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Journal articles on the topic 'Sasanian History'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Dmitriev, Vladimir A. "‘They are in the habit of sailing in big crafts’: what kinds of warships did the Sasanids use?" International Journal of Maritime History 31, no. 2 (May 2019): 222–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871419842050.

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The warships used by the Sasanids were troop ships used exclusively to carry soldiers to the theatre of operations, although it is possible they deployed merchant ships to carry cavalry. In the basin of the Indian Ocean, the Persians used the vessels of the local Asian type (so-called dhow), whereas in the Mediterranean they utilized ships of Byzantine design (sailing-rowing dromons and chelandions). The total size of the Sasanian fleet is unknown, but it can be assumed that naval squadrons numbered from a few to several dozen ships. The Byzantines enjoyed naval supremacy, which was one of the most important reasons for the Sasanid defeat in the Persian-Byzantine war of 602–628 and, therefore, for the future conquest of Iran and all the Near East by the Arabs.

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2

POTTS, D. T., and J. CRIBB. "Sasanian and Arab-Sasanian Coins from Eastern Arabia." Iranica Antiqua 30 (January 1, 1995): 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ia.30.0.519287.

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3

POTTS, D. T. &. CRIBB. "Sasanian and Arab-Sasanian Coins from Eastern Arabia." Iranica Antiqua 30, no. 1 (April 14, 2005): 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ia.30.1.519287.

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4

Shenkar, Michael. "The Coronation of the Early Sasanians, Ctesiphon, and the Great Diadem of Paikuli." Journal of Persianate Studies 11, no. 2 (January 28, 2019): 113–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341324.

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AbstractThe article discusses the venue and the nature of the coronation ceremony of the Sasanian kings in the third century. It is argued that the coronation of the early Sasanians was a continuation of a Hellenistic ceremony, which was essentially the act of binding a diadem around one’s head. It seems that the common practice was for the king to bind the diadem himself in the presence of a select circle of courtiers or only in the presence of the gods. Furthermore, the article will demonstrate that Ctesiphon was neither the “capital” nor even the most important residence of the early Sasanians and no ceremony of coronation took place there in the third century.

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5

Compareti, Matteo. "The Spread Wings Motif on Armenian Steles: Its Meaning and Parallels in Sasanian Art." Iran and the Caucasus 14, no. 2 (2010): 201–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338410x12743419190106.

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AbstractThis paper is a study on the so-called “spread wings”—a particular element of the Sasanian art that is attested also in other regions of the Persian Empire in Late Antiquity, including the western coast of the Persian Gulf and the Caucasus. The spread wings can be observed on Sasanian coins above the royal crowns, which are considered specific for every Sasanian sovereign, supporting astronomical elements, like the crescent, star, and, possibly, the sun. The Arabs and the peoples of the Caucasus who adopted Christianity used the spread wings element as a pedestal for the cross. In Armenian literature, there are some connections between those spread wings and glory, so that a kind of pedestal could be considered a device to exalt or glorify the element above it. The floating ribbons attached to Sasanian crowns had possibly the same meaning and were adopted also outside of proper Persia. In the same way, it could be considered correct to identify those luminaries on Sasanian crowns as divine elements connected with the religion of pre-Islamic Persia.

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6

Gadjiev, Murtazali. "On the Construction Date of the Derbend Fortification Complex." Iran and the Caucasus 12, no. 1 (2008): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338408x326163.

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AbstractThe paper discusses several aspects of the history of one of the great architectural and fortifying undertakings of the Sasanian period, namely the Derbend defensive wall. Comparing all the available data on the time of this construction, the author draws a picture of the key historical events of the 6th century A.D., the complicated relations of the Sasanians with their neighbours, and the phenomenon of the so-called Northern tribes, against whom, strictly speaking, the Derbend fortification complex was erected. The article gives a convincing answer to the problem of the construction date of the Derbend fortification complex, rightfully called the Great Caucasian Wall.

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7

Morony, Michael. "Economic Boundaries? Late Antiquity and Early Islam." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 47, no. 2 (2004): 166–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520041262288.

