Academic literature on the topic 'School grounds. [from old catalog]'

The study outlines the problems of the “national school” concept formation in content of the “old school” (to 1918) conditions, and discusses how its understanding significant changes after the founding of the Latvian Republic, how this concept revealing in the new options of democracy and national self-determination. The study is looking for a meaning that included in the LSS concept of “national education” and LNSS concept of “education on the national - cultural grounds”. In Latvia from the 1918th to the 1934th the concept of "National school" in activities of lead teacher’s professional organizations (LSS and LNSS) are not developed in a holistic approach. Idea of “National school” in this time is active, it formed in a new discourse of integrated democratic nation – try to include all national minorities.

This study examined if the effect of family functioning on preschoolers’ school readiness can be mediated by mothers’ affective parenting and preschoolers’ self-regulation in the year before children enter elementary school. This study analyzed the 7<sup>th</sup> year data of panel study of Korean children collected by the Korean Institute of Child Care and Education. Statistical analysis included 1,513 pairs of 6-year-old children and mothers. Descriptive statistics analysis, correlation analysis, structural equation modeling, and bootstrapping analysis were conducted using SPSS 22 and Amos 20. The primary findings were as follows. First, the sub-factors of preschoolers’ school readiness composed of children’s social and emotional development, approach to learning, cognitive development and general knowledge, and communication were positively correlated with family functioning, mothers’ affective parenting, and preschoolers’ self-regulation. Second, the result of structural equation modeling showed that the indirect paths from family functioning to preschoolers’ school readiness through mothers’ affective parenting and preschoolers’ self-regulation were significant, while the direct path was insignificant. Third, bootstrapping analysis showed that mothers’ affective parenting and preschoolers’ self-regulation fully mediated the relationship between family functioning and preschoolers’ self-regulation. The findings provide the grounds for families and parents with preschool aged children to implement effective support practices to maintain a functional family system that can promote preschoolers’ school readiness.

Dr. Kauffman, friends. I am delighted to be back on my old stamping grounds at Yale Law School, which I attended some half-century ago in an era when World War II had been successfully completed and terrorism had not yet been defined as a global threat. The Nuremberg Tribunal was ongoing during part of my time at law school but I'm ashamed to say few of us paid much attention to it. We did not foresee any need to learn its lessons in our “brave new world.” But as we are so often reminded, those who do not heed the lessons of history are condemned to repeat them, and evil has reappeared in new guises over the past 50 years, requiring new responses on an international level. So fast forwarding to the present, I have recently returned from two years service as a judge on the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) at the Hague; this was after twenty years as a judge on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit. The Yugoslav Tribunal has been in existence for more than 9 years and I believe its history and accomplishments are a worthy subject for scrutiny, especially in light of the new International Criminal Court just getting off the ground. I am therefore pleased to share some observations on the Tribunal's successes and problems, and to offer some modest recommendations to future tribunals.

A Review of: Curry, A. (2005). If I ask, will they answer? Evaluating public library reference service to gay and lesbian youth. Reference & User Services Quarterly, 45(1), 65-75. Retrieved from https://www.jstor.org/journal/refuseserq
 Abstract 
 Objective - To assess the quality of service provided by reference staff in public libraries when presented with a request for LGBTQ information by a young person.
 Design - Unobtrusive observation without informed consent. Setting - Public library branches in the greater Vancouver area, British Columbia, Canada.
 Subjects - Reference librarians.
 Methods - A 19-year-old posing as a high school student approached reference desk staff at 20 public library branches. The student proxy, “Angela”, was instructed to ask for books on forming a gay-straight alliance at her school and, if there was a full reference interview, to also ask for recommendations of novels that the group might read. She recorded the reactions, both verbal and nonverbal, using Reference and User Services Association guidelines as a template. Library administrators were aware of the potential visits and permitted the research, but the reference desk staff were not aware of a potential visit by the student proxy. The researcher claimed that her method, while deceptive, was necessary to obtain authentic reactions from the library staff.
 Main Results - Most reference librarians approached by Angela made adequate attempts to assist her, although a few library staff reacted negatively to her query. Half of the librarians reacted positively to the patron’s request, with most of the others providing neutral responses. Very few of the librarians actually taught the patron how to use the library’s catalog to search for materials, and most of the librarians were unable to find appropriate materials due to not knowing the appropriate search terms. Only three library staff showed overt disapproval of the search topic, such as frowning or rushing to finish the reference interview quickly, with most remaining objective or supportive. Because of the service she received, Angela stated that eight of the 20 libraries were welcoming enough that she thought she would return.
 Conclusion - The wide range of responses received by Angela indicated that there was room for improvement in educating public library staff on gay and lesbian issues and materials, especially for gay and lesbian youth.

