Journal articles on the topic 'Saxony, Dukes of'

The author considers the publications of the “Formula of Concord” (lat. Formula Concordiae), one of the principal symbolic books of Lutheranism. For the first time the article reveals part of the collections of the Russian State Library (RSL), containing within the displaced cultural values ten editions of the “Formula of Concord” in German, the first of them (Dresden, 1580, Shtekel and Berg Printers) is presented in four copies. The article traces the entire history of the monument, which is equal by dogmatic significance to the “Augsburg Confession” — the earliest exposition of the doctrinal statements of Lutheranism. “Book of Concord” was supposed to stop the strife between Orthodox Gnesiolutherans and Pro-Calvinist Melanchthonists that arose after Luther’s death, when his friend and associate Philip Melanchthon, inclined to Calvinism, became the head of Lutherans. In matters of faith, he showed pliability, which provoked conflicts. Jacob Andreae became the author of the concise version of Concordia. Martin Chemnitz took over the editorship of the article “On Free Will”, and David Khitreus, who was involved in the issues of Communion, joined the work. The first version of the “Formula of Concord” was completed in the summer of 1576 in the city of Torgau, where Elector Augustus of Saxony convened the theological Convention. After receiving comments and minor amendments, the document was solemnly signed in Berg on May 29, 1577.The author analyses the composition of the book. The original version in 12 articles was written in German, and then translated into Latin by Lucas Osiander. However, the desire to unite all Lutheran churches under the auspices of the new symbol did not succeed — the “Formula of Concord” received Church’s recognition only in the electorates of Saxony and some other areas.The study of all ten copies of “Concordia” from the RSL leads to the conclusion that this almost complete collection of all published editions of “Formula of Concord” gives a largely comprehensive view of them: demonstrates borrowings, imitations of the first edition (Dresden, 1580), as well as features and innovations of individual publications. Some of them are unique, for example, the personal copy of the Saxon elector Augustus or the illuminated copy belonged to the Dukes of Saxony. The article may be of interest to art historians, book historians, source researchers and museum workers.

Abstract The grand-ducal gallery of Oldenburg is a forgotten collection today, though once it enjoyed international fame. In less than a century, the dukes of Oldenburg in Lower Saxony collected an exemplary gallery of Old Masters that attracted the attention and the praise of international connoisseurs and art historians like Wilhelm Bode, Abraham Bredius and Tancred Borenius. Then, after the end of the First World War, the collection fell apart. In 1919, it was disassembled and its masterpieces were sold, once again generating international attention, this time from art dealers, museums and collectors eager to have their share of the plunder. The protests over this sell-out added impetus to the passing of a Kulturgutschutzgesetz, the first German law aimed at the protection of works of art of national value. This article reviews the history of the gallery and presents the results of a recent research project.

In Silesia, the beginnings of gold mining date back to the turn of the 12th and 13th centuries. The first attempt to legally regulate gold mining was the short mining act found in the municipal book of Lwówek Śląski, dated to the first half of the 13th century. In 1342 Dukes of Legnica, Wenceslaus I and Louis I, issued such a law for Złotoryja. These legal acts, particularly the one of Złotoryja, are the most important regulations regarding the medieval gold mining in Silesia. They relied on the local traditions and experiences; therefore, they feature no borrowings from the Czech or Saxon mining legislation. This can be explained with the “ancient” tradition of gold mining in the area of Złotoryja and Legnica, which allowed for development and establishment of native legal solutions. By ordering to write down such local rules, the dukes confirmed the individual mining traditions of their duchies, which was favourable from their perspective because the tradition pointed to exclusive right of the duke, without accounting for mining local governing bodies. This article presents the oldest legislation regulating gold mining in Silesia. It provides the Polish translation of the laws of Lwówek and Złotoryja, and discusses major rules in comparison to analogical legislation functioning in Bohemia.

With the death of Duke George of Saxony on 17 April 1539, the Reformation lost one of its fiercest enemies, a leader of great prestige who not only resisted the Reformation, but actively campaigned against it.1 With the accession of his brother Heinrich, the Reformers gained an important ally, for the new duke had converted to Lutheranism in 1537. The union of Saxony, which had been divided a half-century before, under the banner of Protestantism would have been one of the great political triumphs of the new religious movement.2 The Reformers themselves certainly considered it a good sign.3

ABSTRACT This is an addendum to the edition of the works of Andreas Osiander. It is a letter from the Nuremberg reformer to Christoph Ering, who had been dismissed as chaplain of George, duke of Saxony, in 1529 because of his Protestant preaching. Osiander reports on the different versions of the Confutatio, the Catholic response to the Confessio Augustana.

