Journal articles on the topic 'School-linked human services – Uganda'

Savings and Credit Cooperatives (SACCOs) help in reducing the financial exclusion gap. This study examines whether SACCOs improve the welfare of households. Data used are from 2009/2010 and 2010/2011 World Bank’s Living Standards Measurement Surveys (LSMS) done in Uganda by the Bureau of Statistics. Treatment cases are households that saved in SACCOs only while control cases are those that did not use the services nor save in SACCOs, banks or microfinance institutions. Propensity Score Matching and a two-step Treatment Effects’ model are used. Findings show that SACCOs have a positive and significant impact on household dietary diversity score, food consumption score, household clothing/footwear expenditure, and school enrollment rates in Uganda. The results are robust to hidden selection bias. The results show that SACCOs play a key role in improving household food security, non-food expenditure, and human capital development for the poor facing financial exclusion from banks and traditional microfinance institutions.

States and local communities have responded to the urgent demand for better coordinated services by creating organizational linkages across schools and human service agencies. In the rush to promote schools as the linchpin for this policy proposal, however, critical issues related to the nature of interactions between families and schools have been mostly ignored by policy-makers and educators. This study of the Kentucky Family Resource Centers explores the effect of family-school interactions on school-linked service programs. The findings suggest the need to connect the dialogue on integrated services to the impulses of reform in school-family-community networks.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to define school value and its components. This paper discusses the contents of the school’s value and the structure of the school’s value. This paper also shows findings of educational services and value in high school. Design/methodology/approach Comprehensive and inclusive questions were posed about “school value” to high-school instructors. A grounded theory approach was then used to analyze the collected data. Findings This analysis found that school value consists of four core categories: “school,” “students,” “guardians” and “region,” which consist of 13 high-ranking categories believed to represent the substance of school value. In addition, three of the four core categories are linked in a star pattern around the core category of “school.” Research limitations/implications This research analyzes the value of the school using the grounded theory approach. The data used for the analysis are interview data on the value of the school. And these analyzes reveal the contents of school value and the structure of school value. Practical implications This study discussed school value based on hearing data of faculty members. In the analysis method of this research, each school can find its own value by changing the target and contents of interview. Social implications Study of this school value clarified a leader’s role and action in the creation scene of school value. This finding will enable efficient activities of school leaders. As a result, it can be expected to promote school improvement. Originality/value The authors identified the categories forming “school value” and their relative relationships. “School value” emphasizes results co-created by stakeholders.

Cervical cancer and other human papillomavirus- (HPV-) related cancers are preventable, but preventive measures implemented in developing countries and especially in low-income rural regions have not been effective. Cervical cancer burden derived from sexually transmitted HPV infections is the heaviest in developing countries, and a dramatic increase in the number of cervical cancer cases is predicted, if no intervention is implemented in the near future. HPV vaccines offer an efficient way to prevent related cancers. Recently implemented school-based HPV vaccination demonstration programmes can help tackle the challenges linked with vaccine coverage, and access to vaccination and health services, but prevention strategies need to be modified according to regional characteristics. In urban regions WHO-recommended vaccination strategies might be enough to significantly reduce HPV-related disease burden, but in the rural regions additional vaccination strategies, vaccinating both sexes rather than only females when school attendance is the highest and applying a two-dose regime, need to be considered. From the point of view of both public health and ethics identification of the most effective prevention strategies is pivotal, especially when access to health services is limited. Considering cost-effectiveness versus justice further research on optional vaccination strategies is warranted.

Although the rise of constructivism calls conventional remedial and special education practices into question, it also represents a positive opportunity for progress and renewal in the professions and in society. emphasizing the constructivist principles of voice, collaboration, and inclusion, the authors identify the influence of constructivism across three interrelated levels of reform: structural reforms in school organization, pedagogical reforms in classrooms, and institutional reforms in human service systems generally relative to the “school-linked services integration” movement. by doing so, the authors argue that, far more than a new special education service delivery model, inclusion is the emerging cultural logic of the 21st century. they conclude the article with a political-economic argument for inclusive education and a discussion of the implications of constructivist reform efforts for the broader possibility of democratic renewal in society.

AbstractIn this study we draw on three analytic frameworks (Goffman 1981. Forms of talk. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press; Rose 2007. Visual methodologies: An introduction to the interpretation of visual materials. London: Sage; Warburton 1998. Cartoons and teachers: Mediated visual images as data. In John Prosser (ed.), Image-based research: A sourcebook for qualitative researchers, 252–262. London: Routledge) to explore how multilingual children in a rural Ugandan primary school use visual and linguistic modes to create billboards messages about HIV/AIDS. Although HIV/AIDS education is required curriculum in public schools, and outside of the classroom students are exposed to various national public service announcements (e. g., on radio and television, and as billboards), there are still considerable cultural barriers that hinder open discussions between children and their teachers and parents about HIV/AIDS-related issues. Our findings suggest that communicating the complex language of HIV/AIDS prevention requires students in this cultural context to go beyond the linguistic mode and draw upon the visual in order to achieve a fuller range of socio-affective expression, and conceivably, to affect change by reaching a variety of audiences on multiple levels of human meaning making. Implications for literacy educators in multilingual contexts, where pressing social issues intersect with culturally sensitive or otherwise “unspeakable” topics, indicate that the visual offers a less institutionalized and culturally-laden space for children to synthesize the messages in their environments and their own relationship to them.

The scientific hypothesis about the influence of the components of the informational environment on the expansion of human development is tested. The trends in the Ukrainian information space on the level of implementation of informational technology in human life are revealed. The sample survey about living conditions of households in Ukraine in general and the oblasts of the Carpathian region, in particular, is conducted. The ways of use of Internet services by households for involvement of the population in various spheres of public activity and their influence on human development of the oblasts of the Carpathian region are analyzed. The analysis showed a significant reduction in the share of households by objectives: education and training (formal education in school and higher education, distance education, including online activities); software download. The search for information related to health issues and interaction with public authorities has great potential for human development. The paper concludes that the population of the Carpathian region is insufficiently involved in the use of Internet services. Based on the analysis of indicators of the Global Competitiveness Index, the problems in the field of expanding human development opportunities in Ukraine are described. There is mainly a downward trend in the development of areas involved in expanding human development opportunities in the transition to the information economy - education, health, labor, science and innovation. Relevant guidelines for the implementation of state social policy in this area are identified. Social policy as a direction of state regulation of the economy requires a transition from mostly passive to active and effective state social policy. It is necessary to update the mechanisms for conducting active social policy at the level of the state, various administrative, public organizations, and enterprises. Social policy must be closely linked with the implementation of internal reforms in the country (education, health, pensions, taxes and wages, etc.). Social policy measures should be coordinated with measures of other types of state policy - migration, the formation and development of the middle class, the policy of investing in human capital.

The scientific hypothesis about the influence of the components of the informational environment on the expansion of human development is tested. The trends in the Ukrainian information space on the level of implementation of informational technology in human life are revealed. The sample survey about living conditions of households in Ukraine in general and the oblasts of the Carpathian region, in particular, is conducted. The ways of use of Internet services by households for involvement of the population in various spheres of public activity and their influence on human development of the oblasts of the Carpathian region are analyzed. The analysis showed a significant reduction in the share of households by objectives: education and training (formal education in school and higher education, distance education, including online activities); software download. The search for information related to health issues and interaction with public authorities has great potential for human development. The paper concludes that the population of the Carpathian region is insufficiently involved in the use of Internet services. Based on the analysis of indicators of the Global Competitiveness Index, the problems in the field of expanding human development opportunities in Ukraine are described. There is mainly a downward trend in the development of areas involved in expanding human development opportunities in the transition to the information economy – education, health, labor, science and innovation. Relevant guidelines for the implementation of state social policy in this area are identified. Social policy as a direction of state regulation of the economy requires a transition from mostly passive to active and effective state social policy. It is necessary to update the mechanisms for conducting active social policy at the level of the state, various administrative, public organizations, and enterprises. Social policy must be closely linked with the implementation of internal reforms in the country (education, health, pensions, taxes and wages, etc.). Social policy measures should be coordinated with measures of other types of state policy – migration, the formation and development of the middle class, the policy of investing in human capital.