ABSTRACTGovernment College, Umuahia is known as the alma mater of eight important Nigerian writers: Chinua Achebe, Elechi Amadi, Gabriel Okara, Chike Momah, I. N. C. Aniebo, Chukwuemeka Ike, Ken Saro-Wiwa and Christopher Okigbo. Many illustrious Nigerian scientists, intellectuals and public leaders passed through the college in its prime, and in West Africa the name of the school evokes an astounding range of success stories. But Umuahia's legend as ‘the Eton of the East’ and the primus inter pares of Nigeria's elite colonial institutions obscures its present reality: nothing remains of its past but its extensive grounds, landmark buildings, and the glittering roll call of dignitaries who once studied within its walls. In 1979, prompted by the many signs of impending doom, a group of old boys joined hands in a historicizing venture, The Umuahian: a golden jubilee publication – the commemorative booklet compiled by the school's most famous alumnus, Chinua Achebe, to mark the college's golden jubilee. The booklet conjured up the school's founding ideals and glorious past in order to lay the ground for its rehabilitation. This introductory essay explains why The Umuahian is an indispensable source for the literary, cultural and educational history of West Africa, contextualizing its singular construction of colonial educational heritage. Sample and hitherto unpublished texts from the booklet by Achebe, his editorial to The Umuahian and its coda, ‘Continuity and change in Nigerian education: a jubilee essay’, are included with the main article. While the contributors to The Umuahian pertain to elite circles, and the volume had a world-class literary figure as its editor, the volume itself was produced for a local occasion and rarefied local audience, had a very limited distribution, and subsequently fell into obscurity. It is in the spirit of the historical and academic retrieval of such locally published and little-known materials by African thinkers and writers that this work appears in the Local Intellectuals strand.

The article defines the structure of the data on the gender structure of the group of scientific and educational workers of the Faculty, and certain specific groups among teachers who were subjects of the educational process at the end of 2015-2016 school years based on statistical and qualitative factors of determination of the gender proportions. There was chosen a way to determine the structure of selected data correlation and statistical cluster obtained because of factors of determination of the gender proportion of certain specific groups of scientific and educational workers - the members of the educational process of the faculty of Physics and Mathematics of the Kirovohrad Volodymyr Vynnychenko State Pedagogical University. The article defines that this coefficient determines the measure of the ratio of distribution of characteristic features (dominant) in gender groups.
 The achieving the goal of the study was conducted by solving of local problems: the gathering of statistical data and primary analysis; determination of factors of gender proportion in the contingent of teaching staff of the Faculty and their individual specific groups; event correlation and cluster analysis and the consequent determination of the structure of data on the gender composition of the faculty and its specific groups.
 The authors conclude on the effect of choosing different characteristic features (dominant) to define data structures of gender composition of teaching staff of the faculty Study of the data structure of gender composition of certain distinctive groups of scientific and pedagogical workers (by characteristic features (dominants): professors, associate professors, lecturers, PhDs, Doctors of sciences, people without scientific titles at the age from 20 to 35, from 35 to 60 and over 60years old), based on the statistical determination of the coefficients of gender specific weight gave grounds to conclude that the distribution of characteristic features (dominants) in gender subgroups of different groups of departments is similar. Flowever, in the course of the study it became clear that the results of the analysis of the data structure concerning gender composition of groups of scientific and pedagogical workers, who possessed characteristic features (dominants), depending on their age, were not affected by the final uniting distribution by clusters. In addition, the article concludes that the use of analogue coefficient of gender proportion in statistical research will make it possible to determine the structure of data in a given group (aggregate) subject to allocation ratio combining characteristic features (dominant) in certain subgroups (sample).