AbstractFür Bernhard Diestelkamp zum 90. GeburtstagThe Dating of Saxon Mirror Landrecht III 57,2 and the Origin of the College of the Prince Electors. The famous article in question contains a list of six German princes who were the first in royal elections (the archbishops of Mayence, Trier, and Cologne; the Count Palatinate, the duke of Saxony, and the Margrave of Brandenburg). Thereafter all the princes elected. Although the King of Bohemia had been an elector before, he is excluded “because he is not German”. In opposition to the traditional view, which sees this article as an original part of the work of Eike von Repgow (ca. 1220/35) and which is upheld lately by Alexander Begert, it is shown that the article III 57,2 does not fit to any of the royal elections of 1198, 1237, 1252 or 1257. It fits, however, perfectly to the election of Rudolf of Habsburg on October 1st, 1273 – when the Bohemian vote was refused. The article must have been inserted to the Saxon Mirror after that date, but before May 1275 when a seventh vote was attributed to the duchy of Bavaria. In 1290, the hereditary vote was returned to the King of Bohemia. The traditional Seven Prince Electors met never before 1298. In this very year they documented their election of Albert of Austria in the first charter drawn up by all of them together with their individual names and corroborated with their own seven seals. This act can be regarded as the foundation of the College of Electors. In the same year the expressions kurfursten (prince electors) and their collegium appeared for the first time. Also https://www.historisches-lexikon-bayerns.de/Lexikon/EN:Electors

The early Middle Ages produced a series of law codes for the new “barbarian” kingdoms of Europe, which succeeded the western Roman Empire. These law codes were often inspired by the precedent and sometimes the content of Roman vulgar law as well as the customs of the respective peoples for whom they were written and the interests of their rulers. The making of law could often play a vital role in the stabilization of kingdoms, especially under new rulers. Early medieval secular lawmaking falls into three broad periods: the early royal laws of the Frankish, Burgundian, and Visigothic peoples in the fifth and sixth centuries; the interrelated composition of Lombard, south German, and perhaps also early Anglo-Saxon law in the seventh and eighth centuries; and the writing up of the last “ethnic” laws for peoples subject to Charlemagne's empire, such as Frisians and Saxons, in order to accommodate them into a multiethnic empire committed to the principle of personality of the law. The subject of this article, the law of the Bavarians (Lex Baiuvariorum, hereafter abbreviated “Lb”), belongs to the second of these stages. However, scholars have never reached consensus as to the date of its composition nor where it was created. This has inhibited the use of the Lb for any but they most general discussion of Bavarian society. This article will review the evidence for the Lb's date and place of composition, to suggest that we can plausibly identify them more precisely than has been done, and therefore argue that the distinctive features of this text can be tied to specific political needs.

The paper presents a case study of the eighteenth-century diplomatic struggle between the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Russian Empire over the legal status of the Duchy of Courland and Semigallia and its ruling house. The main purpose of the research is to analyse the circumstances leading to the enthronement of Charles Christian Wettin as the Duke of Courland (1759‒1763), discover the tools of Russian international policy and review goals and resources of both Polish–Saxon and Russian sides of the conflict. History, Law and International Relations combine in the interdisciplinary research on the ‘Couronian Question’. From this perspective, Courland and its Duke remain the objects, and the Commonwealth and the Tsardom of Russia – the subjects of the study.

AbstractThe article analyses attitudes of the Lithuanian nobility towards the inheritance of the throne of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (the Commonwealth) in the period of the Four-Year Sejm (1788-1792). Thorough analysis of historiography and research of narrative sources amplifies the position of the Lithuanian nobility towards the issue of inheritance of the throne of the Commonwealth as it was reflected in the political literature of 1787-1789 period. Analysis of the documents produced by the February and November dietines (Pol. sejmiks), 1790 of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (the GDL) reveals changes in the position of nobility towards selection of the successor to the throne with the king still alive. It was established, that in supporting the idea of a hereditary throne, Lithuanian political writers suggested different strategies in realizing this idea and proposed as candidates for the throne representatives of ruling dynasties of several states: Russia, Prussia, Saxony and Great Britain.Changes in the position of nobility were significantly influenced by the activism of patriotic-reformist faction, which proposed the very idea of a hereditary throne and a candidate from the dynasty of Wettins: the GDL districts (Pol. powiats), having ignored the question of throne inheritance in the February dietines of 1790, in November of the same year agreed to the selection of Elector of Saxony as the successor to the King of Poland and the Grand Duke of Lithuania Stanislaw August. However, even if agreeing to the Wettin candidacy, the GDL nobility did not support establishing of the principle of such inheritance. Most of the GDL dietines supported limited monarchy, politically and financially dependent on the political will of the nation. The Elector of Saxony was given certain conditions, the departure from which was to bring back an elective monarchy.

With a population of nearly 2 000 000 and an area of about 20 000 km2, Slovenia is a heterogeneous European country that extends from the Mediterranean Sea to the Alps. Slovenian political history dates back to the 6th century, when the first free principality of the ancient Slovenians was established – Caranthania – famous for its democratic institutions, legal system, popular elections of dukes and progressive legal rights for women. From the 13th century until 1918, Slovenians were ruled by the Habsburgs. After 1918, Slovenia became a part of Yugoslavia and again enjoyed a considerable degree of autonomy. But as the political and economic crisis of Yugoslavia worsened, at the plebiscite in December 1990 87% of the voting population voted in favour of sovereignty. Thus, Slovenia declared its independence on 25 June 1991, and became a member of the United Nations in May 1992. Until the Second World War the psychiatric tradition in Slovenia was German. Afterwards, the Anglo-Saxon tradition has gradually entered Slovene psychiatry.

The ‘Venetian’ composer Agostino Steffani and the Modenese diplomat Giuseppe Riva became acquainted at Hanover in 1719. Steffani had first resided there between 1688 and 1703, when he served the Hanoverian Duke Ernst August and his son Georg Ludwig as a musician and special envoy (he went to Vienna, for example, to negotiate the elevation of Hanover to an electorate, a distinction approved by the emperor in 1692). He had been ordained a Catholic priest at Munich in 1680, received a sinecure appointment as an abbot in 1683 and been made an apostolic prothonotary by 1695. His diplomatic and evangelical achievements on behalf of the church were recognized in 1706, when he was named Bishop of Spiga, and 1709, when he was appointed Apostolic Vicar of North Germany. His home in 1703–9 was in Düsseldorf, where he served as chief councillor to Johann Wilhelm, the Catholic Elector Palatine, but in November 1709 he returned to Hanover, a Lutheran city in Lower Saxony nearer the centre of his extensive vicariate.

