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Journal articles on the topic 'Sasanian'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Farrokh, Kaveh, Javier Sánchez-Gracia, and Katarzyna Maksymiuk. "Caucasian Albanian Warriors in the Armies of pre-Islamic Iran." Historia i Świat, no. 8 (August 29, 2019): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2019.08.02.

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Albania, an ancient country in the Caucasus, was turned into a Sasanian province by Šāpūr I (c. 253). The Albanians became increasingly integrated into the battle order of the Iranian army (especially cavalry). All along the Caspian coast the Sasanians built powerful defense works, designed to bar the way to invaders from the north. The most celebrated of these fortifications are those of Darband in Caucasian Albania. Albania remained an integral part of the Sasanian Empire until the Arab conquest of Iran.

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2

LABBAF-KHANIKI, Meysam. "Castles, Walls, Fortresses.The Sasanian Effort to Defend the Territory." Historia i Świat, no. 9 (September 23, 2020): 37–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2020.09.03.

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Defensive structures have been applied as the permanent elements of the Iranian urbanism, from the first phases of sedentism in the Neolithic period onwards. Following the Iranian tradition in architecture, Sasanian fortifications having local features were constructed in adaptation with the regional circumstances. Nevertheless, we can find some similarities in the components of the defensive installations. The defensive structures located within the Sasanian territory turned Iran into the unconquerable fortress providing Sasanians with military, political, cultural, and economic dominance over a vast area of the ancient world for more than four centuries.

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3

Djamali, Morteza, and Nicolas Faucherre. "Sasanian architecture as viewed by the 19th century French architect Pascal-Xavier Coste." DABIR 7, no. 1 (November 30, 2020): 91–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/29497833-00701007.

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The 19th century French architect Pascal-Xavier Coste was one of the first European artists to recognize Sasanian architecture as a distinct and significant architectural style in Late Antiquity. He considered this style to be parallel to Byzantine and Romanesque architecture in the Eastern and Western Roman Empire, respectively. Sasanian architecture, according to Coste, belonged to a period of ‘decadence of the arts’ following the fall of the Roman Empire, during which small construction materials replaced large masonry blocks. Despite this general ‘decadence’, Coste attributed several architectural inventions to Sasanians and described their buildings as precursors to Arabic (Islamic) architecture which, in turn, played a fundamental role in the shaping of Gothic architecture. He saw Sasanian architecture as being characterized by the invention of ovoidal arches, domes, and use of small stones. The Palace of Ardashir in Firuzabad, the Khosrow Palace in Ctesiphon, and the Sarvestan monuments near Shiraz display the whole array of these architectural features according to Coste.

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4

Dmitriev, Vladimir A. "‘They are in the habit of sailing in big crafts’: what kinds of warships did the Sasanids use?" International Journal of Maritime History 31, no. 2 (May 2019): 222–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871419842050.

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The warships used by the Sasanids were troop ships used exclusively to carry soldiers to the theatre of operations, although it is possible they deployed merchant ships to carry cavalry. In the basin of the Indian Ocean, the Persians used the vessels of the local Asian type (so-called dhow), whereas in the Mediterranean they utilized ships of Byzantine design (sailing-rowing dromons and chelandions). The total size of the Sasanian fleet is unknown, but it can be assumed that naval squadrons numbered from a few to several dozen ships. The Byzantines enjoyed naval supremacy, which was one of the most important reasons for the Sasanid defeat in the Persian-Byzantine war of 602–628 and, therefore, for the future conquest of Iran and all the Near East by the Arabs.

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Gadzhiev, Murtazali S. "The Role and Place of the Middle Persian Language and Writing in Caucasian Albania." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 5 (2021): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080016630-0.

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A significant political influence of Sasanian Iran on Caucasian Albania gives reasons to consider the spread of the Middle Persian language and writing among the Albanian nobility and authorities. This process contributed by the existence of close dynastic ties between the Arsacids of Albania and the Sasanian royal family at least since from the reign of King Urnayr (ca. 350–375) up the abolition of Albanian kingdom at the beginning of the 6th century. Written sources provide the correspondence of the rulers of Albania, Armenia, Iberia with the Sasanians and the written decrees of the shāhanshāhs sent to the Transcaucasian provinces of Iran, which indirectly indicates the spread of the Middle Persian language and writing here. Currently, there are three known unique gem-seals that date back to the end of the 4th and the beginning of the 6th century and belonged to the representatives of higher secular and church authorities. These are the seals of the King of Albania Aswahen, Crown Prince Asay and the Great Catholicos of Albania and Balasakan. They are of great interest for the study of cultural and political ties between Sasanian Iran and Albania, Albanian sphragistics. The title inscriptions on these official seals are made in pārsīg (pahlavi), which shows the role of the Middle Persian languages and writing among the highest Albanian nobility and the highest Christian clergy of the country, clearly indicates the huge political and cultural influence of Sasanian Iran on the Caucasian Albania. These monuments of glyptics show that the Middle Persian language and writing had the official status in the Early Medieval Albania.