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AbstractThe Mediterranean economy was retracting from the mid-sixth century while the Sasanian economy was expanding. Six trends are identified during Late Antiquity that extended into the Islamic period: (1) the development and spread of large estates with tenant labor, (2) the monetization of the economy, (3) the development and spread of irrigated agriculture, (4) the revival of mining, (5) the emergence of merchant diasporas, and (6) the domination of Indian Ocean commerce by Persian shipping. It is argued that these trends were strongest in Sasanian territory where the economic system identified as "Islamic" originated. À partir du milieu du sixième siècle l'économie méditerranéenne connaissait une régression alors que celle de l'Empire sasanide était en plein essor. Durant l'époque de l'Antiquité tardive et au cours de la période islamique, six tendances peuvent être relevées: 1) le développement et la diffusion des grands domaines avec fermiers à bail; (2) la monétarisation de l'économie; (3) l'extension de l'agriculture irriguée; (4) la revivi fication du secteur minier; (5) l'émergence des diasporas commerciales; et (6) la domination commerciale de la marine perse dans l'Océan indien. Selon notre analyse, ces tendances étaient plus fortement ressenties en territoire sasanide où le système économique dit "islamique" connut le jour.

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8

Rubenstein, Jeffrey L. "King Herod in Ardashir's Court: The Rabbinic Story of Herod (B. Bava Batra 3b–4a) in Light of Persian Sources." AJS Review 38, no. 2 (November 2014): 249–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009414000257.

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The Bavli's story of Herod's rise to power, murder of the Hasmonean family and of the rabbis, encounter with Bava b. Buta, and construction of the temple, found at Bava Batra 3b-4a, has long puzzled scholars. Many aspects of this story diverge from Josephus's account, our main source for historical knowledge of Herod's life and deeds. This paper argues that the storyteller has been influenced by Persian sources from the Sasanian period. Important elements of the Bavli story were modeled on the account of the rise of Ardashir, founder of the Sasanian dynasty, as recounted in a Sasanian text known as theKarnamag i Ardashir i Pabagan, “The Book of the Deeds of Ardashir son of Pabag.” The rabbis understood the transition from the Hasmonean to Herodian dynasties through the prism of the transition from the Parthian to Sasanian dynasties. They identified Herod with Ardashir, and constructed a story of Herod's usurpation and rise to power on the basis of Ardashir's usurpation and rise to power as recounted in Sasanian sources.

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9

Nikitin, A. B. "The Sasanian Šahrab of Balkh." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 1, no. 3 (1995): 365–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005794x00246.

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AbstractOne group of fragmentary clay seals of the Kushano-Sasanian period found in 1976 at Djigadépé near Balkh in N. Afghanistan bears the portrait of a Sasanian official and a unique double inscription in Bactrian and Middle Persian scripts. Combination of the various fragments allows a full reading of the inscription and the identification of the owner as a high official-šahrab-of modern Balkh. The seal is tentatively dated to the 4th c. A.D., but too few seals of this period are known to make this certain.

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10

Kamaly, Hossein. "Whence Came the Asvārān? An Inquiry into the Ambiguity of Sources." Journal of Persianate Studies 6, no. 1-2 (2013): 207–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341258.

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Abstract Narratives of the Arab Conquests that were compiled in book form only after the ninth century fall short of providing a consistent, let alone an accurate, view of Sasanian hierarchies of rank and status during the sixth and seventh centuries. Knowledge of provincial divisions and administrative practices under Sasanian rule was reflected more accurately, not least of all because it directly pertained to the collection of tax revenues for the conquerors. When it comes to information about Iranian society and culture before the conquests, Arabic sources, often based on veterans’ tales, offer but fragmentary and anecdotal information. While scholars have made great use of these sources, it is still difficult to fathom the composition and function of groups such as the Sasanian asvārān. Focusing on a few well-known conquest narratives, this article investigates the information they contain on the asvārān, and will underline some of the difficulties involved when drawing inferences from them with respect to Sasanian social hierarchy and military structure.