A scene in the Bayeux Tapestry (c. 1072–7 ce) shows Earl Harold ‘Godwinson’ of Wessex (c. 1022–66), future king of the English (r. 1066), rescuing two Normans from drowning in the quicksand of the River Couesnon as they cross into Brittany on military campaign (see figure 1; Bayeux Tapestry Scene 17). Harold (Bayeux Tapestry Figure 152) is depicted standing more or less upright, upon embroidered lines that represent the waters of the Couesnon. As is typical for the representation of Anglo-Saxons in this, the earlier part of the embroidery, he has a ‘pudding-bowl’ haircut and is moustached. These features distinguish Harold from the Normans he saves, who have the backs of their heads shaven and are without facial hair. Harold carries one of the men ‘piggyback’ and drags the other, who has almost fallen on his back, up by his right hand. The Latin inscription above this scene is brief, but nonetheless tells us most of what we need to know to understand the imagery beneath: hIC VVILLEM DVX ET EXERCITVS EIVS VENERVNT AD MONTE[M] MIChAELIS ET hIC TRANSIERVNT FLVMEN COSNONIS. hIC hARLOLD DVX TRAhEBAT EOS DE ARENA (‘Here Duke William and his army came to Mont St Michel, and here they crossed the River Couesnon. Here Duke Harold pulled them out of the sand’).

According to the Novgorod First Chronicle (in entries from 1055 and 1058), a servant (xolopъ) and probably steward (tiunъ) of the Novgorodian bishop Luka had the name Dudika. The name seems to be of Lower German origin (< Old Saxon Dōdico), and so Dudika himself must have been a Saxon. That is why, after he was convicted of calumniating his bishop, he fled to Germany (v Němci). A person named Negvar is mentioned in the year 1200 in the pilgrimage book of Antonius, archbishop of Novgorod, as a member of an embassy to Constantinople, which was directed by Roman Mstislavich, duke of Galich. This name can be interpreted as an Old Russian version of the Old Nordic Ingvarr. As a result of metathesis in the muta cum liquida group, after the pattern of the Slavic *orb- > old Russian rob-, a virtual form like the Old Russian *Nigvarъ might have appeared. The further transformation *Nigvarъ > Negvar was induced by frequent personal name models either with the initial group Ne- (such as Nedanъ, Nevidъ) or with the first stem Něg- (such as Něgoradъ). So the Old Scandinavian Ingvarr was reflected as a loan-name in the Old Russian dialects three times: Igorь (before losing the nasal vowels), Inъgvarъ, and Negvarъ (before and after losing the reduced vowels in unaccented positions).

The Polish version of the article was published in Roczniki Humanistyczne 61 (2013), issue 2. This article is devoted to a presentation of the contents of one of the political sermons preached in Krakow Cathedral on 8th May 1810. A Cathedral Canon, Rev. Augustyn Lipiński delivered it on the feast of St Stanislaus in the presence of King Frederick Augustus I of Saxony and Duke of Warsaw, his court and the dignitaries who accompanied him: the Minister of War, Prince Józef Poniatowski, the Prefect of the Krakow Department, Prince Henryk Lubomirski, and many department and municipal officials. In its content the sermon was devoted to authority and the way to exercise it. It is constructed as a polemic with contemporary currents striving after secularization of the ethos of the official. The preacher expressed his conviction that a virtuous official and a good citizen are ones who regard the good of the country and of their fellow-citizens more highly than their own good or even their lives; they are ready to serve them and the king who is exercising power by the will of Providence, and they never look to their own gain in this service – either material profits or fame.

Mit der Meininger Festwoche initiierte Georg II. von Sachsen-Meiningen 1886 an seinem Hofthea­ter ein Ereignis, das nicht nur das beschauliche Meiningen verschreckte, sondern einen gesellschaft­lichen Tabubruch bedeutete. Der Herzog brachte das skandalumwitterte Ibsen-Stück Gespenster neben Richard Voß‘ Alexandra und Paul Lindaus Echegaray-Bearbeitung Galeotto zur Aufführung. Damit inszenierte er moderne Gesellschaftsdramen, die in ihrem sozialkritischen Potenzial und ihrem Sittlichkeitsanspruch bereits auf den Naturalismus wiesen und – mit einem norwegischen, spanischen und deutschen Autor – dessen europäische Dimension herausstellten. Diese Festwoche bedeutete im Deutschen Kaiserreich eine politische Provokation, die bei den Gastspielen der Mei­ninger mit Verboten beantwortet wurde.A Chapter of European Theater History and a Political Provocation: The Meiningen Festival Week 1886 with Plays by Henrik Ibsen, Richard Voss and Paul LindauAt the Meiningen Festival Week in 1886, George II of Saxony-Meiningen at his court theater initi­ated an event which not only frightened the contemplative city of Meiningen but signified a social violation of tabus. The Duke had his theater produce the scandalous Ibsen play “Ghosts” in addition to Richard Voss’ “Alexandra” and Paul Lindau’s Echegaray adaptation of “Galeotto”. The socially critical potential of these plays and their new morality pointed to Naturalism. The fact that these plays were written by a Norwegian, a Spanish and a German author demonstrated the European dimension of these ideas. In Imperial Germany, this festival week signified a political provocation that resulted in bans of guest performances by the Meiningen theater troupe.