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6

POTTS, D. T., and J. CRIBB. "Sasanian and Arab-Sasanian Coins from Eastern Arabia." Iranica Antiqua 30 (January 1, 1995): 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ia.30.0.519287.

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7

POTTS, D. T. &. CRIBB. "Sasanian and Arab-Sasanian Coins from Eastern Arabia." Iranica Antiqua 30, no. 1 (April 14, 2005): 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ia.30.1.519287.

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8

Shenkar, Michael. "The Coronation of the Early Sasanians, Ctesiphon, and the Great Diadem of Paikuli." Journal of Persianate Studies 11, no. 2 (January 28, 2019): 113–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341324.

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AbstractThe article discusses the venue and the nature of the coronation ceremony of the Sasanian kings in the third century. It is argued that the coronation of the early Sasanians was a continuation of a Hellenistic ceremony, which was essentially the act of binding a diadem around one’s head. It seems that the common practice was for the king to bind the diadem himself in the presence of a select circle of courtiers or only in the presence of the gods. Furthermore, the article will demonstrate that Ctesiphon was neither the “capital” nor even the most important residence of the early Sasanians and no ceremony of coronation took place there in the third century.

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9

Gross, Simcha. "Being Roman in the Sasanian Empire." Studies in Late Antiquity 5, no. 3 (2021): 361–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2021.5.3.361.

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Over the past several decades, scholars have challenged longstanding assumptions about Christian narratives of persecution. In light of these revisionist trends, a number of scholars have reconsidered the “Great Persecution” of Christians under the fourth-century Sasanian king Shapur II. Where scholars previously argued that the cause of Sasanian imperial violence against Christians was a perceived connection between them and the increasingly Christian Roman Empire, these new accounts reject this explanation and downplay the scope of violence against Christians. This article reexamines Sasanian violence against Christians in the fourth century, navigating between the proverbial Scylla and Charybdis of positivist and revisionist approaches. It argues that the accusations against Christians must be situated within the broader Roman-Sasanian conflict. In this context, fifth-column accusations were a pervasive anxiety, animated—and deployed—by empires and inhabitants alike. Yet, rather than inexorably leading to indiscriminate violence against all Christians, fifth-column accusations operated in a variety of ways, resulting in targeted violence but also, it is argued, in imperial patronage. Seen in this light, concerns for Christian disloyalty were responsible for the drastic vacillations in Christian experience under Sasanian rule during the fourth and early fifth centuries, unparalleled for other non-Iranian Sasanian communities, such as Jews. It was the particular circumstances of Christians, caught between the Sasanian and Roman Empires, that account for their experience under Sasanian rule.

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10

Morony, Michael. "Economic Boundaries? Late Antiquity and Early Islam." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 47, no. 2 (2004): 166–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520041262288.

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AbstractThe Mediterranean economy was retracting from the mid-sixth century while the Sasanian economy was expanding. Six trends are identified during Late Antiquity that extended into the Islamic period: (1) the development and spread of large estates with tenant labor, (2) the monetization of the economy, (3) the development and spread of irrigated agriculture, (4) the revival of mining, (5) the emergence of merchant diasporas, and (6) the domination of Indian Ocean commerce by Persian shipping. It is argued that these trends were strongest in Sasanian territory where the economic system identified as "Islamic" originated. À partir du milieu du sixième siècle l'économie méditerranéenne connaissait une régression alors que celle de l'Empire sasanide était en plein essor. Durant l'époque de l'Antiquité tardive et au cours de la période islamique, six tendances peuvent être relevées: 1) le développement et la diffusion des grands domaines avec fermiers à bail; (2) la monétarisation de l'économie; (3) l'extension de l'agriculture irriguée; (4) la revivi fication du secteur minier; (5) l'émergence des diasporas commerciales; et (6) la domination commerciale de la marine perse dans l'Océan indien. Selon notre analyse, ces tendances étaient plus fortement ressenties en territoire sasanide où le système économique dit "islamique" connut le jour.

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11

Shenkar. "Rethinking Sasanian Iconoclasm." Journal of the American Oriental Society 135, no. 3 (2015): 471. http://dx.doi.org/10.7817/jameroriesoci.135.3.471.