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11

König, Götz. "The Pahlavi Literature of the 9th Century and Greek Philosophy." Iran and the Caucasus 22, no. 1 (May 15, 2018): 8–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20180103.

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Since the Hellenistic times (if not earlier) Iran participates in the philosophical development of classical Greece. In the times of the Sasanians some knowledge of Aristotelian and Neo-Platonic thinking is detectable, and treatises were written for Xosrō I by philosophers who were well acquainted with the writings of Aristotle. It was always maintained that also Sasanian Zoroastrianism was affected through these Greek-Iranian contacts. But it is remarkable that among the Zoroastrian writings of the 9th-10th centuries only two books–Dēnkard 3 and Škand Gumānīg Wīzār–seem to be substantially influenced by Aristotelian/Neo-Platonic terms and concepts. The paper deals with the question whether the Greek elements within these texts should not better be understood as the fruit of a Zoroastrian participation in the general interest of the Islamic world in Greek thinking in Abbasid Baghdad.

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12

CRIBB, J. "Numismatic Evidence for Kushano-Sasanian Chronology." Studia Iranica 19, no. 2 (December 1, 1990): 151–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/si.19.2.2014452.

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13

POTTS, Daniel T. "The Sasanian Relationship with South Arabia." Studia Iranica 37, no. 2 (December 31, 2008): 197–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/si.37.2.2034315.

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14

Hutter, Manfred. "Manichaeism in the Early Sasanian Empire." Numen 40, no. 1 (1993): 2–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852793x00022.

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AbstractIt is well-known that Mani knew Christian Gnosticism, Zoroastrianism and also a little of Buddhism and used different items from these religions. As we can see from the Šäbuhragän, the central themes of Mani's teachings at the Sasanian court were the "two principles" and the "three times", but he reworked them and brought them close to Zurwanism, because King Šäbuhr did not favour 'orthodox' Zoroastrianism but 'heretical' Zurwanism. Thus Manichaeism could flourish for thirty years within the Sasanian empire. After Šäbuhr's death the Zoroastrian priest Kirdir gained influence at the court, thus Manichaeism -and Zurwanism-met restrictions which finally led to Mani's death. In consequence Manichaeism and Zurwanism, which always favoured universalism, were put aside in order to establish Zoroastrianism as a nationalistic religion in Iran.

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15

JANY, János. "Private Litigation in Sasanian Law." Iranica Antiqua 45 (June 30, 2010): 395–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ia.45.0.2047127.

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16

Gardner, Iain. "Backgammon and cosmology at the Sasanian court." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 83, no. 2 (March 20, 2020): 249–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x20002177.

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AbstractThe Middle Persian text The Explanation of Chess and the Invention of Backgammon (WČ) is dated to the reign of Xusrō I. It describes a contest between the Persian and Indian kings represented by their leading wise men. The famous sage Wuzurgmihr defeats his Indian counterpart at chess and invents the game of backgammon, the board being given cosmological significance with the turning of the counters and roll of the die corresponding to fate. This article presents a new textual source where many of the same themes are evident: the courtly context, the competition between rival sages from Persia and India, the interpretation in terms of cosmology and fate. However, this new source is from the fourth century ce or earlier and the personages involved are different, raising vital questions about the history of the topic and its development in Persian and other late antique literatures.

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17

Vacca, Alison. "Bahl Šahastan in the land of the K‘ušans: Medieval Armenian memories of Balkh as an Arsacid capital." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 84, no. 1 (February 2021): 19–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x21000033.

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AbstractThis paper explores the medieval Armenian understanding of the city of Balkh as a capital of the Arsacid Empire. Medieval Armenian sources employ four strategies of remembrance: scriptural geography, genealogy, folk etymology, and origin stories. These strategies invest the city of Balkh as the source of power of both Armenian royalty and nobility, through their connections to the Great Arsacids. There are two main themes in the descriptions of Balkh. First, the Arsacids of Balkh consistently decimated Sasanian armies in ways that the Armenian Arsacids could not emulate. Second, Balkh emerges as a refuge for (usually Parthian) rebels against the Chinese and Persian Empires. This paper explores the significance of Balkh as a site of memory by placing Armenian constructions of the Great Arsacid past (with some potential echoes of Great Kushan and Kushano-Sasanian history) into dialogue with the history of the city as it appears in Arabic.