WHEN theAnglo-Saxon Chronicle(D)s.a.1066 described the submission ‘out of necessity’ of many of the most important members of the English nobility to duke William at Berkhamstead, which followed extensive ravaging by the invading army, the chronicler lamented the fact that it was only at this stage that the English did so ‘… after most of the damage had been done—and it was a great piece of folly that they had not done it earlier, since God would not make things better, because of our sins…’, implying that the spoliation of the countryside would have ended with a submission and acceptance of the new ruler inflicted as a punishment by God. He continued, ‘And they gave hostages and swore oaths to him, and he promised them that he would be a gracious liege lord to them, and yet in the meantime they ravaged all that they overran.’ The chronicler is clearly shocked by this behaviour on the part of William and his forces, which only seems to end, in his account, with the coronation. Well he might be, for when dates of coronation for English kings in the previous two centuries can be firmly established, they usually occur some considerable time after a constitutive royal accession. Thus, for instance, Edward the Elder, Æthelstan, Æthelred, and Edward the Confessor6 were all crowned in the following years.

As Empress of Russia, Catherine the Great (1729–1796) shaped not only history in general but also, as a member of its princely family, the history of Anhalt-Zerbst. Drawing upon little known eighteenth-century manuscripts housed at the Landeshauptarchiv of Saxony-Anhalt in Dessau and the Francisceumsbibliothek in Zerbst, this study assesses the impact of Catherine’s marriage in 1745 to Grand Duke Peter of Russia (1728–1762) on musical life at the court of Anhalt-Zerbst during and after the thirty-six-year tenure of Kapellmeister Johann Friedrich Fasch (1688–1758). First the role of music at the court prior to 1745 will be considered – specifically the ‘Concert-Stube’, an inventory of the Hofkapelle’s musical library prepared according to Fasch’s specifications in March 1743. The second section of this article focuses on the celebrations held at the court in 1745 on the occasion of Catherine the Great’s wedding. The Hofkapelle premiered a large-scale serenata by Fasch, the music to which has been lost. However, an examination of the extant libretto and of other music by Fasch that was performed at the court during the 1740s sheds light on the musical forces he would have employed and the compositional approach he might have taken. The Hofkapelle also performed a secular wedding cantata for bass solo and instruments by an anonymous composer as part of a spectacular fireworks display in three acts, the ‘Anhalt-Zerbstisches Freuden-Feuer’ (Fire of Joy), chronicled by Zerbst headmaster Johann Hoxa. Finally, it is possible to reconstruct a performance schedule of sacred music premiered in honour of Catherine the Great from 1746 to 1773. Despite Fasch’s death in 1758 and the Seven Years War, which led to the town of Zerbst being occupied by 16,000 Prussian soldiers for three years until 1761, new music was commissioned by the court from Fasch’s successor Johann Georg Röllig (1710–1790), Catherine the Great’s keyboard instructor at the court of Anhalt-Zerbst. He not only provided occasional compositions to commemorate her birthday and accession to the Russian throne but also composed a new cycle of Sunday cantatas to reflect the changing artistic priorities and practices of the Hofkapelle in the early 1760s.

Alfred Tennyson (1809- 1892) wrote a compact, action- packed, historical, patriotic, and a pioneering tragedy inspired by the Norman Conquest of England entitled Harold in 1876. It is based on the facts regarding the events leading to the Battle of Hastings in 1066. Tennyson has been, so far, the only man- of- letters to have dramatized this chapter of British history in a tragedy, even though he has never been the only writer to have paid attention to this turning- point in the destiny of his homeland. This tragedy focuses on the personal conflict between Harold Godwinson (1022- 1066) and William Duke of Normandy (1028- 1087), also known as William the Conqueror, or King William I. This drama, thus, is a journey to the past to explore the forces at work, and the men who made history, the struggle to achieve an improvement after the long- lasting social and cultural stagnation of England in Anglo- Saxon days which had lasted from 449- 1066. Tennyson chose the historical moment which all the earlier playwrights had avoided. Alongside this, he chose the accurate kind of discourse that would be more suitable for both the historical theme and the historical period. The paper considers and clarifies the notable presence of language and its use as an indication of the historical course of the work. This is carried out through the analysis of a number of selections from the text. The focus will be on the historical style of the dramatic discourse. Tennyson is faithful as much as possible not only to the events but to the historical kind of speech used by characters to make a convincing and trustworthy play linguistically and historically. The paper considers and clarifies the notable presence of language in its use in historical context of this tragedy.