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12

SKUPNIEWICZ, Patryk. "Sasanian horse armor." Historia i Świat 3 (September 10, 2014): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2014.03.03.

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The goal of the paper is to define general types and the evolution of horse armor employed by elite warriors of Sasanian Iran, basing on literary sources and iconographical evidence with minor reference to archaeological finds in wider Eurasian perspective. The horse armor was an important part of cavalry equipment already in the chariot warfare however its re-emergence in mounted combat occurred when heavy cavalry was developed. The article divides Sasanian horse armor into several groups: 1. One-piece body protection, which overall cover mounts body the way modern horse blankets do. Within the group one may find following subgroups: 1.a Caparisons – known from numerous works of art (rock reliefs illustrating scenes of mounted combat at Firusbad and Nakš e Rostam as well as the on so-called Shapur cameo currently held in Louvre) having long Near Eastern and Eurasian tradition. 1.b Scale barding – which in fact is a sort of caparison covered with metallic scales sewn onto textile horse blanket, testified by literary sources, known from archaeological evidence from Dura Europos (despite the fact that these examples belonged to Roman cavalry, it is clear that they were fashioned in Iranian manner). Scale bardings of the type are known also from the works of art like graffito from Dura Europos, Trajan’s column, sculpture of Khalchayan and late Parthian Tang e Sarvak frieze. 1.c Chain mail horse armor – lacking strong and direct evidence from Sasanian period, iconography which may depict horses protected with chain-mail is rather crude however despite hypothetical nature, this sort of horse armor is very likely employed in Sasanian warfare. 2. Bardings composed of multiple elements and fragmentary bardings covering a part of the mount. Again these this group can be divided into two sub-groups: 2.a Full lamellar/laminar barding – can be identified on the sculpture of Khalchayan and late Parthian frieze Tang e Sarvak as well as on the seals of Late Sasanian spahbedan. They find numerous Central Asian (Old Turkic) and Far Eastern refernces. 2.b Fragmentary barding, best known from Taq e Bostan sculpture of an equestrian figure but with Central Asian, Chinese and Byzantine references. Following phases of barding development in ancient and early mediaeval Iran can be determined: 1. Late Achaemenid when armored cavalry required some protection for horses after employing shock tactics and subsequent close combat. 2. Mid Parthian, influenced by invasions of the steppe dwellers initiated by Xiong Nu expansion. Developed locally later. 3. Late Sasanian – resulting from contacts with Turkic warriors who transmitted some Eastern military technologies to Iran and through Avar influence to Europe.

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Dmitiriev, Vladimir. "The Sasanian Warships." Вестник древней истории 78, no. 4 (2018): 909–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032103910002909-2.

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14

János, Jany. "The Four Sources of Law in Zoroastrian and Islamic Jurisprudence." Islamic Law and Society 12, no. 3 (2005): 291–332. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851905774608279.

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AbstractIt is "only our lack of familiarity with Sasanian law," von Grunebaum opined (1970: 37), "that prevents us from uncovering its traces in the fiqh". And Joseph Schacht argued that Sasanian law did have an influence on Islamic law. But neither Schacht nor any other modern scholar has provided persuasive evidence for such influence. In this article I argue that the influence of Sasanian legal theory on Islamic legal theory in the formative period was minimal, at best. It is true that, like Islamic law, Sasanian law was based on four sources: (1) The Awesta or holy book of the Zoroastrians; (2) oral law; (3) the consensus of the sages; and (4) the judicial practice of the courts (kardag). However, the possibility of Iranian influence on early Islamic jurisprudence is limited by historical, cultural, geographical and chronological factors, and the evidence of the sources suggests that Sasanian legal thinking was distinctive from that of the Sunni usulis.

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15

RASHIDIAN, Elnaz, and Alireaza ASKARI CHAVERDI. "The circular pond of Dehbarm in the Firuzabad Plain (Fars, Iran)." Historia i Świat 11 (June 15, 2022): 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.02.

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We present the preliminary results of our recent find, a circular pond, and its surrounding structures, built in stone masonry of Sasanian tradition in the Dehbarm village, west Firuzabad Plain (Fars, Iran). We elaborate on this site and suggest it belongs to the Early Sasanian Ardashir-Xurra (Ardašīr-Xwarrah), the first Sasanian capital and complex urban plan of the Firuzabad plain. Based on comparable finds, we interpret Dehbarm as a garden settlement, a so-called paradise, and consider it a case study for water management and landscape manipulation of the Late Antiquity in the Greater Fars. Additionally, we ponder on the broader aspect of spring-fed ponds in the Sasanian architectural tradition. Further investigation, as well as extensive fieldwork, is planned to address this aspect.