AbstractAnalysis of the scientific literature has shown that the mission of a scientist is inherent to an individual and is oriented towards institution and activity or performance being implemented in higher education. Every higher education school defines its mission and vision, thus the aim of a scientist is to act according to the provided institutional mission. Academic staff at higher education schools, according to the attributed roles, performs various activities which are associated with teaching and research, administration and human resources management, work in labour services. According to the roles and activities being distinguished and described, diverging concepts exist for handling the academic staff roles. The aim of conceptual research refers to consideration and description of a scientist’s missions and roles in higher education generally and a higher education school specifically. The answers to the following research questions are provided in the article: What are the levels of a scientist missions in higher education? How the roles of a scientist could be defined in higher education referring to autonomy or interdependence? What competencies are attributed to the roles of a scientist in higher education? The research concludes that the mission of a scientist is related to the multi-layered concept covering the roles, context, organizational structure and values in a higher education institution. It is essential for a scientist to perceive and define their own mission(s), role(s), responsibilities and obligations to a higher education school, students, science, and society. The mission of a scientist in a higher education school rests in certain combination of diverse competencies being applied on both organizational and individual levels. In summary, academic staff roles are entwined and contrasting with each other. However, the roles of a researcher and a teacher are linked in general as the role of a teacher requires accomplishing academic staff activities such as planning learning activities, devoting time to consultations, meetings and discussions with students.

Previous researches show, that social investments in early childhood (until age of 6) are very important, and one of the main types of social investment in this period of time is quality early childhood education and care services (henceforth – ECEC services). Social investments in early childhood have the highest return in human capital, especially for disadvantaged groups of the society. Literature suggests that positive effect of available and qualitative ECEC services can be observed in many areas of life, for example, through improved education indicators, increased participation of the women in the labour market, increased work productivity, higher birth rates, etc. However, the attendance of ECEC services varies considerably between different European Union (henceforth – EU) countries. The aim of this paper is to analyze social investment effect in early childhood in EU countries with high (Denmark), medium (Latvia) and low (Croatia) ECEC service attendance rates, so to find out if and how ECEC service attendance rate in these countries influences such indicators as rate of early leavers from education and training, school graduation rates and female employment rate. To see how situation may change due to the ECEC attendance rate changes in each country analyses was be carried out with imitation model options. This article describes the imitation model, which provides an opportunity to analyze the current situation and compare social investments between different EU countries. The model is designed using ISEE system STELLA MODELING and Imitation Software environment, and it is governed by the criteria that are based on literature studies, as well as analyses of statistic data. An additional benefit is that this model can be adjusted and used to evaluate other countries social investment tendencies as well. Research results show, that not all indicators that have been positively connected with ECEC attendance rate in previous studies have been positively influenced by ECEC attendance rate in chosen case study countries. Analyses showed that only in Croatia positive connections can be observed when it comes to all three indicators. Further studies should be carried out on this topic to get a deeper understanding on ECEC attendance rate effect on these and other indicators, that in the previous studies have been positively linked with ECEC attendance rate.

Understanding how poverty and inequalities impact on children is the major goal of Young Lives, a unique longitudinal, mixed-methods study. Two cohorts totaling 12,000 children are being tracked since 2001, growing-up in Ethiopia, the state of Andhra Pradesh (ap) India, Peru and Vietnam. Earlier versions of this paper were prepared as Young Lives contribution to a unicef/un Women consultation on the post-2015 Development agenda (www.worldwewant2015.org/inequalities) and published as Woodhead, Dornan and Murray (2013). We summarise Young Lives evidence to date on eight research issues that are central to any child rights agenda: 1. How inequalities interact in their impact on children’s development and the vulnerability of the most disadvantaged households. 2. The ways inequalities rapidly undermine the development of human potential. 3. How gender differences interconnect with other inequalities, but do not always advantage boys in Young Lives countries. 4. The links between poverty, early ‘stunting’, and later outcomes, including psycho-social functioning, as well as emerging evidence that some children recover. 5. Inequalities that open up during the later years of childhood, linked to transitions around leaving school, working, and anticipating marriage etc. 6. Children’s own perceptions of poverty and inequality, as these shape their well-being and long-term prospects. 7. Evidence of the growing significance of education, including the ways school systems can increase as well as reduce inequalities. 8. The potential of social protection programmes in poverty alleviation. We conclude that since inequalities are multidimensional, so too must be the response. Equitable growth policies, education and health services, underpinned by effective social protection, all have a role to play.

Dengue is the most common mosquito-borne, viral disease in the world. Dengue virus is a single stranded positive polarity RNA virus, belongs to the family Flaviviridae. It is transmitted through the bite of an infected female mosquito of Aedes species - mainly the species Aedes aegypti and, to a lesser extent, Aedes albopictus. This mosquito also transmits Chikungunya, Zika and Yellow fever viruses.1-4 There are 4 distinct, but closely related, serotypes of the virus (DEN-1, DEN-2, DEN-3 and DEN-4). Recovery from infection by one serotype provides heterotypic or cross-immunity to the other serotypes. This is only partial and temporary, lasts only a few months, but homotype immunity is lifelong. For this reason, a person can be infected with a dengue virus as many as four times in his or her lifetime. Subsequent infections (secondary infection) by other serotypes increase the risk of developing severe dengue.1-5 The fifth variant DENV-5 has been isolated in October 2013. DENV-5 has been detected during screening of viral samples taken from a 37 year old farmer admitted in a hospital in Sarawak state of Malaysia in the year 2007.6 The first record of a case of probable dengue fever reported in a Chinese medical encyclopedia from the Jin Dynasty (265–420AD).The first recognized dengue epidemics occurred almost simultaneously in Asia, Africa, and North America in the 1780s, shortly after the identification and naming of the disease in 1779. The first confirmed case report dates from 1789 and is by Benjamin Rush, who coined the term "breakbone fever" because of the symptoms of myalgia and arthralgia.7 Haemorrhagic dengue was first recognised in the 1950s during dengue epidemics in the Philippines and Thailand. 8 The incidence of dengue has grown dramatically around the world in recent decades. A vast majority of the cases are asymptomatic and hence the actual numbers of dengue cases are underreported and many cases are misclassified. Dengue is common in more than 100 countries around the globe, with its endemicity in Asia, the Pacific, Africa and the Latin American countries. Forty percent of the world’s population, about 3 billion people live in the areas with a risk of dengue. Annually, some 400 million people get infected with dengue, with an occurrence of 100 million clinically apparent infections, and 22,000 die from severe dengue across the globe. The increasing incidence, severity and frequency of dengue epidemics are linked to trends in human ecology, demography and globalisation, and may have been influenced by climate change. 8,9 In Bangladesh, dengue occurred sporadically since 1964.10 Literature shows, the first documented case of dengue like fever occurred in 1964, popularly known as "Dacca fever" which later on serologically proved as dengue fever.11 Bangladesh has been experiencing episodes of dengue fever in every year since 2000. All four serotypes have been detected, with DENV-3 predominance until 2002.12,13 After that, no DENV-3 or DENV-4 was reported from Bangladesh. During 2013-2016, DEN2 was predominant followed by DEN-1 in circulation. Institute of Epidemiology, Disease Control & Research (IEDCR) predicted that as the serotypes DENV-3 and DENV-4 are in circulation in the neighbouring countries, they may create epidemics of secondary dengue in the near future in Bangladesh.14 In 2017, reemergence of DENV-3 was identified; subsequently there was a sharp rise in dengue cases from the beginning of the monsoon season in 2018.15 In 2000, dengue attacked 5,551 individuals and the number of deaths was 93. Since 2003, the death rate has declined gradually, with zero fatalities in subsequent couple of years, but a devastating turn with 10,148 cases and 26 deaths in 2018. In 2019, during January to July, number total cases were 18,484, with 57 deaths.16 Directorate General of Health Services conducts periodical (Pre-monsoon, Monsoon and Post- monsoon) Aedes survey to estimate the vector density of the mosquito. The monsoon survey (18-27 July 2019) of 100 sites of 98 wards in Dhaka city both North and South revealed that the number of adult aedes mosquito was increased by 13.52 folds, in compare to the pre-monsoon (3-12 March 2019) survey.17 The aedes larvae were also increased by 12.5 folds in this period. Breteau Index (BI) was considered in the study. Report shows that the BI was more than 20 in 57% and 64% of total wards in Dhaka North and Dhaka South respectively. Furthermore, in terms of House Index (HI) or percentage of houses infested, 75% and 83% of total wards in North and South city respectively having HI more than 5.17 Furthermore, recent studies show that mosquitoes have grown resistant, and how certain insecticides are completely ineffective against them.18 Considering the situation, the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, has taken commendable steps including training on case management for nurses and doctors across the country, review of the national guidelines on case management, expansion of dengue services along with increasing bed capacities in hospitals, strengthened mass awareness with special attention to the school children and the community people, ensuring availability of dengue diagnostic kits, diagnostic services at free of cost in public health facilities and fixed and reduced rate in private sectors, strengthening collaboration with city corporations, municipalities and other agencies both in public and private sectors and development partners. Prevention and control of dengue in Bangladesh, is not a sole responsibility for any single ministry and or its agencies. It needs effective and timely coordination, collaboration and partnership, among all the concerned ministries and their agencies, led by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare. Furthermore, strengthening of the existing efforts including capacity building and resource mobilisation, and integrated surveillance, sustainable vector control, optimum and active community participation, and adequate monitoring and periodic evaluation throughout the year across the country, considering it an endemic disease, are strongly recommended. Bangladesh Med Res Counc Bull 2019; 45: 66-68