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18

Betts, Alison V. G., Gairatdin Khozhaniyazov, Alison Weisskopf(†), and George Willcox. "Fire Features at Akchakhan-kala and Tash-k’irman-tepe." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 24, no. 1-2 (November 5, 2018): 217–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700577-12341331.

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AbstractFire is an intrinsic aspect of Zoroastrian ritual and religious traditions. Akchakhan-kala can be conclusively linked with pre-Sasanian Zoroastrian practice through evidence from the recent discovery of murals depicting Avestan deities. Close similarities in apparently ritual features suggest that Tash-k’irman-tepe can also be linked to such traditions. Both sites also have a rich array of fire features which can be linked to respect for, and veneration of, fire in a variety of forms. This paper discusses these features, how they might fit into the wider picture of pre-Sasanian Zoroastrian development, and their significance for a deeper understanding of the history of Ancient Chorasmia.

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19

GREENWOOD, Tim. "Sasanian Echoes and Apocalyptic Expectations." Le Muséon 115, no. 3 (July 1, 2002): 323–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/mus.115.3.335.

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20

Secunda, Shai. "Talmudic Text and Iranian Context: On the Development of Two Talmudic Narratives." AJS Review 33, no. 1 (March 30, 2009): 45–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009409000038.

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The past few years have witnessed an expansion of the range of sources that Talmudists regularly employ in their research on the Bavli. Scholars now turn to Iranian epic and folk literature; to Zoroastrian, Manichaean, and Eastern Christian ritual and theological writings; to Sasanian civil law; and to other nonrabbinic sources in an effort to broaden and deepen their understanding of the Bavli and its place in the “splendid confusion” that was Sasanian Mesopotamian society. As Yaakov Elman has pointed out, this research trend serves as a corrective for more than half a century of scholarly neglect, which was only encouraged by a dearth of critical editions of Middle Persian literature and more general studies of Sasanian culture and religions. Now, following a steady output of some long-anticipated editions, and, more significantly, as a result of recent collaboration between Talmudists and Iranists, the coming years hold great promise for a radically new understanding of the Bavli and its world.

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21

Tsotselia, Medea. "Recent Sasanian Coin Findings on the Territory of Georgia." Histoire & mesure XVII, no. 3/4 (December 15, 2002): 143–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/histoiremesure.888.

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22

Nikitin, A. B. "Sasanian Coins in the Collection of the Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 2, no. 1 (1996): 71–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005795x00047.

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AbstractThe author here catalogues 295 Sasanian coins according to the classification of Robert Gölbl, giving also a transliteration of coin legends, dates and mint monograms and various other details.

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23

Rezakhani, Khodadad, and Michael G. Morony. "Markets for Land, Labour and Capital in Late Antique Iraq, AD 200-700." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 57, no. 2 (March 29, 2014): 231–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341348.

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Abstract Lack of direct evidence on the functioning of factor markets in Sasanian/Late Antique Iraq makes it difficult to present a clear picture of the production side of economy during this period. However, relying on the Talmudic evidence, as well as what is mentioned in the Mādayān ī Hezār Dādestān (mhd), this article aims to provide an idea of factor markets during the Sasanian period, as well as demonstrating the areas where further evidence and research could render better results and allow us to understand the economy of this region in more depth.

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24

GOLDMAN, Bernard. "Women's Robing in the Sasanian Era." Iranica Antiqua 32 (January 1, 1997): 233–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ia.32.0.519271.

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25

GOLDMAN, Bernard. "Women's Robing in the Sasanian Era." Iranica Antiqua 32, no. 1 (April 14, 2005): 233–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ia.32.1.519271.