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Daryaee, Touraj. "The Bones of Khosrow: The Sacred Topography of Ctesiphon." Electrum 29 (October 21, 2022): 267–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20800909el.22.018.15788.

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This essay discusses the importance of Ctesiphon in the historical and literary tradition of Sasanian and Post-Sasanian Iran. It is proposed that there was a significant buildup of the Ctesiphon’s defenses in the third century that it made its conquest by the Roman Empire impossible and its gave it an aura of impregnability. By the last Sasanian period the city was not only inhabited by Iranian speaking people and a capital, but it also became part of Iranian lore and tradition, tied to mythical Iranian culture-heroes and kings. Even with the fall of the Sasanian Empire, in Arabic and Persian poetry the grandeur and memory of Ctesiphon was preserved as part of memory of the great empires of the past.

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17

Skupniewicz, Patryk. "‘Sasanian’ silver plate from al-Ṣabāḥ Collection in light of aesthetic features of Sasanian toreutics." Historia i Świat, no. 8 (August 29, 2019): 59–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2019.08.04.

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Recently published silver plate from al-Sabah Collection, of unknown provenance, has been firmly attributed as Sasanian. In fact, technically, it is related to the Sasanian silverwork however aesthetic examination allows to raise the doubts whether it is genuine. The plate must be compared not only with central-Sasanian artworks but all ancient ‘Oriental silver’, including pieces attributed as Hephtalite or Sogdian. The design of the plate does not have any relation with any of the known examples of late antique oriental toreutics. Central scene of heroic combat with powerful beast or beasts has never been surrounded with the ring containing other hunting scenes is unknown as well. The disbalanced decorum is even more clear when we remind that the central scene shows hunting on foot and the marginal ones – mounted. The details of fixed aesthetic elements – position of personages, beasts, weapons do not belong to Sasanian canon. The unique nature of the plate might result from many factors but the combination of unknown provenance and lack of relation to legitimate Sasanian canon require utmost cautiousness towards the object.

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Compareti, Matteo. "The Spread Wings Motif on Armenian Steles: Its Meaning and Parallels in Sasanian Art." Iran and the Caucasus 14, no. 2 (2010): 201–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338410x12743419190106.

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AbstractThis paper is a study on the so-called “spread wings”—a particular element of the Sasanian art that is attested also in other regions of the Persian Empire in Late Antiquity, including the western coast of the Persian Gulf and the Caucasus. The spread wings can be observed on Sasanian coins above the royal crowns, which are considered specific for every Sasanian sovereign, supporting astronomical elements, like the crescent, star, and, possibly, the sun. The Arabs and the peoples of the Caucasus who adopted Christianity used the spread wings element as a pedestal for the cross. In Armenian literature, there are some connections between those spread wings and glory, so that a kind of pedestal could be considered a device to exalt or glorify the element above it. The floating ribbons attached to Sasanian crowns had possibly the same meaning and were adopted also outside of proper Persia. In the same way, it could be considered correct to identify those luminaries on Sasanian crowns as divine elements connected with the religion of pre-Islamic Persia.

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Rubenstein, Jeffrey L. "King Herod in Ardashir's Court: The Rabbinic Story of Herod (B. Bava Batra 3b–4a) in Light of Persian Sources." AJS Review 38, no. 2 (November 2014): 249–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009414000257.

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The Bavli's story of Herod's rise to power, murder of the Hasmonean family and of the rabbis, encounter with Bava b. Buta, and construction of the temple, found at Bava Batra 3b-4a, has long puzzled scholars. Many aspects of this story diverge from Josephus's account, our main source for historical knowledge of Herod's life and deeds. This paper argues that the storyteller has been influenced by Persian sources from the Sasanian period. Important elements of the Bavli story were modeled on the account of the rise of Ardashir, founder of the Sasanian dynasty, as recounted in a Sasanian text known as theKarnamag i Ardashir i Pabagan, “The Book of the Deeds of Ardashir son of Pabag.” The rabbis understood the transition from the Hasmonean to Herodian dynasties through the prism of the transition from the Parthian to Sasanian dynasties. They identified Herod with Ardashir, and constructed a story of Herod's usurpation and rise to power on the basis of Ardashir's usurpation and rise to power as recounted in Sasanian sources.

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Shayeste Doust, Amin, and Carlo Giovanni Cereti. "The Purpose and Practice of Divorce in Sasanian and Post-Sasanian Texts." Journal of Persianate Studies 14, no. 1-2 (August 10, 2022): 57–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-bja10017.