Education in Oceania continues to reflect the embedded implicit and explicit colonial practices and processes from the past. This paper conceptualises a cultural approach to education and leadership appropriate and relevant to the Republic of the Marshall Islands. As elementary school leaders, we highlight Kanne Lobal, a traditional Marshallese navigation practice based on indigenous language, values and practices. We conceptualise and develop Kanne Lobal in this paper as a framework for understanding the usefulness of our indigenous knowledge in leadership and educational practices within formal education. Through bwebwenato, a method of talk story, our key learnings and reflexivities were captured. We argue that realising the value of Marshallese indigenous knowledge and practices for school leaders requires purposeful training of the ways in which our knowledge can be made useful in our professional educational responsibilities. Drawing from our Marshallese knowledge is an intentional effort to inspire, empower and express what education and leadership partnership means for Marshallese people, as articulated by Marshallese themselves. Introduction As noted in the call for papers within the Waikato Journal of Education (WJE) for this special issue, bodies of knowledge and histories in Oceania have long sustained generations across geographic boundaries to ensure cultural survival. For Marshallese people, we cannot really know ourselves “until we know how we came to be where we are today” (Walsh, Heine, Bigler & Stege, 2012). Jitdam Kapeel is a popular Marshallese concept and ideal associated with inquiring into relationships within the family and community. In a similar way, the practice of relating is about connecting the present and future to the past. Education and leadership partnerships are linked and we look back to the past, our history, to make sense and feel inspired to transform practices that will benefit our people. In this paper and in light of our next generation, we reconnect with our navigation stories to inspire and empower education and leadership. Kanne lobal is part of our navigation stories, a conceptual framework centred on cultural practices, values, and concepts that embrace collective partnerships. Our link to this talanoa vā with others in the special issue is to attempt to make sense of connections given the global COVID-19 context by providing a Marshallese approach to address the physical and relational “distance” between education and leadership partnerships in Oceania. Like the majority of developing small island nations in Oceania, the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI) has had its share of educational challenges through colonial legacies of the past which continues to drive education systems in the region (Heine, 2002). The historical administration and education in the RMI is one of colonisation. Successive administrations by the Spanish, German, Japanese, and now the US, has resulted in education and learning that privileges western knowledge and forms of learning. This paper foregrounds understandings of education and learning as told by the voices of elementary school leaders from the RMI. The move to re-think education and leadership from Marshallese perspectives is an act of shifting the focus of bwebwenato or conversations that centres on Marshallese language and worldviews. The concept of jelalokjen was conceptualised as traditional education framed mainly within the community context. In the past, jelalokjen was practiced and transmitted to the younger generation for cultural continuity. During the arrival of colonial administrations into the RMI, jelalokjen was likened to the western notions of education and schooling (Kupferman, 2004). Today, the primary function of jelalokjen, as traditional and formal education, it is for “survival in a hostile [and challenging] environment” (Kupferman, 2004, p. 43). Because western approaches to learning in the RMI have not always resulted in positive outcomes for those engaged within the education system, as school leaders who value our cultural knowledge and practices, and aspire to maintain our language with the next generation, we turn to Kanne Lobal, a practice embedded in our navigation stories, collective aspirations, and leadership. The significance in the development of Kanne Lobal, as an appropriate framework for education and leadership, resulted in us coming together and working together. Not only were we able to share our leadership concerns, however, the engagement strengthened our connections with each other as school leaders, our communities, and the Public Schooling System (PSS). Prior to that, many of us were in competition for resources. Educational Leadership: IQBE and GCSL Leadership is a valued practice in the RMI. Before the IQBE programme started in 2018, the majority of the school leaders on the main island of Majuro had not engaged in collaborative partnerships with each other before. Our main educational purpose was to achieve accreditation from the Western Association of Schools and Colleges (WASC), an accreditation commission for schools in the United States. The WASC accreditation dictated our work and relationships and many school leaders on Majuro felt the pressure of competition against each other. We, the authors in this paper, share our collective bwebwenato, highlighting our school leadership experiences and how we gained strength from our own ancestral knowledge to empower “us”, to collaborate with each other, our teachers, communities, as well as with PSS; a collaborative partnership we had not realised in the past. The paucity of literature that captures Kajin Majol (Marshallese language) and education in general in the RMI is what we intend to fill by sharing our reflections and experiences. To move our educational practices forward we highlight Kanne Lobal, a cultural approach that focuses on our strengths, collective social responsibilities and wellbeing. For a long time, there was no formal training in place for elementary school leaders. School principals and vice principals were appointed primarily on their academic merit through having an undergraduate qualification. As part of the first cohort of fifteen school leaders, we engaged in the professional training programme, the Graduate Certificate in School Leadership (GCSL), refitted to our context after its initial development in the Solomon Islands. GCSL was coordinated by the Institute of Education (IOE) at the University of the South Pacific (USP). GCSL was seen as a relevant and appropriate training programme for school leaders in the RMI as part of an Asia Development Bank (ADB) funded programme which aimed at “Improving Quality Basic Education” (IQBE) in parts of the northern Pacific. GCSL was managed on Majuro, RMI’s main island, by the director at the time Dr Irene Taafaki, coordinator Yolanda McKay, and administrators at the University of the South Pacific’s (USP) RMI campus. Through the provision of GCSL, as school leaders we were encouraged to re-think and draw-from our own cultural repository and connect to our ancestral knowledge that have always provided strength for us. This kind of thinking and practice was encouraged by our educational leaders (Heine, 2002). We argue that a culturally-affirming and culturally-contextual framework that reflects the lived experiences of Marshallese people is much needed and enables the disruption of inherent colonial processes left behind by Western and Eastern administrations which have influenced our education system in the RMI (Heine, 2002). Kanne Lobal, an approach utilising a traditional navigation has warranted its need to provide solutions for today’s educational challenges for us in the RMI. Education in the Pacific Education in the Pacific cannot be understood without contextualising it in its history and culture. It is the same for us in the RMI (Heine, 2002; Walsh et al., 2012). The RMI is located in the Pacific Ocean and is part of Micronesia. It was named after a British captain, John Marshall in the 1700s. The atolls in the RMI were explored by the Spanish in the 16th century. Germany unsuccessfully attempted to colonize the islands in 1885. Japan took control in 1914, but after several battles during World War II, the US seized the RMI from them. In 1947, the United Nations made the island group, along with the Mariana and Caroline archipelagos, a U.S. trust territory (Walsh et al, 2012). Education in the RMI reflects the colonial administrations of Germany, Japan, and now the US. Before the turn of the century, formal education in the Pacific reflected western values, practices, and standards. Prior to that, education was informal and not binded to formal learning institutions (Thaman, 1997) and oral traditions was used as the medium for transmitting learning about customs and practices living with parents, grandparents, great grandparents. As alluded to by Jiba B. Kabua (2004), any “discussion about education is necessarily a discussion of culture, and any policy on education is also a policy of culture” (p. 181). It is impossible to promote one without the other, and it is not logical to understand one without the other. Re-thinking how education should look like, the pedagogical strategies that are relevant in our classrooms, the ways to engage with our parents and communities - such re-thinking sits within our cultural approaches and frameworks. Our collective attempts to provide a cultural framework that is relevant and appropriate for education in our context, sits within the political endeavour to decolonize. This means that what we are providing will not only be useful, but it can be used as a tool to question and identify whether things in place restrict and prevent our culture or whether they promote and foreground cultural ideas and concepts, a significant discussion of culture linked to education (Kabua, 2004). Donor funded development aid programmes were provided to support the challenges within education systems. Concerned with the persistent low educational outcomes of Pacific students, despite the prevalence of aid programmes in the region, in 