The French wars of religion, 1562–1629. By Mack P. Holt. (New Approaches to European History, 8.) Pp. xiv+239 incl. 9 maps and 7 figs. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. £30 (cloth), £10.95 (paper). 0 521 35359 9; 0 521 35873 6Reformation in La Rochelle. Tradition and change in early modern Europe, 1500–1568. By Judith Pugh Meyer. (Travaux d'Humanisme et Renaissance, 298). Pp. 182 incl. frontispiece, 9 figs and 21 tables. Geneva: Droz, 1996. 2 600 00115 8A city in conflict. Troyes during the French wars of religion. By Penny Roberts. (Studies in Early Modern European History.) Pp. xi+228. Manchester–New York: Manchester University Press, 1996. £40. 0 7190 4694 7One king, one faith. The Parlement of Paris and the religious reformations of the sixteenth century. By Nancy Lyman Roelker. (A Centennial Book.) Pp. xiii+543. Berkeley–Los Angeles–London: University of California Press, 1996. £50 ($65). 0 520 08626 0When the French king Henri III appeared before the Parlement of Paris to enregister the Edict of Nemours on 18 July 1585, he was greeted with a eulogistic harangue from the first president of the parlement, Achille de Harlay. This was, he told the king, a true lit de justice, in which the king was united and reconciled with his people within a godly union around the one, true and Catholic religion. He went on to remind the king that it was twenty-five years ago to the month that the first edict of Catholicity had been promulgated. In the intervening period, the parlement had never accepted the principle behind the adventure of religious pluralism attempted in the various edicts of pacification with the Protestant minority. They had only enregistered them under the duress of ‘the explicit command of the king’ and the ‘urgent necessity of the times’, judging all such measures ‘contrary to the tranquility of your state’, and against the law of God. One observer recorded that the king wept during this speech. But these were not tears of joy, for this edict (which obliged the Protestant minority to abjure or depart the realm within months) had been forced upon him by the duke of Guise and the Catholic League. At a stroke it unwound the painfully slow efforts of the French monarchy to rebuild its authority on the basis of a royally imposed religious pluralism. The king appeared before his parlement to reap what rewards he could from a measure that also advertised his faiblesse. Like the more recent tear for the decommissioning of a royal yacht, these were the ways a monarch used to express the politically impossible. For us they are an important reminder of the passions that gripped French politics during its painful and bloody reformation and how sophisticated we must be in their interpretation. The four works under consideration here are very disparate – a socio-institutional study, an up-to-date, interpretative textbook, and two case-studies in the urban reformation. Their only common thread is that they represent the variety of ‘Anglo-Saxon’ (in the French denomination) scholarship on the wars of religion.

AbstractInitial attempts to reconstruct private libraries of the Ernestine princes and recent findings shedding new light on the provenance of manuscripts illustrating and describing dual combat in the Late Middle Ages have revealed that members of this dynasty possessed significant volumes of this genre in the 16th century. Due to their enthusiastic interest in noble fighting competitions, the electoral princes of Saxony commissioned magnificently illuminated tournament books and promoted the publication of Fabian von Auerwald’s well-known grappling book. They also collected fighting manuals and claimed some precious manuscripts depicting dual combat as spoils of war. A number of the books were acquired in connection with the education of the young princes. If they indeed served as instructive manuals for learning forms of knightly combat remains speculative. Indisputable, however, is their symbolic function of presenting evidence of the opulence and wealth of the Ernestine court, documenting the participation of the princes in competitions and commemorating the learning of combative skills. Duke Ernest the Pius of Saxe-Gotha inherited a large number of these highly valued manuscripts in the 17th century. In the ducal library that he founded at Friedenstein Palace they continued to serve as media of courtly representation. Due to shifting political developments the majority of these manuscripts are now preserved in other library collections.

I found on arriving here the general opinion to be that the Declaration of the Duke of Brunswick, although tardy and ungracious, and although couched in such obscure terms as to be hardly intelligible, would nevertheless be accepted. The Hanoverian Minister spoke to me in this sense, and the Committee which is to report to the Diet on the Declaration and which consists of the President, the Prussian, the Bavarian, the Saxon, and the Baden Ministers, has determined by three against two to recommend that the satisfaction be deemed sufficient. The minority, however, (Prussia and Baden) are very strong in their sense of the insufficiency of the atonement, and I was informed last night by the Hanoverian Minister that he had received fresh instructions directing him to require a more complete and less exceptionable submission on the part of the Duke of Brunswick to the sentence of the Diet. Before my conversation with Baron Stralenheim had ended, we were joined by the Baden Minister who expressed strongly his opinion of the insufficiency of the satisfaction, and stated his intention and that of more who thought with him to urge their view of the subject on the Diet. He ended by saying: ‘We are now going to put ourselves forward in opposition to Austria and to draw upon ourselves her ill will for you and for your cause. Will your Government support us and see us through?’I replied ‘I am in this affair the Auxiliary of the Hanoverian Minister, and therefore to him I must refer you.’