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Abstract Many scholarly works aim to identify and explain the continued survival of pre-Islamic social phenomena and institutions deep into the Islamic age. To understand the historical roots of Iranian social issues more profoundly and accurately, it seems necessary to examine the social structure and institutions of the Sasanian era. Such a study enables us to trace their subsequent development and identify the ways in which they transformed. This paper attempts to clarify the purpose and practice of divorce in late Antique Iran, by reconstructing the rationale for and procedure of divorce in Sasanian society based on extant legal cases using a socio-historical approach. It also tries to show the different types of divorce in Sasanian and post-Sasanian sources, emphasizing the controversy and contradictions among Zoroastrian jurisconsults and legal texts to identify different legally-sanctioned perspectives regarding divorce.

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Whitcomb, Donald. "“From Shahristān to Medina” Revisited." Eurasian Studies 16, no. 1-2 (December 7, 2018): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685623-12340049.

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AbstractThe title is taken from an article published in 2006 by Hugh Kennedy that is an examination of the Sasanian city. This subject is re-examined with a presentation of archaeological information on Sasanian cities in Fars province and the city of Jundi Shapur in Khuzistan. The urban form and key institutions are presented with consideration of changes introduced with the Islamic period. In contrast to the Classical polis, the problem is limited information on urban element in Sasanian cities and some of these elements are described.

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Gadjiev, Murtazali. "On the Construction Date of the Derbend Fortification Complex." Iran and the Caucasus 12, no. 1 (2008): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338408x326163.

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AbstractThe paper discusses several aspects of the history of one of the great architectural and fortifying undertakings of the Sasanian period, namely the Derbend defensive wall. Comparing all the available data on the time of this construction, the author draws a picture of the key historical events of the 6th century A.D., the complicated relations of the Sasanians with their neighbours, and the phenomenon of the so-called Northern tribes, against whom, strictly speaking, the Derbend fortification complex was erected. The article gives a convincing answer to the problem of the construction date of the Derbend fortification complex, rightfully called the Great Caucasian Wall.

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23

Levine, Evan I., and Daniel Plekhov. "Reconsidering Rag-i Bibi: Authority and audience in the Sasanian East." Afghanistan 2, no. 2 (October 2019): 233–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afg.2019.0037.

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The Sasanian rock-cut relief of Rag-i Bibi, located in northern Afghanistan, offers a unique opportunity to reconsider issues of audience, memory, and power in rupestral art. Found over 1,000 kilometers east of the nearest attested Sasanian rupestral relief, Rag-i Bibi is geographically and iconographically distinct, displaying elements of local subject matter, artistic style, and political symbolism. Through comparison to reliefs in the Sasanian west and local artistic traditions, the stylistics and location of Rag-i Bibi are mobilized to offer a perspective that characterizes this relief as the product of Sasanian Persia and the local artistic traditions of Bactria, actively designed to appeal to a diverse audience. This perspective builds upon previous readings of Rag-i Bibi as a conventional marker of political power, arguing instead for its role as mediating between local, regional, and international audiences.

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KHANIPOOR, Morteza, Hosseinali KAVOSH, and Reza NASERI. "The reliefs of Naqš-e Rostam and a reflection on a forgotten relief, Iran." Historia i Świat 6 (September 14, 2017): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2017.06.04.

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As one of the most important archaeological sites in Iran and also because of its holiness, Naqš-e Rostam was always being paid attention through historic periods. The earliest remain of the site goes back to Elamite period while many more reliefs were then added in the Achaemenian and Sasanian periods. Except for the Elamite relief which later vanished as Bahram II relief was made over it in the Sasanian period, other reliefs of Naqš-e Rostam date to Sasanian period. However, it seems that there is one more relief which must be dated to Elamite time. This includes a standing human who has raised his hand in front of his face while represented in profile facing right. The relief was firstly introduced by Roaf who attributed it to Narseh, the Sasanian king. This paper firstly describes the relief and secondly suggests an alternative Elamite date as the result of comparative investigations.

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Kamaly, Hossein. "Whence Came the Asvārān? An Inquiry into the Ambiguity of Sources." Journal of Persianate Studies 6, no. 1-2 (2013): 207–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341258.

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Abstract Narratives of the Arab Conquests that were compiled in book form only after the ninth century fall short of providing a consistent, let alone an accurate, view of Sasanian hierarchies of rank and status during the sixth and seventh centuries. Knowledge of provincial divisions and administrative practices under Sasanian rule was reflected more accurately, not least of all because it directly pertained to the collection of tax revenues for the conquerors. When it comes to information about Iranian society and culture before the conquests, Arabic sources, often based on veterans’ tales, offer but fragmentary and anecdotal information. While scholars have made great use of these sources, it is still difficult to fathom the composition and function of groups such as the Sasanian asvārān. Focusing on a few well-known conquest narratives, this article investigates the information they contain on the asvārān, and will underline some of the difficulties involved when drawing inferences from them with respect to Sasanian social hierarchy and military structure.