Grundtvig og fundamentalismen[Grundtvig and fundamentalism]By Kim Arne PedersenThe chosen starting-point is Ole Vind’s perception of Gr as a Biblefundamentalist. Vind constructs a concept of fundamentalism along idea-historical lines and focuses on what he perceives to be Gr’s literal reading of, especially, the Old Testament; but he also emphasises that for Gr the Scriptures were directly inspired by God.Through the introduction of a theological-historical and secularhistorical definition of the concept of fundamentalism, Gr’s relationship to the Bible is examined with the aim of mounting a critique of Vind’s interpretation. Gr’s view of the Bible in the period 1810-11 to 1824-25 is characterised against the background of that struggle with himself which his conversion in 1810 entailed, and with the introduction of the theological-historical definition of fundamentalism.This finds its starting-point in fundamentalism as a concrete historical phenomenon in the USA at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century. It is distinguished by the resolution of traditional Christianity into five dogmatic points, including the dogma of verbalinspiration (every word in the Holy Scriptures is divinely dictated), to which is added the individual Christian’s personal inner experience with its basis in conversion.With this as background, Gr may be called fundamentalist in the period 1810 to 1824-25, since Gr (1) has been through a more or less pietistic conversion, (2) rejects a historical-critical approach to the Bible, (3) holds firm to verbal-inspiration, (4) rejects a modem interpretation of Christianity, (5) holds firm to traditional Christianity against the rationalists and would certainly have been able to subscribe to the fundamentalists’ five points, (6) rejects a scientific explanation of the world, and (7) believes that a form of scientific alternative to the world-picture of the natural sciences can be worked out on a Biblical basis. However, the theological-historical definition of fundamentalism needs to be supplemented by a secular-historical determination of the concept. Here a link is made with Uffe Østergaard’s demonstration of the significance of the art of printing in the Reformation as a prerequisite of fundamentalism, in that verbal-inspiration is thus placed centre-stage. Østergaard’s point is that fundamentalism is not only a reaction against modernisation, but is itself a modem phenomenon, and here he focuses upon the fundamentalists’ insistence upon a direct access to Scripture independently of religious tradition’s mediating influence. Here Østergaard’s observations are supplemented by the viewpoint that the revivalist movements of the 18th and 19th centuries are the foundation of fundamentalism; and the German concept-historical school’s concept of modernity is introduced, supplemented by Habermas’s Kant-inspired determination of subjectivity as the core of modernity, and of secularisation as a consequence of the differentiation of spheres of validity it entails.Finally, it is proposed that fundamentalism in a secular-historical sense must be seen as a consequence of secularisation as an historical phenomenon, affected by industrialisation and the dominance of the natural sciences after 1850. Thus fundamentalists belong in the period after 1850 as the second phase of modernisation, and they seek to direct society back to an idealised golden age.The core of the theological-historical definition of fundamentalism is the conflict between traditional religion and a modem interpretation of it; the core of the secular-historical definition is the conflict between modernisation/secularisation and a religious reaction against this, which desires the whole of society or a state within the state free of secularisation.After Gr’s struggle with aspects of his understanding of Christianity in 1824-25 his view of the Bible becomes freer and he breaks explicitly with the dogma of verbal-inspiration. However, Gr’s location in time itself, and his complex attitude towards modernity is of more importance. (1) Gr can hardly be lumped together with that group of modem intellectuals, people with education, who are related to industrial and post-industrial society and who are going through a fundamentalist conversion. Grundtvig belongs in another age, in modernity’s first phase from 1750 to 1850 - and his concept of modernity can be extrapolated from analyses of his complex attitude towards Kant’s concept of autonomy. The facts that (2) between 1811 and 1824 he is an adherent of verbal-inspiration, and (3) in his battle with Enlightenment theology (and in that connection with the ecclesiastical authorities) he turns against the traditional theological teaching institutions, and (4) he wishes to reform theology, are not sufficient grounds for characterising him as a fundamentalist, for Gr (5) does not want, as do the fundamentalists, a return to an idealized golden age. In Gr’s notion of the sequence of national congregations, and the fact that the one succeeds to the other, lies hidden a historical mentality stamped with the idea that the different congregations embody different characteristics. To conceptualise change is modem, and in that sense Gr is stamped with modernity. (7) Ultimately, Gr does not seek to stifle the scientific attempt to clarify the Bible and the world independently of a literal reading of the Old Testament. This Vind overlooks, when he alleges that even after 1825 Gr can be called a fundamentalist.The decisive characteristic which divides Gr from fundamentalism is really not his break with Bible-Christianity in 1823, 1824 and 1825, nor his related rejection of verbal-inspiration, but rather the opening of his mind in relation to the naturalists, and therewith the theologicallyorientated foundation of this opening upon two central concepts: his educational idea - that is, the separation between church and school - and his idea of freedom. The educational concept and the concept of freedom are indissolubly bound together, and Gr’s thematising of freedom in respect of things scientific is tied up with his consciousness of modernity.