O uso de medicamentos fitoterápicos vem crescendo mundialmente entre os programas preventivos e curativos, e tem estimulado a avaliação dos extratos de plantas para o uso na odontologia como controle do biofilme dental e outras desordens bucais. As plantas do gênero Lavandula, pertencem à família Lamiaceae, e têm sido utilizadas através dos anos para uma variedade de propósitos cosméticos e terapêuticos. Sua utilização na odontologia é, na grande maioria dos estudos, devido ao seu potencial ansiolítico. Entretanto, a Lavandula angustifólia demonstra outros potencias farmacológicos, como sua atividade antimicrobiana, antifúngica, anti-inflamatória e antinociceptiva. O presente estudo teve como objetivo integrar os conhecimentos já existentes sobre os aspectos das propriedades farmacológicas da Lavandula angustifolia Miller e sua aplicação na Odontologia. Trata-se de uma revisão bibliográfica no qual foi realizada uma seleção de artigos científicos a partir das bases de dados: Lilacs, MEDLINE, BVS e Scielo, além de monografias que atenderam aos requisitos do tema abordado, no período 2008 a 2018 com exceção de artigos clássicos que se apresentaram imprescindíveis ao presente estudo. Obteve-se um total de 1.532 artigos. Foram selecionados 38 artigos como amostra, que apresentaram a temática elencada para a pesquisa e que foram divididos por sessões: aspectos botânicos da planta; aspectos bioquímicos da planta; potencial antimicrobano; potencial anti-inflamatório; potencial ansiolítico e; potencial antinociceptivo. Pode-se concluir que a Lavandula angustifóliaMiller apresenta-se como uma boa alternativa para utilização na odontologia. Entretanto, a falta de trabalhos que abordem sua utilidade na odontologia revela a necessidade de se intensificar as pesquisas sobre o assunto.Descritores: Plantas Medicinais; Odontologia; Lavandula.ReferênciasFrancisco KSF. Fitoterapia: uma opção para o tratamento odontológico. Rev Saúde. 2010;4(1):18-24.Silveira SM, Cunha Júnior A, Scheuermann GN, Secchi FL, Silvani V, Marisete K et al . Composição química e atividade antibacteriana dos óleos essenciais de Cymbopogon winterianus (citronela), Eucalyptus paniculata (eucalipto) e Lavandula angustifolia (lavanda). Rev Inst Adolfo Lutz. 2012;71(3):462-70.Koulivand PH, Ghadiri MK, Gorji A. Lavender and the nervous system. Evid Based Complement Alternat Med. 2013;2013:681304.Verma RS, Rahman LU, Chanotiya CS, Verma RK, Chauhan A, Yadav A et al. Essential oil composition of Lavandula angustifolia Mill. cultivated in the mid hills of Uttarakhand, India. J Serb Chem Soc. 2010;75(3):343-48.Biasi LA, Deschamps C. Plantas Aromáticas: do cultivo à produção de óleo essencial. Curitiba: Layer;2009.Lorenzi, H, Matos EJA. Plantas medicinais do Brasil: nativas e exóticas. 2. ed. Nova Odessa: Instituto Plantarum de Estudos da Flora;2008.Índice Terapêutico Fitoterápico (ITF). Petrópolis: Editora de Publicações Biomédicas;2008.Chioca LR. Avaliação do mecanismo de ação do efeito tipo ansiolítico da inalação do óleo essencial de lavanda em camundongos [tese]. Curitiba: Universidade Federal do Paraná;2013.Zabirunnisa M, Gadagi JS, Gadde P, Myla N, Koneru J, Thatimatla C. Dental patient anxiety: Possible deal with Lavender fragrance. J Res Pharm Pract. 2014;3(3):100-3.Platt ES. Lavender: How to grow and use the fragrant herb. 2. ed. Mechanicsburg PA: Stackpole Books;2009.Hajhashemi V, Ghannadi A, Sharif B. Anti-inflammatory and analgesic properties of the leaf extracts and essential oil of Lavandula angustifolia Mill. 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Handicap : nom commun d’origine anglo-saxonne dont l’étymologie proviendrait de Hand in Cap, une pratique populaire pour fixer la valeur d'échange d’un bien. Dans le domaine des courses de chevaux, le handicap vise à ajouter du poids aux concurrents les plus puissants pour égaliser les chances de gagner la course pour tous les participants. Il apparait dans le dictionnaire de l’Académie française dans les années 1920 dans le sens de mettre en état d’infériorité. Son utilisation pour désigner les infirmes et invalides est tardive, après les années 1950 et se généralise au début des années 1970. Par un glissement de sens, le terme devient un substantif qualifiant l’infériorité intrinsèque des corps différentiés par leurs atteintes anatomiques, fonctionnelles, comportementales et leur inaptitude au travail. Les handicapés constituent une catégorisation sociale administrative aux frontières floues créée pour désigner la population-cible de traitements socio-politiques visant l’égalisation des chances non plus en intervenant sur les plus forts mais bien sur les plus faibles, par des mesures de réadaptation, de compensation, de normalisation visant l’intégration sociale des handicapés physiques et mentaux. Ceci rejoint les infirmes moteurs, les amputés, les sourds, les aveugles, les malades mentaux, les déficients mentaux, les invalides de guerre, les accidentés du travail, de la route, domestiques et par extension tous ceux que le destin a doté d’un corps différent de la normalité instituée socio-culturellement dans un contexte donné, ce que les francophones européens nomment les valides. Dans une perspective anthropologique, l’existence de corps différents est une composante de toute société humaine (Stiker 2005; Fougeyrollas 2010; Gardou 2010). Toutefois l’identification de ce qu’est une différence signifiante pour le groupe culturel est extrêmement variée et analogue aux modèles d’interprétation proposés par François Laplantine (1993) dans son anthropologie de la maladie. Ainsi le handicap peut être conçu comme altération, lésion ou comme relationnel, fonctionnel, en déséquilibre. Le plus souvent le corps différent est un corps mauvais, marqueur symbolique culturel du malheur lié à la transgression d’interdits visant à maintenir l’équilibre vital de la collectivité. La responsabilité de la transgression peut être endogène, héréditaire, intrinsèque aux actes de la personne, de ses parents, de ses ancêtres, ou exogène, due aux attaques de