2000 Pacific educators and leaders with support from New Zealand Aid (NZ Aid) decided to intervene (Heine, 2002; Taufe’ulungaki, 2014). In April 2001, a group of Pacific educators and leaders across the region were invited to a colloquium funded by the New Zealand Overseas Development Agency held in Suva Fiji at the University of the South Pacific. The main purpose of the colloquium was to enable “Pacific educators to re-think the values, assumptions and beliefs underlying [formal] schooling in Oceania” (Benson, 2002). Leadership, in general, is a valued practice in the RMI (Heine, 2002). Despite education leadership being identified as a significant factor in school improvement (Sanga & Chu, 2009), the limited formal training opportunities of school principals in the region was a persistent concern. As part of an Asia Development Bank (ADB) funded project, the Improve Quality Basic Education (IQBE) intervention was developed and implemented in the RMI in 2017. Mentoring is a process associated with the continuity and sustainability of leadership knowledge and practices (Sanga & Chu, 2009). It is a key aspect of building capacity and capabilities within human resources in education (ibid). Indigenous knowledges and education research According to Hilda Heine, the relationship between education and leadership is about understanding Marshallese history and culture (cited in Walsh et al., 2012). It is about sharing indigenous knowledge and histories that “details for future generations a story of survival and resilience and the pride we possess as a people” (Heine, cited in Walsh et al., 2012, p. v). This paper is fuelled by postcolonial aspirations yet is grounded in Pacific indigenous research. This means that our intentions are driven by postcolonial pursuits and discourses linked to challenging the colonial systems and schooling in the Pacific region that privileges western knowledge and learning and marginalises the education practices and processes of local people (Thiong’o, 1986). A point of difference and orientation from postcolonialism is a desire to foreground indigenous Pacific language, specifically Majin Majol, through Marshallese concepts. Our collective bwebwenato and conversation honours and values kautiej (respect), jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity), and jouj (kindness) (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019). Pacific leaders developed the Rethinking Pacific Education Initiative for and by Pacific People (RPEIPP) in 2002 to take control of the ways in which education research was conducted by donor funded organisations (Taufe’ulungaki, 2014). Our former president, Dr Hilda Heine was part of the group of leaders who sought to counter the ways in which our educational and leadership stories were controlled and told by non-Marshallese (Heine, 2002). As a former minister of education in the RMI, Hilda Heine continues to inspire and encourage the next generation of educators, school leaders, and researchers to re-think and de-construct the way learning and education is conceptualised for Marshallese people. The conceptualisation of Kanne Lobal acknowledges its origin, grounded in Marshallese navigation knowledge and practice. Our decision to unpack and deconstruct Kanne Lobal within the context of formal education and leadership responds to the need to not only draw from indigenous Marshallese ideas and practice but to consider that the next generation will continue to be educated using western processes and initiatives particularly from the US where we get a lot of our funding from. According to indigenous researchers Dawn Bessarab and Bridget Ng’andu (2010), doing research that considers “culturally appropriate processes to engage with indigenous groups and individuals is particularly pertinent in today’s research environment” (p. 37). Pacific indigenous educators and researchers have turned to their own ancestral knowledge and practices for inspiration and empowerment. Within western research contexts, the often stringent ideals and processes are not always encouraging of indigenous methods and practices. However, many were able to ground and articulate their use of indigenous methods as being relevant and appropriate to capturing the realities of their communities (Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Sualii-Sauni & Fulu-Aiolupotea, 2014; Thaman, 1997). At the same time, utilising Pacific indigenous methods and approaches enabled research engagement with their communities that honoured and respected them and their communities. For example, Tongan, Samoan, and Fijian researchers used the talanoa method as a way to capture the stories, lived realities, and worldviews of their communities within education in the diaspora (Fa’avae, Jones, & Manu’atu, 2016; Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Sualii-Sauni & Aiolupotea, 2014; Vaioleti, 2005). Tok stori was used by Solomon Islander educators and school leaders to highlight the unique circles of conversational practice and storytelling that leads to more positive engagement with their community members, capturing rich and meaningful narratives as a result (Sanga & Houma, 2004). The Indigenous Aborigine in Australia utilise yarning as a “relaxed discussion through which both the researcher and participant journey together visiting places and topics of interest relevant” (Bessarab & Ng’andu, 2010, p. 38). Despite the diverse forms of discussions and storytelling by indigenous peoples, of significance are the cultural protocols, ethics, and language for conducting and guiding the engagement (Bessarab & Ng’andu, 2010; Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Sualii-Sauni & Aiolupotea, 2014). Through the ethics, values, protocols, and language, these are what makes indigenous methods or frameworks unique compared to western methods like in-depth interviews or semi-structured interviews. This is why it is important for us as Marshallese educators to frame, ground, and articulate how our own methods and frameworks of learning could be realised in western education (Heine, 2002; Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014). In this paper, we utilise bwebwenato as an appropriate method linked to “talk story”, capturing our collective stories and experiences during GCSL and how we sought to build partnerships and collaboration with each other, our communities, and the PSS. Bwebwenato and drawing from Kajin Majel Legends and stories that reflect Marshallese society and its cultural values have survived through our oral traditions. The practice of weaving also holds knowledge about our “valuable and earliest sources of knowledge” (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019, p. 2). The skilful navigation of Marshallese wayfarers on the walap (large canoes) in the ocean is testament of their leadership and the value they place on ensuring the survival and continuity of Marshallese people (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019; Walsh et al., 2012). During her graduate study in 2014, Kathy Jetnil-Kijiner conceptualised bwebwenato as being the most “well-known form of Marshallese orality” (p. 38). The Marshallese-English dictionary defined bwebwenato as talk, conversation, story, history, article, episode, lore, myth, or tale (cited in Jetnil Kijiner, 2014). Three years later in 2017, bwebwenato was utilised in a doctoral project by Natalie Nimmer as a research method to gather “talk stories” about the experiences of 10 Marshallese experts in knowledge and skills ranging from sewing to linguistics, canoe-making and business. Our collective bwebwenato in this paper centres on Marshallese ideas and language. The philosophy of Marshallese knowledge is rooted in our “Kajin Majel”, or Marshallese language and is shared and transmitted through our oral traditions. For instance, through our historical stories and myths. Marshallese philosophy, that is, the knowledge systems inherent in our beliefs, values, customs, and practices are shared. They are inherently relational, meaning that knowledge systems and philosophies within our world are connected, in mind, body, and spirit (Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014; Nimmer, 2017). Although some Marshallese believe that our knowledge is disappearing as more and more elders pass away, it is therefore important work together, and learn from each other about the knowledges shared not only by the living but through their lamentations and stories of those who are no longer with us (Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014). As a Marshallese practice, weaving has been passed-down from generation to generation. Although the art of weaving is no longer as common as it used to be, the artefacts such as the “jaki-ed” (clothing mats) continue to embody significant Marshallese values and traditions. For our weavers, the jouj (check spelling) is the centre of the mat and it is where the weaving starts. When the jouj is correct and weaved well, the remainder and every other part of the mat will be right. The jouj is symbolic of the “heart” and if the heart is prepared well, trained well, then life or all other parts of the body will be well (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019). In that light, we have applied the same to this paper. Conceptualising and drawing from cultural practices that are close and dear to our hearts embodies a significant ontological attempt to prioritize our own knowledge and language, a sense of endearment to who we are and what we believe education to be like for us and the next generation. The application of the phrase “Majolizing '' was used by the Ministry of Education when Hilda Heine was minister, to weave cultural ideas and language into the way that teachers understand the curriculum, develop lesson plans and execute them in the classroom. Despite this, there were still concerns with the embedded colonized practices where teachers defaulted to eurocentric methods of doing things, like the strategies provided in the textbooks given to us. In some ways, our education was slow to adjust to the “Majolizing '' intention by our former minister. In this paper, we provide Kanne Lobal as a way to contribute to the “Majolizing intention” and perhaps speed up yet still be collectively responsible to all involved in education. Kajin Wa and Kanne Lobal “Wa” is the Marshallese concept for canoe. Kajin wa, as in canoe language, has a lot of symbolic meaning linked to deeply-held Marshallese values and practices. The canoe was the foundational practice that supported the livelihood of harsh atoll island living which reflects the Marshallese social world. The experts of Kajin wa often refer to “wa” as being the vessel of life, a means and source of sustaining life (Kelen, 2009, cited in Miller, 2010). “Jouj” means kindness and is the lower part of the main hull of the canoe. It is often referred to by some canoe builders in the RMI as the heart of the canoe and is linked to love. The jouj is one of the first parts of the canoe that is built and is “used to do all other measurements, and then the rest of the canoe is built on top of it” (Miller, 2010, p. 67). The significance of the jouj is that when the canoe is in the water, the jouj is the part of the hull that is underwater and ensures that all the cargo and