Background: Cardiac arrests that occur in schools are infrequent, but high-profile events. Many states have enacted school specific legislation regarding automated external defibrillators (AEDs) placement, CPR training and emergency response plans (EAP). Objective/Aim: To characterize out-of-hospital cardiac arrests (OHCA) that occur in K-12 schools; and, assess the relationship of U.S. state AED and CPR laws to outcomes of in school cardiac arrests. Methods: A retrospective review of in school OHCA was completed with data from the National EMS Information System (NEMSIS) 3.4 database, calendar years 2017-2018. Study subjects were non-traumatic OHCA occurring prior to EMS arrival on K-12 school grounds. Additionally, we conducted a search of Westlaw (Thomson Reuters) to identify current school specific AED, CPR and EAP laws for all 50 states, and created a structured taxonomy for these laws. Datasets were linked by an honest broker and the K-12 school CPR and AED provisions were compared to state legislation. Results: During the study period, there were 454 cases of in school cardiac arrest out of the 25.3 million incidents submitted to NEMSIS. We excluded 140, thus leaving 314 arrests for analysis. The average age was 46.7 (SD=24.1), most were over 18 years old (79.4%), and male 221 (70.4%). Bystander CPR (BCPR) was performed in 240 (76.4%) of cases, bystander AEDs were used in 160 (51.0%) cases, and 107 (34.1%) patients received an AED shock. State AED and CPR laws required student CPR training in 78%, school AED placement in 46%, teacher CPR certification in 14%, and school specific cardiac emergency response plans in 32%. We found no increase in BCPR or AED placement in states with school CPR, AED or EAP legislation. These findings persisted regardless of patient age, school type, or legislative mandate (all P > 0.05). Conclusion: Despite the perceived benefit of legislation supporting CPR and AED use in schools, we identified no improved provision of BCPR or AED use in schools in states with such legislation. Given the high proportions of BCPR and AED in states with and without statutes, we believe this data suggests that non-legislative initiatives, which exist in many states, may be an important driver of emergency cardiac care in K-12 schools.

The paper investigates the relationship between archaeological paradigm, fieldwork practice and archaeological records generated in Serbia after the World War II. The issue is the need to revalorize “old” archaeological records in the context of the current theoretical changes and of adaptation of the existing evidence to new research perspectives. These general issues are discussed on the example of culture-historical or traditional approach in Medieval archaeology in the Serbian context.
 From the point of view of postprocessual archaeology, the paradigmatic position entirely determines the evidence generated during excavations. Consequently, it may be expected that the excavations conducted under the culture-historical school of thought may only answer the questions posed from the culture-historical viewpoint. Therefore, the limitations are great of reinterpretation of the evidence generated in the culture-historical framework. Additionally, the problems of reinterpretation are raised by inaccessibility or non-existence of complete field documentation or unsatisfactory archiving. In other words, the data at our disposal are far removed from the complexity of archaeological record necessary for new insights and a better understanding of the past. The problem is further influenced by the specific character of archaeological knowledge and the issue of non-replicability that differs archaeology from other experimentally grounded research areas. Consequently, a string of problems raises in the process of reinterpretation of the “old” evidence, but it can still be treated as useful in interpretation, provided that it is adequately contextualized.
 The key points of the changed approach to archaeological research today may be defined as the overcoming of the notion of paradigm and the dualistic mode of thinking, with an emphasized importance of post-humanist philosophy and new materialism. One of the aspects of the post-humanist approach is the consideration of animals in archaeological record as companions to people of the past. This case-study considers specific issues of human-animal relations and “animal turn” on the grounds of the archaeological records interpreted as Mediaeval in the framework of the culture-historical paradigm. The new positioning of the “old” evidence stems from the theoretical tendencies linked to the “ontological turn” in social anthropology and archaeology, and the social epistemology of L. Fleck.