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26

Richard Kalmin. "Jesus in Sasanian Babylonia." Jewish Quarterly Review 99, no. 1 (2009): 107–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jqr.0.0036.

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27

Akbarzadeh, Daryoosh, Fariba Sharifian, and Azadeh Heidar Pour. "Mineralogy of Sasanian Bullae." Parseh Journal of Archaeological Studies 3, no. 9 (December 1, 2019): 139–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.30699/pjas.3.9.139.

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28

Akbarzadeh, Daryoosh. "Collapse of Sasanian Empire." DABIR 7, no. 1 (November 30, 2020): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/29497833-00701003.

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29

Canepa, Matthew P. "Technologies of Memory in Early Sasanian Iran: Achaemenid Sites and Sasanian Identity." American Journal of Archaeology 114, no. 4 (October 2010): 563–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.114.4.563.

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30

Nikitin, A. B. "The Sasanian Šahrab of Balkh." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 1, no. 3 (1995): 365–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005794x00246.

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AbstractOne group of fragmentary clay seals of the Kushano-Sasanian period found in 1976 at Djigadépé near Balkh in N. Afghanistan bears the portrait of a Sasanian official and a unique double inscription in Bactrian and Middle Persian scripts. Combination of the various fragments allows a full reading of the inscription and the identification of the owner as a high official-šahrab-of modern Balkh. The seal is tentatively dated to the 4th c. A.D., but too few seals of this period are known to make this certain.

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31

JANY, J. "Criminal Justice in Sasanian Persia." Iranica Antiqua 42 (January 1, 2007): 347–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ia.42.0.2017881.

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32

JANY, János. "Private Litigation in Sasanian Law." Iranica Antiqua 45 (June 30, 2010): 395–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ia.45.0.2047127.

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33

GREENWOOD, Tim. "Sasanian Echoes and Apocalyptic Expectations." Le Muséon 115, no. 3 (July 1, 2002): 323–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/mus.115.3.335.

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Munt, Harry. "Oman and late Sasanian imperialism." Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 28, no. 2 (November 2017): 264–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aae.12102.

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AHMAD, Shah Nadeem. "A new Sasanian helmet in the Musee d’Art Classique de Mougins." Historia i Świat 4 (September 16, 2015): 135–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2015.04.08.

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This article will describe a previously unknown helmet in the Musee d’Art Classique de Mougins (MACM) in southern France. The helmet is of the “bandhelm” variety and is decorated with heraldic motifs plus silvered rivets. The helmet bears some resemblance to known helmets from Cheragh Ali Tepe / Amlash but also differs in several crucial ways. In the light of this new example, a new typology of Sasanian helmets and some novel insights on the development of Sasanian helmets is also offered.

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König, Götz. "The Pahlavi Literature of the 9th Century and Greek Philosophy." Iran and the Caucasus 22, no. 1 (May 15, 2018): 8–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20180103.

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Since the Hellenistic times (if not earlier) Iran participates in the philosophical development of classical Greece. In the times of the Sasanians some knowledge of Aristotelian and Neo-Platonic thinking is detectable, and treatises were written for Xosrō I by philosophers who were well acquainted with the writings of Aristotle. It was always maintained that also Sasanian Zoroastrianism was affected through these Greek-Iranian contacts. But it is remarkable that among the Zoroastrian writings of the 9th-10th centuries only two books–Dēnkard 3 and Škand Gumānīg Wīzār–seem to be substantially influenced by Aristotelian/Neo-Platonic terms and concepts. The paper deals with the question whether the Greek elements within these texts should not better be understood as the fruit of a Zoroastrian participation in the general interest of the Islamic world in Greek thinking in Abbasid Baghdad.

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Secunda, Shai. "Talmudic Text and Iranian Context: On the Development of Two Talmudic Narratives." AJS Review 33, no. 1 (March 30, 2009): 45–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009409000038.