passengers are safe. For Marshallese, jouj or kindness is what living is about and is associated with selflessly carrying the responsibility of keeping the family and community safe. The parts of the canoe reflect Marshallese culture, legend, family, lineage, and kinship. They embody social responsibilities that guide, direct, and sustain Marshallese families’ wellbeing, from atoll to atoll. For example, the rojak (boom), rojak maan (upper boom), rojak kōrā (lower boom), and they support the edges of the ujelā/ujele (sail) (see figure 1). The literal meaning of rojak maan is male boom and rojak kōrā means female boom which together strengthens the sail and ensures the canoe propels forward in a strong yet safe way. Figuratively, the rojak maan and rojak kōrā symbolise the mother and father relationship which when strong, through the jouj (kindness and love), it can strengthen families and sustain them into the future. Figure 1. Parts of the canoe Source: https://www.canoesmarshallislands.com/2014/09/names-of-canoe-parts/ From a socio-cultural, communal, and leadership view, the canoe (wa) provides understanding of the relationships required to inspire and sustain Marshallese peoples’ education and learning. We draw from Kajin wa because they provide cultural ideas and practices that enable understanding of education and leadership necessary for sustaining Marshallese people and realities in Oceania. When building a canoe, the women are tasked with the weaving of the ujelā/ujele (sail) and to ensure that it is strong enough to withstand long journeys and the fierce winds and waters of the ocean. The Kanne Lobal relates to the front part of the ujelā/ujele (sail) where the rojak maan and rojak kōrā meet and connect (see the red lines in figure 1). Kanne Lobal is linked to the strategic use of the ujelā/ujele by navigators, when there is no wind north wind to propel them forward, to find ways to capture the winds so that their journey can continue. As a proverbial saying, Kanne Lobal is used to ignite thinking and inspire and transform practice particularly when the journey is rough and tough. In this paper we draw from Kanne Lobal to ignite, inspire, and transform our educational and leadership practices, a move to explore what has always been meaningful to Marshallese people when we are faced with challenges. The Kanne Lobal utilises our language, and cultural practices and values by sourcing from the concepts of jouj (kindness, love), kautiej (respect), and jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity). A key Marshallese proverb, “Enra bwe jen lale rara”, is the cultural practice where families enact compassion through the sharing of food in all occurrences. The term “enra” is a small basket weaved from the coconut leaves, and often used by Marshallese as a plate to share and distribute food amongst each other. Bwe-jen-lale-rara is about noticing and providing for the needs of others, and “enra” the basket will help support and provide for all that are in need. “Enra-bwe-jen-lale-rara” is symbolic of cultural exchange and reciprocity and the cultural values associated with building and maintaining relationships, and constantly honouring each other. As a Marshallese practice, in this article we share our understanding and knowledge about the challenges as well as possible solutions for education concerns in our nation. In addition, we highlight another proverb, “wa kuk wa jimor”, which relates to having one canoe, and despite its capacity to feed and provide for the individual, but within the canoe all people can benefit from what it can provide. In the same way, we provide in this paper a cultural framework that will enable all educators to benefit from. It is a framework that is far-reaching and relevant to the lived realities of Marshallese people today. Kumit relates to people united to build strength, all co-operating and working together, living in peace, harmony, and good health. Kanne Lobal: conceptual framework for education and leadership An education framework is a conceptual structure that can be used to capture ideas and thinking related to aspects of learning. Kanne Lobal is conceptualised and framed in this paper as an educational framework. Kanne Lobal highlights the significance of education as a collective partnership whereby leadership is an important aspect. Kanne Lobal draws-from indigenous Marshallese concepts like kautiej (respect), jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity), and jouj (kindness, heart). The role of a leader, including an education leader, is to prioritise collective learning and partnerships that benefits Marshallese people and the continuity and survival of the next generation (Heine, 2002; Thaman, 1995). As described by Ejnar Aerōk, an expert canoe builder in the RMI, he stated: “jerbal ippān doon bwe en maron maan wa e” (cited in Miller, 2010, p. 69). His description emphasises the significance of partnerships and working together when navigating and journeying together in order to move the canoe forward. The kubaak, the outrigger of the wa (canoe) is about “partnerships”. For us as elementary school leaders on Majuro, kubaak encourages us to value collaborative partnerships with each other as well as our communities, PSS, and other stakeholders. Partnerships is an important part of the Kanne Lobal education and leadership framework. It requires ongoing bwebwenato – the inspiring as well as confronting and challenging conversations that should be mediated and negotiated if we and our education stakeholders are to journey together to ensure that the educational services we provide benefits our next generation of young people in the RMI. Navigating ahead the partnerships, mediation, and negotiation are the core values of jouj (kindness, love), kautiej (respect), and jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity). As an organic conceptual framework grounded in indigenous values, inspired through our lived experiences, Kanne Lobal provides ideas and concepts for re-thinking education and leadership practices that are conducive to learning and teaching in the schooling context in the RMI. By no means does it provide the solution to the education ills in our nation. However, we argue that Kanne Lobal is a more relevant approach which is much needed for the negatively stigmatised system as a consequence of the various colonial administrations that have and continue to shape and reframe our ideas about what education should be like for us in the RMI. Moreover, Kannel Lobal is our attempt to decolonize the framing of education and leadership, moving our bwebwenato to re-framing conversations of teaching and learning so that our cultural knowledge and values are foregrounded, appreciated, and realised within our education system. Bwebwenato: sharing our stories In this section, we use bwebwenato as a method of gathering and capturing our stories as data. Below we capture our stories and ongoing conversations about the richness in Marshallese cultural knowledge in the outer islands and on Majuro and the potentialities in Kanne Lobal. Danny Jim When I was in third grade (9-10 years of age), during my grandfather’s speech in Arno, an atoll near Majuro, during a time when a wa (canoe) was being blessed and ready to put the canoe into the ocean. My grandfather told me the canoe was a blessing for the family. “Without a canoe, a family cannot provide for them”, he said. The canoe allows for travelling between places to gather food and other sources to provide for the family. My grandfather’s stories about people’s roles within the canoe reminded me that everyone within the family has a responsibility to each other. Our women, mothers and daughters too have a significant responsibility in the journey, in fact, they hold us, care for us, and given strength to their husbands, brothers, and sons. The wise man or elder sits in the middle of the canoe, directing the young man who help to steer. The young man, he does all the work, directed by the older man. They take advice and seek the wisdom of the elder. In front of the canoe, a young boy is placed there and because of his strong and youthful vision, he is able to help the elder as well as the young man on the canoe. The story can be linked to the roles that school leaders, teachers, and students have in schooling. Without each person knowing intricately their role and responsibility, the sight and vision ahead for the collective aspirations of the school and the community is difficult to comprehend. For me, the canoe is symbolic of our educational journey within our education system. As the school leader, a central, trusted, and respected figure in the school, they provide support for teachers who are at the helm, pedagogically striving to provide for their students. For without strong direction from the school leaders and teachers at the helm, the students, like the young boy, cannot foresee their futures, or envisage how education can benefit them. This is why Kanne Lobal is a significant framework for us in the Marshall Islands because within the practice we are able to take heed and empower each other so that all benefit from the process. Kanne Lobal is linked to our culture, an essential part of who we are. We must rely on our own local approaches, rather than relying on others that are not relevant to what we know and how we live in today’s society. One of the things I can tell is that in Majuro, compared to the outer islands, it’s different. In the outer islands, parents bring children together and tell them legends and stories. The elders tell them about the legends and stories – the bwebwenato. Children from outer islands know a lot more about Marshallese legends compared to children from the Majuro atoll. They usually stay close to their parents, observe how to prepare food and all types of Marshallese skills. Loretta Joseph Case There is little Western influence in the outer islands. They grow up learning their own culture with their parents, not having tv. They are closely knit, making their own food, learning to weave. They use fire for cooking food. They are more connected because there are few of them, doing their own culture. For example, if they’re building a house, the ladies will come together and make food to take to the males that are building the house, encouraging them to keep on working - “jemjem maal” (sharpening tools i.e. axe, like encouraging workers to empower them). It’s when they bring food and entertainment. Rubon Rubon Togetherness, work together, sharing of food, these are important practices as a school leader. Jemjem maal – the whole village works together, men working and the women encourage them with food and entertainment. All the young children are involved in all of the cultural practices, cultural transmission is consistently part of their everyday life. These are stronger in the outer islands. Kanne Lobal has the potential to provide solutions using our own knowledge and practices. Connie Joel When new teachers become a teacher, they learn more about their culture in teaching. Teaching raises the question, who are we? A popular saying amongst our people, “Aelon kein ad ej aelon in manit”, means that “Our islands are cultural islands”. Therefore, when we are teaching, and managing the school, we must do this culturally. When