The history of the relationship between philosophy and education has been a long and troubled one. In part, this stemmed from the problematic nature of philosophy itself, but this difficulty was compounded by controversy as to the age at which training in philosophy should begin. Although Socrates seemed indifferent to whether he conversed philosophically with young or old, his pupil, Plato, was inclined to restrict philosophy to mature students, on the grounds that it made the younger ones unduly contentious. Since philosophers in those days had the reputation of being ‘friends of wisdom,’ and since being a friend of wisdom seemed to require extensive experience, it came to be taken for granted, generation after generation, that philosophy was not for the young. It has sometimes been made available, on a limited basis, at the secondary school level, but almost never to students in the lower grades. To the suggestion that this prevented children from having access to ideas, theories and abstract concepts, the stock response was that children were mired in the ‘concrete’ level of experience and had no interest in abstractions. To the report that very young children almost invariably greeted opportunities to discuss philosophy with joy and delight, the standard reply was that this proved that the children could not be doing philosophy, since the study of philosophy is a serious and difficult matter. The recent career of philosophy in elementary and secondary education has been a matter of overcoming precisely these objection and misconceptions. Unfortunately, a listing of the advantages to be derived by the young from the study of philosophy—its strengthening of reasoning and judgment, its fostering of concept-formation skills, its clarification of values and ideals—is likely to obscure the intrinsic satisfactions that children derive from their classroom communities of philosophical inquiry. But even here there are signs of change, and a new appreciation of the educational possibilities of philosophy is at last beginning to surface in the schools.

I am reminded by Professor [Georges] May’s generous introduction of a story about Winston Churchill. After World War II and his stint as prime minister, he was invited back to his old school, Harrow, to give the commencement address and decided he ought probably to oblige. So he went, weathered an introduction almost as laudatory as the one you’ve just listened to (except in his case deserved) then got to his feet and said to the graduating class, “Nevah give up!” and sat down. I think you will agree that this is the most memorable commencement address you have ever heard as well as perhaps the wisest possible comment on the life that all of us here are engaged in fostering, and that I, alas, on grounds that will be no more apparent to you than they are to me, have been singled out (“fingered” is, I believe, the underworld term) to address: the life of learning. . . . Although I stand here before my betters, I do not stand here before very many of my elders. I have already drawn down from that mysterious fund with which we all begin three and a half years beyond my Biblical allowance, with the result that on any reasonably quiet afternoon I can hear my brain cells dying so fast they sound like popcorn. And that, I came to realize, is precisely what ACLS had in mind: they wanted to exhibit me, the way the Egyptians used to exhibit a skeleton at the beginning of their feasts. “Nothing like a mouldy old professor,” I could hear the Executive Board whispering, “to energize an audience of other professors into taking thought—before they get to be like him.” So do take thought, ladies and gentlemen, golden lads and girls; and as an old gravestone in Exeter churchyard says, “The faults you saw in me, Pray strive to shun; And look at home: There’s something to be done.” My instructions for this talk urged me to be somewhat personal, even to reminisce.

In bringing the College of New Jersey to the brink of university status, McCosh stood on the verge of the promised land. As the nineteenth century was coming to a close, alumni, professors, and trustees in Princeton, like those at many other American colleges and universities, were eager to see the institution position itself so that it would be better able to meet society’s need for moral and thoughtful leaders, practical knowledge, and scientific expertise once the nation entered the twentieth century. With the future direction of the institution hanging in the balance, the choice of who should succeed McCosh divided the college community along the same lines as had emerged earlier over both the alumni’s attempt to secure direct representation on the Board of Trustees and McCosh’s failed attempt to make the college a university. Whereas McCosh harmoniously upheld the college’s dual mission through the breadth of his scholarly interests, the warmth of his evangelical piety, and the force of his personality, the two candidates who vied for the presidency after his resignation possessed only a portion of McCosh’s qualities and appealed to only one part of the Princeton community. Francis L. Patton appealed to those primarily, though not exclusively, interested in preserving Princeton’s heritage as an evangelical college. According to McCosh, the “older men” among the trustees, faculty, and alumni “want a minister,” and on these grounds, the forty-five-year-old Patton seemed like a natural successor to McCosh. A native of Bermuda, Patton had graduated from University College of the University of Toronto; had attended Knox College, also of the University of Toronto; and had graduated from Princeton Theological Seminary in 1865. Ordained that same year in the Old School Presbyterian church, he served as pastor of a church in New York City. Cyrus H. McCormick (1809-1884), the farming machine magnate and patron of conservative Presbyterian causes, persuaded Patton to accept a position as the Professor of Didactic and Polemical Theology at the Presbyterian Seminary of the Northwest (later McCormick Theological Seminary) in Chicago in 1873.