microbes, de virus, de puissances malveillantes, génies, sorts, divinités, destin. Plus rarement, le handicap peut être un marqueur symbolique de l’élection, comme porteur d’un pouvoir bénéfique singulier ou d’un truchement avec des entités ambiantes. Toutefois être handicapé, au-delà du corps porteur de différences signifiantes, n’implique pas que l’on soit malade. Avec la médicalisation des sociétés développées, une fragmentation extrême du handicap est liée au pouvoir biomédical d’attribuer des diagnostics attestant du handicap, comme garde-barrière de l’accès aux traitements médicaux, aux technologies, à la réadaptation, aux programmes sociaux, de compensation ou d’indemnisation, à l’éducation et au travail protégé ou spécial. Les avancées thérapeutiques et de santé publique diminuent la mortalité et entrainent une croissance continue de la morbidité depuis la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. Les populations vivant avec des conséquences chroniques de maladies, de traumatismes ou d’atteintes à l’intégrité du développement humain augmentent sans cesse. Ceci amène l’Organisation mondiale de la santé (OMS) à s’intéresser non plus aux diagnostics du langage international médical, la Classification internationale des maladies, mais au développement d’une nosologie de la chronicité : la Classification internationale des déficiences, des incapacités et des handicaps qui officialise une perspective tridimensionnelle du handicap (WHO 1980). Cette conceptualisation biomédicale positiviste situe le handicap comme une caractéristique intrinsèque, endogène à l’individu, soit une déficience anatomique ou physiologique entrainant des incapacités dans les activités humaines normales et en conséquence des désavantages sociaux par rapport aux individus ne présentant pas de déficiences. Le modèle biomédical ou individuel définit le handicap comme un manque, un dysfonctionnement appelant à intervenir sur la personne pour l’éduquer, la réparer, l’appareiller par des orthèses, des prothèses, la rétablir par des médicaments, lui enseigner des techniques, des savoirs pratiques pour compenser ses limitations et éventuellement lui donner accès à des subsides ou services visant à minimiser les désavantages sociaux, principalement la désaffiliation sociale et économique inhérente au statut de citoyen non performant ( Castel 1991; Foucault 1972). À la fin des années 1970 se produit une transformation radicale de la conception du handicap. Elle est étroitement associée à la prise de parole des personnes concernées elles-mêmes, dénonçant l’oppression et l’exclusion sociale dues aux institutions spéciales caritatives, privées ou publiques, aux administrateurs et professionnels qui gèrent leur vie. C’est l’émergence du modèle social du handicap. Dans sa tendance sociopolitique néomarxiste radicale, il fait rupture avec le modèle individuel en situant la production structurelle du handicap dans l’environnement socio-économique, idéologique et matériel (Oliver 1990). La société est désignée responsable des déficiences de son organisation conçue sur la performance, la norme et la productivité entrainant un traitement social discriminatoire des personnes ayant des déficiences et l’impossibilité d’exercer leurs droits humains. Handicaper signifie opprimer, minoriser, infantiliser, discriminer, dévaloriser, exclure sur la base de la différence corporelle, fonctionnelle ou comportementale au même titre que d’autres différences comme le genre, l’orientation sexuelle, l’appartenance raciale, ethnique ou religieuse. Selon le modèle social, ce sont les acteurs sociaux détenant le pouvoir dans l’environnement social, économique, culturel, technologique qui sont responsables des handicaps vécus par les corps différents. Les années 1990 et 2000 ont été marquées par un mouvement de rééquilibrage dans la construction du sens du handicap. Réintroduisant le corps sur la base de la valorisation de ses différences sur les plans expérientiels, identitaires et de la créativité, revendiquant des modes singuliers d’être humain parmi la diversité des êtres humains (Shakespeare et Watson 2002; French et Swain 2004), les modèles interactionnistes : personne, environnement, agir, invalident les relations de cause à effet unidirectionnelles propres aux modèles individuels et sociaux. Épousant la mouvance de la temporalité, la conception du handicap est une variation historiquement et spatialement située du développement humain comme phénomène de construction culturelle. Une construction bio-socio-culturelle ouverte des possibilités de participation sociale ou d’exercice effectif des droits humains sur la base de la Déclaration des droits de l’Homme, des Conventions internationales de l’Organisation des Nations-Unies (femmes, enfants, torture et maltraitance) et en l’occurrence de la Convention relative aux droits des personnes handicapées (CDPH) (ONU 2006; Quinn et Degener 2002; Saillant 2007). Par personnes handicapées, on entend des personnes qui présentent des incapacités physiques, mentales, intellectuelles ou sensorielles dont l’interaction avec diverses barrières peut faire obstacle à leur pleine et effective participation à la société sur la base de l’égalité avec les autres. (CDPH, Art 1, P.4). Fruit de plusieurs décennies de luttes et de transformations de la conception du handicap, cette définition représente une avancée historique remarquable autant au sein du dernier des mouvements sociaux des droits civiques, le mouvement international de défense des droits des personnes handicapées, que de la part des États qui l’ont ratifiée. Malgré le fait que l’on utilise encore le terme personne handicapée, le handicap ne peut plus être considéré comme une caractéristique de la personne ni comme un statut figé dans le temps ni comme un contexte oppressif. Il est le résultat d’une relation dont il est nécessaire de décrire les trois composantes anthropologiques de l’être incarné : soi, les autres et l’action ou l’habitus pour en comprendre le processus de construction singulier. Le handicap est situationnel