we live and breathe, we must do this culturally. There is more socialising with family and extended family. Respect the elderly. When they’re doing things the ladies all get together, in groups and do it. Cut the breadfruit, and preserve the breadfruit and pandanus. They come together and do it. Same as fishing, building houses, building canoes. They use and speak the language often spoken by the older people. There are words that people in the outer islands use and understand language regularly applied by the elderly. Respect elderly and leaders more i.e., chiefs (iroj), commoners (alap), and the workers on the land (ri-jerbal) (social layer under the commoners). All the kids, they gather with their families, and go and visit the chiefs and alap, and take gifts from their land, first produce/food from the plantation (eojōk). Tommy Almet The people are more connected to the culture in the outer islands because they help one another. They don’t have to always buy things by themselves, everyone contributes to the occasion. For instance, for birthdays, boys go fishing, others contribute and all share with everyone. Kanne Lobal is a practice that can bring people together – leaders, teachers, stakeholders. We want our colleagues to keep strong and work together to fix problems like students and teachers’ absenteeism which is a big problem for us in schools. Demetria Malachi The culture in the outer islands are more accessible and exposed to children. In Majuro, there is a mixedness of cultures and knowledges, influenced by Western thinking and practices. Kanne Lobal is an idea that can enhance quality educational purposes for the RMI. We, the school leaders who did GCSL, we want to merge and use this idea because it will help benefit students’ learning and teachers’ teaching. Kanne Lobal will help students to learn and teachers to teach though traditional skills and knowledge. We want to revitalize our ways of life through teaching because it is slowly fading away. Also, we want to have our own Marshallese learning process because it is in our own language making it easier to use and understand. Essentially, we want to proudly use our own ways of teaching from our ancestors showing the appreciation and blessings given to us. Way Forward To think of ways forward is about reflecting on the past and current learnings. Instead of a traditional discussion within a research publication, we have opted to continue our bwebwenato by sharing what we have learnt through the Graduate Certificate in School Leadership (GCSL) programme. Our bwebwenato does not end in this article and this opportunity to collaborate and partner together in this piece of writing has been a meaningful experience to conceptualise and unpack the Kanne Lobal framework. Our collaborative bwebwenato has enabled us to dig deep into our own wise knowledges for guidance through mediating and negotiating the challenges in education and leadership (Sanga & Houma, 2004). For example, bwe-jen-lale-rara reminds us to inquire, pay attention, and focus on supporting the needs of others. Through enra-bwe-jen-lale-rara, it reminds us to value cultural exchange and reciprocity which will strengthen the development and maintaining of relationships based on ways we continue to honour each other (Nimmer, 2017). We not only continue to support each other, but also help mentor the next generation of school leaders within our education system (Heine, 2002). Education and leadership are all about collaborative partnerships (Sanga & Chu, 2009; Thaman, 1997). Developing partnerships through the GCSL was useful learning for us. It encouraged us to work together, share knowledge, respect each other, and be kind. The values of jouj (kindness, love), kautiej (respect), and jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity) are meaningful in being and becoming and educational leader in the RMI (Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014; Miller, 2010; Nimmer, 2017). These values are meaningful for us practice particularly given the drive by PSS for schools to become accredited. The workshops and meetings delivered during the GCSL in the RMI from 2018 to 2019 about Kanne Lobal has given us strength to share our stories and experiences from the meeting with the stakeholders. But before we met with the stakeholders, we were encouraged to share and speak in our language within our courses: EDP05 (Professional Development and Learning), EDP06 (School Leadership), EDP07 (School Management), EDP08 (Teaching and Learning), and EDP09 (Community Partnerships). In groups, we shared our presentations with our peers, the 15 school leaders in the GCSL programme. We also invited USP RMI staff. They liked the way we presented Kannel Lobal. They provided us with feedback, for example: how the use of the sail on the canoe, the parts and their functions can be conceptualised in education and how they are related to the way that we teach our own young people. Engaging stakeholders in the conceptualisation and design stages of Kanne Lobal strengthened our understanding of leadership and collaborative partnerships. Based on various meetings with the RMI Pacific Resources for Education and Learning (PREL) team, PSS general assembly, teachers from the outer islands, and the PSS executive committee, we were able to share and receive feedback on the Kanne Lobal framework. The coordinators of the PREL programme in the RMI were excited by the possibilities around using Kanne Lobal, as a way to teach culture in an inspirational way to Marshallese students. Our Marshallese knowledge, particularly through the proverbial meaning of Kanne Lobal provided so much inspiration and insight for the groups during the presentation which gave us hope and confidence to develop the framework. Kanne Lobal is an organic and indigenous approach, grounded in Marshallese ways of doing things (Heine, 2002; Taafaki & Fowler, 2019). Given the persistent presence of colonial processes within the education system and the constant reference to practices and initiatives from the US, Kanne Lobal for us provides a refreshing yet fulfilling experience and makes us feel warm inside because it is something that belongs to all Marshallese people. Conclusion Marshallese indigenous knowledge and practices provide meaningful educational and leadership understanding and learnings. They ignite, inspire, and transform thinking and practice. The Kanne Lobal conceptual framework emphasises key concepts and values necessary for collaborative partnerships within education and leadership practices in the RMI. The bwebwenato or talk stories have been insightful and have highlighted the strengths and benefits that our Marshallese ideas and practices possess when looking for appropriate and relevant ways to understand education and leadership. Acknowledgements We want to acknowledge our GCSL cohort of school leaders who have supported us in the development of Kanne Lobal as a conceptual framework. A huge kommol tata to our friends: Joana, Rosana, Loretta, Jellan, Alvin, Ellice, Rolando, Stephen, and Alan. References Benson, C. (2002). Preface. In F. Pene, A. M. Taufe’ulungaki, & C. Benson (Eds.), Tree of Opportunity: re-thinking Pacific Education (p. iv). Suva, Fiji: University of the South Pacific, Institute of Education. Bessarab, D., Ng’andu, B. (2010). Yarning about yarning as a legitimate method in indigenous research. International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies, 3(1), 37-50. Fa’avae, D., Jones, A., & Manu’atu, L. (2016). Talanoa’i ‘a e talanoa - talking about talanoa: Some dilemmas of a novice researcher. AlterNative: An Indigenous Journal of Indigenous Peoples,12(2),138-150. Heine, H. C. (2002). A Marshall Islands perspective. In F. Pene, A. M. Taufe’ulungaki, & C. 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This paper aims to portray the overall picture of poverty in the world and mentions the key solution to overcome poverty from a critical perspective. The data and figures were quoted from a number of researchers and organizations in the field of poverty around the world. Simultaneously, the information strengthens the correlations among poverty and lack of education. Only appropriate philosophies of education can improve the country’s socio-economic conditions and contribute to effective solutions to worldwide poverty. In the 21st century, despite the rapid development of science and technology with a series of inventions brought into the world to make life more comfortable, human poverty remains a global problem, especially in developing countries. Poverty, according to Lister (2004), is reflected by the state of “low living standards and/or inability to participate fully in society because of lack of material resources” (p.7). The impact and serious consequences of poverty on multiple aspects of human life have been realized by different organizations and researchers from different contexts (Fraser, 2000; Lister, 2004; Lipman, 2004; Lister, 2008). This paper will indicate some of the concepts and research results on poverty. Figures and causes of poverty, and some solutions from education as a key breaker to poverty will also be discussed. Creating a universal definition of poverty is not simple (Nyasulu, 2010). There are conflicts among different groups of people defining poverty, based on different views and fields. Some writers, according to Nyasulu, tend to connect poverty with social problems, while others focus on political or other causes. However, the reality of poverty needs to be considered from different sides and ways; for that reason, the diversity of definitions assigned to poverty can help form the basis on which interventions are drawn (Ife and Tesoriero, 2006). For instance, in dealing with poverty issues, it is essential to intervene politically; economic intervention is very necessary to any definition of this matter. A political definition necessitates political interventions in dealing with poverty, and economic definitions inevitably lead to economic interventions. Similarly, Księżopolski (1999) uses several models to show the perspectives on poverty as marginal, motivation and socialist. These models look at poverty and solutions from different angles. Socialists, for example, emphasize the responsibilities of social organization. The state manages the micro levels and distributes the shares of national gross resources, at the same time fighting to maintain the narrow gap among classes. In his book, Księżopolski (1999) also emphasizes the changes and new values of charity funds or financial aid from churches or organizations recognized by the Poor Law. Speaking specifically, in the new stages poverty has been recognized differently, and support is also delivered in limited categories related to more specific and visible objectives, with the aim of helping the poor change their own status for sustainable improvement. Three ways of categorizing the poor and locating them in the appropriate places are (1) the powerless, (2) who is willing to work and (3) who is dodging work. Basically, poverty is determined not to belong to any specific cultures or politics; otherwise, it refers to the situation in which people’s earnings cannot support their minimum living standard (Rowntree, 1910). Human living standard is defined in Alfredsson & Eide’s work (1999) as follows: “Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control.” (p. 524). In addition, poverty is measured by Global Hunger Index (GHI), which is calculated by the International Food Policy Institute (IFPRI) every year. The GHI measures hunger not only globally, but also by country and region. To have the figures multi-dimensionally, the GHI is based on three indicators: 1. Undernourishment: the proportion of the undernourished as a percentage of the population (reflecting the share of the population with insufficient calorie intake). 