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26

SKJÆRVØ, P. O. "Apropos a Zoroastrian maxim on a Sasanian seal." Studia Iranica 34, no. 1 (June 10, 2005): 137–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/si.34.1.583516.

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27

GYSELEN, Rika. "Primary Sources and Historiography on the Sasanian Empire." Studia Iranica 38, no. 2 (December 31, 2009): 163–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/si.38.2.2046914.

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28

Shavarebi, Ehsan. "A Reinterpretation of the Sasanian Relief at Salmās." IRAN and the CAUCASUS 18, no. 2 (June 18, 2014): 115–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20140203.

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A Sasanian relief is located at Salmās in north-western Iran. This relief depicts Ardashīr I and his successor Shāpūr, who give rings to two standing men who are not exactly recognised. In this article the relief of Salmās will be examined from iconographic, geographical, and historical points of view, and I will try to diagnose the standing men’s identity.

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29

Rezakhani, Khodadad. "Decline and Fall of the Sasanian Empire: The Sasanian–Parthian Confederacy and the Arab Conquest of Iran." Iranian Studies 44, no. 3 (April 19, 2011): 415–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2011.556396.

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30

Dmitriev, Vladimir A. "The Sasanian Navy revisited: An unwritten chapter in Iran’s military history." International Journal of Maritime History 29, no. 4 (October 30, 2017): 727–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871417726966.

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31

Kennet, Derek. "On the eve of Islam: archaeological evidence from Eastern Arabia." Antiquity 79, no. 303 (March 2005): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00113730.

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What was the archaeological context of the rise of Islam in Arabia? The author uses new work from Eastern Arabia to show that the advent of Islam coincided with the decline of the Sasanian hegemony and one of Arabia’s least affluent periods in 3500 years of history.

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32

Smagulov, E. A. "Finds of Sasanian Gems in the Otrar Oasis." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 3, no. 2-3 (1997): 253–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005796x00154.

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33

Shapira, Dan. "Was there geographical science in Sasanian Iran?" Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 54, no. 2-3 (September 2001): 319–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aorient.54.2001.2-3.6.

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34

Shapira, Dan D. Y. "Banners, Spears, Black Raiders and Byzantines: Some Textual Notes on Late Sasanian and post-Sasanian Zoroastrian Apocalyptic Texts." Journal of Persianate Studies 6, no. 1-2 (2013): 39–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341248.

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Abstract This article is a philological study of literary motifs in the Middle Persian apocalyptic work of uncertain date, Zand ī Wahman Yašt. The author claims that the motifs under his consideration in the text of ZWY (=Zand ī Wahman ī Yašt) go back to Middle Persian version of several Avestan Yašts, especially, to the Middle Persian translation of the second part of Yašt 1 (known as Wahman Yašt), Yašt 11, and Yašt 8.

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35

HARPER, P. O. "Boat-Shaped Bowls of the Sasanian Period." Iranica Antiqua 23 (January 1, 1988): 331–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ia.23.0.2014060.

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36

POTTS, D. T. "A Sasanian Lead Horse from Northeastern Arabia." Iranica Antiqua 28 (January 1, 1993): 193–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ia.28.0.2002120.

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37

Terribili, Gianfilippo. "Notes on the Parthian Block f1 from the Sasanian Inscription of Paikuli." Annali Sezione Orientale 76, no. 1-2 (November 28, 2016): 146–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685631-12340007.

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The celebrative monument of Paikuli, located in the present-day province of Sulaimaniyah (Kurdistan, Iraq), was built at the southernmost edge of the Qaradagh range by the Sasanian king Narseh (293-302/3 ad). It marks the place where dignitaries of the Ērānšahr met the Sasanian sovereign to swear an oath of loyalty to him during a dynastic struggle. The bilingual inscription (Middle Persian and Parthian), originally carved on the walls of the monument, constitutes one of the most important primary sources for the early Sasanian history, despite its fragmentary state of preservation. From 2006 onwards an Italian team has been investigating the monument, conducting surveys in the valley of Paikuli and studying the materials now kept in the Slemani Museum (Sulaimaniyah), both activities continuing to the present day. The following paper aims to advance comprehension of the problematic Parthian block f1, one of the 19 recently-discovered inscribed blocks (Cereti, Terribili 2014), providing a new textual reconstruction and a synoptic reading of its content with the corresponding Middle Persian passages. Due to the peculiar epigraphic material and distinctive block shape, the analysis of f1 offers interesting insight into the distribution of the text on the wall and the related technical issues.

