 BCE) which was not Iranian or Pers

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Alikberov, Alikber К., та Oleg А. Mudrak. "Arran and the Neighbouring Countries in the Parthanian Text of the 3rd Century Trilingual Inscription at Ka’ba-ye Zartosht (ŠКZ)". Вопросы Ономастики 17, № 1 (2020): 190–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/vopr_onom.2020.17.1.010.

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The paper continues the discussion about the historical onomastics of Caucasian Albania. The previous article named “Historical Names Albania, Aluank, and Alan in Cross-Cultural Communication” established the existence of a common etymological source of the names Albania, Aluank, and Alans. The present study focuses on toponyms of the western part of the Persian (Sasanian) empire mentioned in the Parthian part of the trilingual inscription on the rock of Ka’ba-ye Zartosht (ŠKZ) near Persepolis (Iran), dating ca. 260–262 CE. The authors propose a corrected reading of the Parthian text of the ŠK

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Kozubovskyi, G. A. "TO THE ORIGIN OF THE GRIVNA." Archaeology and Early History of Ukraine 38, no. 1 (2021): 449–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.37445/adiu.2021.01.32.

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The article is devoted to the problems of the Old Slavonic grivna. The word is present in all Slavonic languages and associates with decoration, weight and monetary unit. Many researchers link word a grivna as derived from animal mane. Study of the Persian, Caucasian and some other East writings and archeological sources of the 1st millennium BC to the 1st millennium AD (T. Nцldeke, H. Hьbscmann, J. Harmatta, A. Manandyan, W. Hinz, A. Bivar, H. Martirosyan and other) has allowed to select many variant off this word, how corn measure and land measure. This measure is fixed in Old Persian, Middl

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Mishin, D. Ye. "‘The Campaign of the Elephant’ in the Context of the History of Arabia in the Sixth Century." Minbar. Islamic Studies 13, no. 2 (2020): 263–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31162/2618-9569-2020-13-2-263-283.

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The goal of this article is to present an analysis of extant information on the ‘Campaign of the Elephant’ against Mecca with due regard to the overall historical context. The date of that event still remains as an object of a scholarly discussion, making this study opportune. The position of the scholars who reject the traditional dating of the campaign (around 570–571) and put it back to earlier times does not appear to be well-founded. Historical sources show that Emperor Justin II of Byzantium (565–574), who needed allies for his struggle against the Sasanians in the late 560’s and the ear

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