2. Child underweight: the proportion of children under age 5 who are underweight (low weight for their age, reflecting wasting, stunted growth or both), which is one indicator of child under-nutrition. 3. Child mortality: the mortality rate of children under 5 (partially reflecting the fatal synergy of inadequate dietary intake and unhealthy environments). Apart from the individual aspects and the above measurement based on nutrition, which help partly imagine poverty, poverty is more complicated, not just being closely related to human physical life but badly affecting spiritual life. According to Jones and Novak (1999 cited in Lister, 2008), poverty not only characterizes the precarious financial situation but also makes people self-deprecating. Poverty turns itself into the roots of shame, guilt, humiliation and resistance. It leads the poor to the end of the road, and they will never call for help except in the worst situations. Education can help people escape poverty or make it worse. In fact, inequality in education has stolen opportunity for fighting poverty from people in many places around the world, in both developed and developing countries (Lipman, 2004). Lipman confirms: “Students need an education that instills a sense of hope and possibility that they can make a difference in their own family, school, and community and in the broader national and global community while it prepare them for multiple life choices.” (p.181) Bradshaw (2005) synthesizes five main causes of poverty: (1) individual deficiencies, (2) cultural belief systems that support subcultures of poverty, (3) economic, political and social distortions or discrimination, (4) geographical disparities and (5) cumulative and cyclical interdependencies. The researcher suggests the most appropriate solution corresponding with each cause. This reflects the diverse causes of poverty; otherwise, poverty easily happens because of social and political issues. From the literature review, it can be said that poverty comes from complex causes and reasons, and is not a problem of any single individual or country. Poverty has brought about serious consequences and needs to be dealt with by many methods and collective effort of many countries and organizations. This paper will focus on representing some alarming figures on poverty, problems of poverty and then the education as a key breaker to poverty. According to a statistics in 2012 on poverty from the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), nearly half the world's population lives below the poverty line, of which is less than $1.25 a day . In a statistics in 2015, of every 1,000 children, 93 do not live to age 5 , and about 448 million babies are stillborn each year . Poverty in the world is happening alarmingly. According to a World Bank study, the risk of poverty continues to increase on a global scale and, of the 2009 slowdown in economic growth, which led to higher prices for fuel and food, further pushed 53 million people into poverty in addition to almost 155 million in 2008. From 1990 to 2009, the average GHI in the world decreased by nearly one-fifth. Many countries had success in solving the problem of child nutrition; however, the mortality rate of children under 5 and the proportion of undernourished people are still high. From 2011 to 2013, the number of hungry people in the world was estimated at 842 million, down 17 percent compared with the period 1990 to 1992, according to a report released by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) titled “The State of Food Insecurity in the World 2013” . Although poverty in some African countries had been improved in this stage, sub-Saharan Africa still maintained an area with high the highest percentage of hungry people in the world. The consequences and big problems resulting from poverty are terrible in the extreme. The following will illustrate the overall picture under the issues of health, unemployment, education and society and politics ➢ Health issues: According a report by Manos Unidas, a non- government organization (NGO) in Spain , poverty kills more than 30,000 children under age 5 worldwide every day, and 11 million children die each year because of poverty. Currently, 42 million people are living with HIV, 39 million of them in developing countries. The Manos Unidas report also shows that 15 million children globally have been orphaned because of AIDS. Scientists predict that by 2020 a number of African countries will have lost a quarter of their population to this disease. Simultaneously, chronic drought and lack of clean water have not only hindered economic development but also caused disastrous consequences of serious diseases across Africa. In fact, only 58 percent of Africans have access to clean water; as a result, the average life expectancy in Africa is the lowest in the world, just 45 years old (Bui, 2010). ➢ Unemployment issues: According to the United Nations, the youth unemployment rate in Africa is the highest in the world: 25.6 percent in the Middle East and North Africa. Unemployment with growth rates of 10 percent a year is one of the key issues causing poverty in African and negatively affecting programs and development plans. Total African debt amounts to $425 billion (Bui, 2010). In addition, joblessness caused by the global economic downturn pushed more than 140 million people in Asia into extreme poverty in 2009, the International Labor Organization (ILO) warned in a report titled The Fallout in Asia, prepared for the High-Level Regional Forum on Responding to the Economic Crisis in Asia and the Pacific, in Manila from Feb. 18 to 20, 2009 . Surprisingly, this situation also happens in developed countries. About 12.5 million people in the United Kingdom (accounting for 20 percent of the population) are living below the poverty line, and in 2005, 35 million people in the United States could not live without charity. At present, 620 million people in Asia are living on less than $1 per day; half of them are in India and China, two countries whose economies are considered to be growing. ➢ Education issues: Going to school is one of the basic needs of human beings, but poor people cannot achieve it. Globally, 130 million children do not attend school, 55 percent of them girls, and 82 million children have lost their childhoods by marrying too soon (Bui, 2010). Similarly, two-thirds of the 759 million illiterate people in total are women. Specifically, the illiteracy rate in Africa keeps increasing, accounting for about 40 percent of the African population at age 15 and over 50 percent of women at age 25. The number of illiterate people in the six countries with the highest number of illiterate people in the world - China, India, Indonesia, Brazil, Bangladesh and Egypt - reached 510 million, accounting for 70 percent of total global illiteracy. ➢ Social and political issues: Poverty leads to a number of social problems and instability in political systems of countries around the world. Actually, 246 million children are underage labors, including 72 million under age 10. Simultaneously, according to an estimate by the United Nations (UN), about 100 million children worldwide are living on the streets. For years, Africa has suffered a chronic refugee problem, with more than 7 million refugees currently and over 200 million people without homes because of a series of internal conflicts and civil wars. Poverty threatens stability and development; it also directly influences human development. Solving the problems caused by poverty takes a lot of time and resources, but afterward they can focus on developing their societies. Poverty has become a global issue with political significance of particular importance. It is a potential cause of political and social instability, even leading to violence and war not only within a country, but also in the whole world. Poverty and injustice together have raised fierce conflicts in international relations; if these conflicts are not satisfactorily resolved by peaceful means, war will inevitably break out. Obviously, poverty plus lack of understanding lead to disastrous consequences such as population growth, depletion of water resources, energy scarcity, pollution, food shortages and serious diseases (especially HIV/AIDS), which are not easy to control; simultaneously, poverty plus injustice will cause international crimes such as terrorism, drug and human trafficking, and money laundering. Among recognizable four issues above which reflected the serious consequences of poverty, the third ones, education, if being prioritized in intervention over other issues in the fighting against poverty is believed to bring more effectiveness in resolving the problems from the roots. In fact, human being with the possibility of being educated resulted from their distinctive linguistic ability makes them differential from other beings species on the earth (Barrow and Woods 2006, p.22). With education, human can be aware and more critical with their situations, they are aimed with abilities to deal with social problems as well as adversity for a better life; however, inequality in education has stolen opportunity for fighting poverty from unprivileged people (Lipman, 2004). An appropriate education can help increase chances for human to deal with all of the issues related to poverty; simultaneously it can narrow the unexpected side-effect of making poverty worse. A number of philosophies from ancient Greek to contemporary era focus on the aspect of education with their own epistemology, for example, idealism of Plato encouraged students to be truth seekers and pragmatism of Dewey enhanced the individual needs of students (Gutex, 1997). Education, more later on, especially critical pedagogy focuses on developing people independently and critically which is essential for poor people to have ability of being aware of what they are facing and then to have equivalent solutions for their problems. In other words, critical pedagogy helps people emancipate themselves and from that they can contribute to transform the situations or society they live in. In this sense, in his most influential work titled “Pedagogy of the Oppressed” (1972), Paulo Freire carried out his critical pedagogy by building up a community network of peasants- the marginalized and unprivileged party in his context, aiming at awakening their awareness about who they are and their roles in society at that time. To do so, he involved the peasants into a problem-posing education which was different from the traditional model of banking education with the technique of dialogue. Dialogue wasn’t just simply for people to learn about each other; but it was for figuring out the same voice; more importantly, for