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38

CERETI, Carlo G. "On the Pahlavi Cursive Script and the Sasanian Avesta." Studia Iranica 37, no. 2 (December 31, 2008): 175–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/si.37.2.2034314.

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39

Shahinyan, Arsen. "Northern Territories of the Sasanian Atropatene and the Arab Azerbaijan." Iran and the Caucasus 20, no. 2 (July 26, 2016): 191–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20160203.

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This paper reviews the administrative and political map of South-Eastern Caucasus and North-Western Iran under the Sasanian (227–651 A.D.), Umayyad (661–750 A.D.), and early ‘Abbasid (750–1258 A.D.) domination based on the Classical Armenian, Arabic and Persian primary sources. It is an attempt to specify and describe the northern territories of Atropatene-Azerbaijan in the 3rd–9th centuries.

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40

Daryaee, Touraj. "The Limits of Sasanian History: Between Iranian, Islamic and Late Antique Studies." Iranian Studies 49, no. 2 (March 3, 2016): 193–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2015.1129760.

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41

Scott McDonough. "A Second Constantine?: The Sasanian King Yazdgard in Christian History and Historiography." Journal of Late Antiquity 1, no. 1 (2008): 127–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jla.0.0000.

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42

Elman, Yaakov. "Law in the Crisis of Empire: A Sasanian Example." Journal of Persianate Studies 6, no. 1-2 (2013): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341251.

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Abstract Except for a century or so beginning with Alexander’s invasion, one or another Iranian dynasty ruled a vast empire for some 1200 years—and then vanished with disconcerting speed in only a few short years in the aftermath of the Arab invasion. The following remarks attempt an explanation for this rapid demise. In particular, I intend to isolate two important factors that contributed mightily to that process, factors which, in my opinion, are reflected in perhaps the most important document dating from that short period: the so-called Sasanian Lawbook, the Mādiyān ī Hazār Dādestān, the “Book of a Thousand Decisions.” This book reveals the attempts of Sasanian jurists to cope with 1.) a demographic crisis brought on by the constant wars of the sixth century and the Black Plague, and 2.) a crisis of liquidity.

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43

Schoeler, Gregor. "The “National Amnesia” in the Traditional History of Iran." Der Islam 97, no. 2 (October 7, 2020): 500–532. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/islam-2020-0031.

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AbstractIt is well known that the pre-Islamic “national history” of Iran (i. e., the indigenous secular historical tradition, transmitted orally over many centuries) knows nothing at all, or as good as nothing, about the dynasties and empires of the Medes, Achaemenids, Seleucids, and Parthians (ca. 700 BCE–226 CE). It is first with the Sasanians (226‒651 CE) that Iran’s “national history” evinces more detailed knowledge. Instead of reports on the historical Medes and Achaemenid dynasties, accounts of mythical and legendary dynasties, the Pīšdādians and Kayānians, are found.In this essay, an attempt will be made to explain this “gap” in the pre-Islamic historical tradition, this “strange historical (or national) amnesiaˮ (Ehsan Yarshater) in the cultural memory of the Iranians, with the help of a theory on the structure and modality of oral tradition, based on field research, by the Belgian historian and anthropologist Jan Vansina. The structure in question concerns a tripartite perception of the past: a wealth of information about antiquity (traditions of origin or creation and reports on culture heroes) – plenty of information, too, on the recent and most recent times – and lying between them, a “gap” in the accounts. Vansina described this phenomenon as the “hourglass effect.” This is exactly the narrative structure of Iranian national history; it is evident that the Achaemenids and the other pre-Christian dynasties fall into the “gap” described by Vansina.The same phenomenon can also be detected on the level of Sasanian history. We find there a plethora of information on the founder of the dynasty, Ardašīr (reigned 226‒241 CE); meanwhile, very few details are known of the kings following Ardašīr, and it is only as of Kavād I (reigned 488‒496 and 499‒531 CE) that we have outstanding historical information.