et relatif , sujet à changement, puisqu’il s’inscrit dans une dynamique interactive temporelle entre les facteurs organiques, fonctionnels, identitaires d’une part et les facteurs contextuels sociaux, technologiques et physiques d’autre part, déterminant ce que les personnes ont la possibilité de réaliser dans les habitudes de vie de leurs choix ou culturellement attendues dans leurs collectivités. Les situations de handicap ne peuvent être prédites à l’avance sur la base d’une évaluation organique, fonctionnelle, comportementale, identitaire ou de la connaissance de paramètres environnementaux pris séparément sans réintroduire leurs relations complexes avec l’action d’un sujet définissant le sens ou mieux incarnant la conscience vécue de cette situation de vie. Suite au succès de l’expression personne en situation du handicap en francophonie, on remarque une tendance à voir cette nouvelle appellation remplacer celle de personne handicapée. Ceci est généralement interprété comme une pénétration de la compréhension du modèle interactionniste et socio constructiviste. Toutefois il est inquiétant de voir poindre des dénominations comme personnes en situation de handicap physique, mental, visuel, auditif, intellectuel, moteur. Cette dérive démontre un profond enracinement ontologique du modèle individuel. Il est également le signe d’une tendance à recréer un statut de personne en situation de handicap pour remplacer celui de personne handicapée. Ceci nécessite une explication de la notion de situation de handicap en lien avec le concept de participation sociale. Une personne peut vivre à la fois des situations de handicap et des situations de participation sociale selon les activités qu’elle désire réaliser, ses habitudes de vie. Par exemple une personne ayant des limitations intellectuelles peut vivre une situation de handicap en classe régulière et avoir besoin du soutien d’un éducateur spécialisé mais elle ne sera pas en situation de handicap pour prendre l’autobus scolaire pour se rendre à ses cours. L’expression personne vivant des situations de handicap semble moins propice à la dérive essentialiste que personne en situation de handicap. Le phénomène du handicap est un domaine encore largement négligé mais en visibilité croissante en anthropologie. Au-delà des transformations de sens donné au terme de handicap comme catégorie sociale, utile à la définition de cibles d’intervention, de traitements sociaux, de problématiques sociales pour l’élaboration de politiques et de programmes, les définitions et les modèles présentés permettent de décrire le phénomène, de mieux le comprendre mais plus rarement de formuler des explications éclairantes sur le statut du handicap d’un point de vue anthropologique. Henri-Jacques Stiker identifie, en synthèse, cinq théories du handicap co-existantes dans le champ contemporain des sciences sociales (2005). La théorie du stigmate (Goffman 1975). Le fait du marquage sur le corps pour indiquer une défaveur, une disgrâce, un discrédit profond, constitue une manière de voir comment une infirmité donne lieu à l’attribution d’une identité sociale virtuelle, en décalage complet avec l’identité sociale réelle. Le handicap ne peut être pensé en dehors de la sphère psychique, car il renvoie toujours à l’image de soi, chez celui qui en souffre comme celui qui le regarde. Le regard d’autrui construit le regard que l’on porte sur soi mais en résulte également (Stiker 2005 :200). La théorie culturaliste qui met en exergue la spécificité des personnes handicapées, tout en récusant radicalement la notion même de handicap, est enracinée dans le multiculturalisme américain. Les personnes handicapées se constituent en groupes culturels avec leurs traits singuliers, à partir de conditions de vie, d’une histoire (Stiker 2005). Par exemple au sein des Disability Studies ou Études sur le handicap, il est fréquent de penser que seuls les corps différents concernés peuvent véritablement les pratiquer et en comprendre les fondements identitaires et expérientiels. L’exemple le plus probant est celui de la culture sourde qui se définit comme minorité ethno-linguistique autour de la langue des signes et de la figure identitaire du Sourd. On fera référence ici au Deaf Studies (Gaucher 2009). La théorie de l’oppression (Oliver 1990). Elle affirme que le handicap est produit par les barrières sociales en termes de déterminants sociologiques et politiques inhérents au système capitaliste ou productiviste. Les personnes sont handicapées non par leurs déficiences mais par l’oppression de l’idéologie biomédicale, essentialiste, individualiste construite pour empêcher l’intégration et l’égalité. Ce courant des Disability Studies s’inscrit dans une mouvance de luttes émancipatoires des personnes opprimées elles-mêmes (Stiker 2005 : 210; Boucher 2003) La théorie de la liminalité (Murphy 1990). Par cette différence dont ils sont les porteurs, les corps s’écartent de la normalité attendue par la collectivité et sont placés dans une situation liminale, un entre-deux qu’aucun rite de passage ne semble en mesure d’effacer, de métamorphoser pour accéder au monde des corps normaux. Cette théorie attribue un statut anthropologique spécifique au corps handicapé sans faire référence obligatoire à l’oppression, à l’exclusion, à la faute, ou au pouvoir. Marqués de façon indélébile, ils demeurent sur le seuil de la validité, de l’égalité, des droits, de l’humanité. La théorie de l’infirmité comme double, la liminalité récurrente de Stiker (2005). L’infirmité ne déclenche pas seulement la liminalité mais en référant à la psychanalyse, elle est un véritable double. La déficience est là, nous rappelant ce que nous n’aimons pas et ne voulons pas être, mais elle est notre ombre. Nous avons besoin de l’infirmité, comme de ceux qui la portent pour nous consoler d’être vulnérable et mortel tout autant que nous ne devons pas être confondus avec elle et eux pour continuer à nous estimer. Ils sont, devant nous, notre normalité, mais aussi notre espoir d’immortalité (Stiker 2005 : 223)