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The past few years have witnessed an expansion of the range of sources that Talmudists regularly employ in their research on the Bavli. Scholars now turn to Iranian epic and folk literature; to Zoroastrian, Manichaean, and Eastern Christian ritual and theological writings; to Sasanian civil law; and to other nonrabbinic sources in an effort to broaden and deepen their understanding of the Bavli and its place in the “splendid confusion” that was Sasanian Mesopotamian society. As Yaakov Elman has pointed out, this research trend serves as a corrective for more than half a century of scholarly neglect, which was only encouraged by a dearth of critical editions of Middle Persian literature and more general studies of Sasanian culture and religions. Now, following a steady output of some long-anticipated editions, and, more significantly, as a result of recent collaboration between Talmudists and Iranists, the coming years hold great promise for a radically new understanding of the Bavli and its world.

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O’Farrell, Matthew. "The Death of Mani in Retrospect." Millennium 18, no. 1 (November 8, 2021): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mill-2021-0003.

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Abstract The execution of the prophet Mani (c. 216-273) by the Sasanian king Bahram I (r. 271-274) received sharply different treatments in the historiography of three of the confessional groups of the Sasanian empire. Variously a persecuted prophet, a blasphemous lunatic or a sinister heresiarch the representations of this moment sought to establish its meaning in the context of communal narratives predicated on the claims of sacred history. Despite this, it is notable that Manichean, Christian and Perso-Arabic accounts clearly share features. This indicates not only that Mani’s death became a site of competition between the constituent groups of the Sasanian empire, but that the internal historiographies of these groups were in some sense entwined, or at least sensitive to the historical claims made by their opponents. This is particularly relevant in the case of the Perso-Arabic narrative. This version, which almost certainly descends from a priestly Zoroastrian source, presents a picture of a confident priesthood stiffening the spine of a wavering king. It is contended that the source of this story was composed as a counterstrike in a historical debate in which Christian and Manichean authors had successfully propagated an image of Bahram’s court as religiously tepid and his priests as slanderers or non-entities. That such an intervention was required signals a disjuncture between early and late forms of Sasanian ideology. Moreover, it presents more evidence in support of theories of a late and deliberate construction of Zoroastrian “orthodoxy”.

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Gross, Simcha. "Rethinking Babylonian Rabbinic Acculturation in the Sasanian Empire." Journal of Ancient Judaism 9, no. 2 (May 19, 2018): 280–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00902008.

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The study of the Babylonian rabbis in their Persian context(s) has largely adopted a binary paradigm whereby certain rabbis, usually associated with specific regions, are characterized as adopting a strategy of either accommodation or resistance to Persian language and culture. A central piece in the discussion of rabbinic attitudes to Persian culture has been the question of Babylonian rabbinic use – or lack thereof – of Persian language, often cited as a sign for the disconnect between, perhaps even the intentional distancing of, the Babylonian rabbis and Persian culture more generally. Taking the locus classicus of this scholarly discussion, a story in b. Qiddushin 70a–b, as its starting point, this article proposes that both the dichotomy between accommodating and resisting rabbis, and the larger claims about Babylonian rabbinic (lack of) knowledge of Persian language, do not aptly capture the dynamic between the Babylonian rabbis and their environment. Instead, the article reveals the strength of approaches that seek to situate competing rabbinic views as part of broader social dynamics and tensions among Babylonian Jews of different status generated by Sasanian values, norms, and hierarchies, which are paralleled among other similar situated groups living in the Sasanian Empire, such as Syriac Christians. In the process, the article illuminates the rich elite Sasanian cultural scripts lying behind the oft-studied story in b. Qiddushin 70a–b, and the value of certain Sasanian sources to better understand Babylonian rabbinic stories and dynamics.

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Havener, Wolfgang. "Metus Persicus?" Millennium 14, no. 1 (February 23, 2017): 31–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mill-2017-0002.

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Abstract The Sasanians have been characterized as Rome’s enemy par excellence in the ancient sources as well as in modern scholarship. According to the Greek and Roman historians, from the moment of its emergence in the second decade of the third century CE, the new dynasty pursued an extremely aggressive policy towards the Western neighbour that resulted in fierce and renewed military conflict and brought the Roman Empire to the brink of desaster. However, a closer look on the respective historiographic and biographic texts from contemporary and later authors reveals a deeper meaning behind their depictions of Roman-Sasanian conflict in the third century. This article argues that authors like Cassius Dio, Herodian and the composer of the fourth-century Historia Augusta used these narrations in order to name and address severe problems within the Roman Empire. Their considerations focused on the mechanisms of imperial government and self-representation which underwent a profound and radical change in the course of the third century. The principate of the previous centuries with its perfectly balanced system of communication between the emperor, the senate, the people of Rome and the army was gradually transformed into an overt military monarchy in which the emperors ostentatiously displayed their exclusive reliance on the soldiers as the crucial foundation of their rule. Although the characterization of Sasanian politics and attitudes towards Rome in the historiographic and biographic texts was certainly not merely an interpretatio Romana, the conditions within the Roman empire have to be taken into account in order to fully understand the contemporary and later historians’ intentions and the specific thrust of their texts.