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Pasha Zanous, Hamidreza, and Esmaeil Sangari. "The Last Sasanians in Chinese Literary Sources: Recently Identified Statue Head of a Sasanian Prince at the Qianling Mausoleum." Iranian Studies 51, no. 4 (April 19, 2018): 499–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2018.1440966.

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ALBUM, S. "An Arab-Sasanian Dirham Hoard from the Year 72 Hijri." Studia Iranica 21, no. 2 (December 1, 1992): 161–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/si.21.2.2014397.

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Khosrowzadeh, Alireza, Aliasghar Norouzi, and Hossein Habibi. "A Newly Discovered Administrative Center of the Late Sasanian Empire." Near Eastern Archaeology 83, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 222–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/710097.

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Mirti, Piero, Marco Pace, Mery Malandrino, and Mariamaddalena Negro Ponzi. "Sasanian glass from Veh Ardašīr: new evidences by ICP-MS analysis." Journal of Archaeological Science 36, no. 4 (April 2009): 1061–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2008.12.008.

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Canepa, Matthew P. "“Building a New Vision of the Past in the Sasanian Empire: The Sanctuaries of Kayānsīh and the Great Fires of Iran”." Journal of Persianate Studies 6, no. 1-2 (2013): 64–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341249.

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Abstract This article analyzes how Zoroastrian holy sites as celebrated in the Avesta or elaborated in later, related traditions, emerged as important architectural and ritual centers in late antiquity. Instead of ancient foundations whose details were lost in the depths of time, this paper argues that some of the holiest sanctuaries of the Zoroastrian religion, including Ādur Gušnasp, Ādur Farnbāg, Ādur Burzēn-Mihr, Ādur Karkōy and Lake Kayānsīh, emerged no earlier than the Arsacid era, and were actively manipulated and augmented by the Sasanian dynasty. These ‘Avestan’ sites of memory emerged at locales with no previous Achaemenid monumental construction, but did benefit from beautiful and dramatic natural features. In late antiquity these natural features, usually mountains or lakes, took on the names and significance of the sacred geography of as found in the Avesta. The Sasanian dynasty in particular built grand monumental complexes as its sovereigns sought to take control of these ancient Iranian traditions.

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Ganio, Monica, Monica Gulmini, Kris Latruwe, Frank Vanhaecke, and Patrick Degryse. "Sasanian glass from Veh Ardašīr investigated by strontium and neodymium isotopic analysis." Journal of Archaeological Science 40, no. 12 (December 2013): 4264–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2013.06.018.

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Schick, Shana Strauch. "From Dungeon to Haven: Competing Theories of Gestation in Leviticus Rabbah and the Babylonian Talmud." AJS Review 43, no. 01 (March 5, 2019): 143–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036400941800079x.

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Rabbinic literature offers competing images of embryology and the relationship between mother and fetus. The Palestinian midrashic collection Leviticus Rabbah 14 marginalizes the active role of the mother and depicts the process of gestation as a dangerous time for the fetus. God is in charge of the care and birth of the child, and the father is the lone source of physical material. Passages in the third chapter of Bavli tractate Niddah, in contrast, reference the biological contributions of the mother and portray an idyllic image of the womb. This study explores how cultural differences, variances in representations of women, and sources of authoritative medical knowledge in Sasanian Persia and Roman Palestine contributed to the formation of these texts with markedly different understandings of the relationship between mother and fetus. I will argue that the study of the Sasanian Persian context is key to understanding the Bavli motifs, but that the Palestinian sources can best be understood with references not only to contemporaneous Greco-Roman sources, but also to ancient Iranian and Mesopotamian works, which have been generally overlooked by scholars.

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