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Rezakhani, Khodadad, and Michael G. Morony. "Markets for Land, Labour and Capital in Late Antique Iraq, AD 200-700." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 57, no. 2 (March 29, 2014): 231–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341348.

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Abstract Lack of direct evidence on the functioning of factor markets in Sasanian/Late Antique Iraq makes it difficult to present a clear picture of the production side of economy during this period. However, relying on the Talmudic evidence, as well as what is mentioned in the Mādayān ī Hezār Dādestān (mhd), this article aims to provide an idea of factor markets during the Sasanian period, as well as demonstrating the areas where further evidence and research could render better results and allow us to understand the economy of this region in more depth.

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Akopyan, Alexander V. "Revisiting the Question of the Time and Place of Writing of the Caucasian Albanian Palimpsest According to Numismatic Data (Part I)." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 5 (2021): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080016817-5.

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This article concerns the dating of the Caucasian Albanian palimpsest (Gospel of John) on the basis of a refined interpretation of the monetary term **zaizowzńa. In the first part of paper is offered and justified the etymology of the word **zaizowzńa, that derived from the Sasanian monetary term zūzā ‘dirham’. The Albanian umbrella term **zaizowzńa indicated a general concept of a ‘zuza-like (coin)’, which unified wide range of various imitations of Hormizd IV’s silver coins (or ZWZWN, as they named in Pahlavi on coins), struck in the end of the 6th century after defeating of Varhrān Čōbīn in 592 as payment to the Byzantine army, as well as typologically close to them pre-reform Islamic coins of the Sasanian type struck in the 7th – beginning of 8th centuries (so-called Arab-Sasanian coins). In the Caucasian Albanian Gospel of John the word **zaizowzńa was used to translate the Greek δηναρίων, but in the corresponding places of Armenian or Georgian translations were used another words — dahekan/drahkani, denar or satiri/statiri (etymology of these words also discussed and shown that they are not related to Sasanian zūzā). Thus, the use of a special term for Greek δηναρίων is not associated with the established translation tradition and unequivocally indicates its local, Caucasian Albanian origin. The period of time when **zaizowzńa coins were used in the Transcaucasia is outlined, and it is shown that the Sinai edition of the Albanian Gospel of John was completed between the beginning of the 6th century and the beginning of the 10th century.

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CRIBB, J. "Numismatic Evidence for Kushano-Sasanian Chronology." Studia Iranica 19, no. 2 (December 1, 1990): 151–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/si.19.2.2014452.

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POTTS, Daniel T. "The Sasanian Relationship with South Arabia." Studia Iranica 37, no. 2 (December 31, 2008): 197–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/si.37.2.2034315.

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Williams, A. V. "Zoroastrians and Christians in Sasanian Iran." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 78, no. 3 (September 1996): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.78.3.4.

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Shahmohammadpour, Alireza. "A Sasanian Triumphal Arch in Bishapur." Near Eastern Archaeology 84, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 306–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/716831.

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GOLDMAN, Bernard. "Women's Robing in the Sasanian Era." Iranica Antiqua 32 (January 1, 1997): 233–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ia.32.0.519271.

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GOLDMAN, Bernard. "Women's Robing in the Sasanian Era." Iranica Antiqua 32, no. 1 (April 14, 2005): 233–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ia.32.1.519271.

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JANY, János. "The Jurisprudence of the Sasanian Sages." Journal Asiatique 294, no. 2 (December 31, 2006): 291–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ja.294.2.2020223.

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Hutter, Manfred. "Manichaeism in the Early Sasanian Empire." Numen 40, no. 1 (1993): 2–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852793x00022.

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AbstractIt is well-known that Mani knew Christian Gnosticism, Zoroastrianism and also a little of Buddhism and used different items from these religions. As we can see from the Šäbuhragän, the central themes of Mani's teachings at the Sasanian court were the "two principles" and the "three times", but he reworked them and brought them close to Zurwanism, because King Šäbuhr did not favour 'orthodox' Zoroastrianism but 'heretical' Zurwanism. Thus Manichaeism could flourish for thirty years within the Sasanian empire. After Šäbuhr's death the Zoroastrian priest Kirdir gained influence at the court, thus Manichaeism -and Zurwanism-met restrictions which finally led to Mani's death. In consequence Manichaeism and Zurwanism, which always favoured universalism, were put aside in order to establish Zoroastrianism as a nationalistic religion in Iran.

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