cooperation to build a social network for changing society. The peasants in such an educational community would be relieved from stressfulness and the feeling of being outsiders when all of them could discuss and exchange ideas with each other about the issues from their “praxis”. Praxis which was derived from what people act and linked to some values in their social lives, was defined by Freire as “reflection and action upon the world in order to transform it” (p.50). Critical pedagogy dialogical approach in Pedagogy of the Oppressed of Freire seems to be one of the helpful ways for solving poverty for its close connection to the nature of equality. It doesn’t require any highly intellectual teachers who lead the process; instead, everything happens naturally and the answers are identified by the emancipation of the learners themselves. It can be said that the effectiveness of this pedagogy for people to escape poverty comes from its direct impact on human critical consciousness; from that, learners would be fully aware of their current situations and self- figure out the appropriate solutions for their own. In addition, equality which was one of the essences making learners in critical pedagogy intellectually emancipate was reflected via the work titled “The Ignorant Schoolmaster” by Jacques Rancière (1991). In this work, the teacher and students seemed to be equal in terms of the knowledge. The explicator- teacher Joseph Jacotot employed the interrogative approach which was discovered to be universal because “he taught what he didn’t know”. Obviously, this teacher taught French to Flemish students while he couldn’t speak his students’ language. The ignorance which was not used in the literal sense but a metaphor showed that learners can absolutely realize their capacity for self-emancipation without the traditional teaching of transmission of knowledge from teachers. Regarding this, Rancière (1991, p.17) stated “that every common person might conceive his human dignity, take the measure of his intellectual capacity, and decide how to use it”. This education is so meaningful for poor people by being able to evoking their courageousness to develop themselves when they always try to stay away from the community due the fact that poverty is the roots of shame, guilt, humiliation and resistance (Novak, 1999). The contribution of critical pedagogy to solving poverty by changing the consciousness of people from their immanence is summarized by Freire’s argument in his “Pedagogy of Indignation” as follows: “It is certain that men and women can change the world for the better, can make it less unjust, but they can do so from starting point of concrete reality they “come upon” in their generation. They cannot do it on the basis of reveries, false dreams, or pure illusion”. (p.31) To sum up, education could be an extremely helpful way of solving poverty regarding the possibilities from the applications of studies in critical pedagogy for educational and social issues. Therefore, among the world issues, poverty could be possibly resolved in accordance with the indigenous people’s understanding of their praxis, their actions, cognitive transformation, and the solutions with emancipation in terms of the following keynotes: First, because the poor are powerless, they usually fall into the states of self-deprecation, shame, guilt and humiliation, as previously mentioned. In other words, they usually build a barrier between themselves and society, or they resist changing their status. Therefore, approaching them is not a simple matter; it requires much time and the contributions of psychologists and sociologists in learning about their aspirations, as well as evoking and nurturing the will and capacities of individuals, then providing people with chances to carry out their own potential for overcoming obstacles in life. Second, poverty happens easily in remote areas not endowed with favorable conditions for development. People there haven’t had a lot of access to modern civilization; nor do they earn a lot of money for a better life. Low literacy, together with the lack of healthy forms of entertainment and despair about life without exit, easily lead people into drug addiction, gambling and alcoholism. In other words, the vicious circle of poverty and powerlessness usually leads the poor to a dead end. Above all, they are lonely and need to be listened to, shared with and led to escape from their states. Community meetings for exchanging ideas, communicating and immediate intervening, along with appropriate forms of entertainment, should be held frequently to meet the expectations of the poor, direct them to appropriate jobs and, step by step, change their favorite habits of entertainment. Last but not least, poor people should be encouraged to participate in social forums where they can both raise their voices about their situations and make valuable suggestions for dealing with their poverty. Children from poor families should be completely exempted from school fees to encourage them to go to school, and curriculum should also focus on raising community awareness of poverty issues through extracurricular and volunteer activities, such as meeting and talking with the community, helping poor people with odd jobs, or simply spending time listening to them. Not a matter of any individual country, poverty has become a major problem, a threat to the survival, stability and development of the world and humanity. Globalization has become a bridge linking countries; for that reason, instability in any country can directly and deeply affect the stability of others. The international community has been joining hands to solve poverty; many anti-poverty organizations, including FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization), BecA (the Biosciences eastern and central Africa), UN-REDD (the United Nations Programme on Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation), BRAC (Building Resources Across Communities), UNDP (United Nations Development Programme), WHO (World Health Organization) and Manos Unidas, operate both regionally and internationally, making some achievements by reducing the number of hungry people, estimated 842 million in the period 1990 to 1992, by 17 percent in 2011- to 2013 . The diverse methods used to deal with poverty have invested billions of dollars in education, health and healing. The Millennium Development Goals set by UNDP put forward eight solutions for addressing issues related to poverty holistically: 1) Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger. 2) Achieve universal primary education. 3) Promote gender equality and empower women. 4) Reduce child mortality. 5) Improve maternal health. 6) Combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases. 7) Ensure environmental sustainability. 8) Develop a global partnership for development. Although all of the mentioned solutions carried out directly by countries and organizations not only focus on the roots of poverty but break its circle, it is recognized that the solutions do not emphasize the role of the poor themselves which a critical pedagogy does. More than anyone, the poor should have a sense of their poverty so that they can become responsible for their own fate and actively fight poverty instead of waiting for help. It is not different from the cores of critical theory in solving educational and political issues that the poor should be aware and conscious about their situation and reflected context. It is required a critical transformation from their own praxis which would allow them to go through a process of learning, sharing, solving problems, and leading to social movements. This is similar to the method of giving poor people fish hooks rather than giving them fish. The government and people of any country understand better than anyone else clearly the strengths and characteristics of their homelands. It follows that they can efficiently contribute to causing poverty, preventing the return of poverty, and solving consequences of the poverty in their countries by many ways, especially a critical pedagogy; and indirectly narrow the scale of poverty in the world. In a word, the wars against poverty take time, money, energy and human resources, and they are absolutely not simple to end. Again, the poor and the challenged should be educated to be fully aware of their situation to that they can overcome poverty themselves. They need to be respected and receive sharing from the community. All forms of discrimination should be condemned and excluded from human society. When whole communities join hands in solving this universal problem, the endless circle of poverty can be addressed definitely someday. More importantly, every country should be responsible for finding appropriate ways to overcome poverty before receiving supports from other countries as well as the poor self-conscious responsibilities about themselves before receiving supports from the others, but the methods leading them to emancipation for their own transformation and later the social change.

The behavioural location theory emphasises high importance of the limited rationality and the subjective perception of space in selecting of the location for a business activity. The article discusses key competencies from the scope of behavioural location theory. Ac-cording to the Authors, the behavioural location theory is rather complementary than competitive in relation to the neoclassical or modern approach, as it allows to explain the deviations of the decision-makers from the optimisation behaviour. <b>Business location theory has already been discussed in this journal in various contexts, for example in articles by H. Godlewska-Majkowska, K. Kuciński, A. Rutkowska-Górak, A. Kałowski. However, to our knowledge, the behavioural approach has not yet been presented here and we would like to fill the gap and offer a review of selected authors’ works and concepts from this field and hopefully inspire other scholars to develop this promising research direction. In addition, a quantitative analysis of publications on behavioural location theory will be presented.</b> For the purposes of this article we will define the behavioural location theory as the inclusion of psychological and subjective circumstances of the decision makers into location theory, such as bounded rationality, heuristics usage and subjective spatial perception. The behavioural approach seems underutilised in location theory despite its potential to explain many of business location decisions which are inconsistent with the profit maximisation principle. According to R. Domański [1995]:<i> so far it has not been satisfactorily examined how the perception of space influences spatial behaviour of people. Nobody objects that many decisions, at least in part, depend on how people perceive the space surrounding them, how they differentiate it and what value they place on different elements of this space.</i>According to W. Dziemianowicz [1997]:<i> the assessment of location factors by decision makers most often depends on specific qualities of the business and qualities of the decision maker. </i>Surprisingly, decades have passed since last important contributions in the field of behavioural location theory. Location theory has its roots in XIX century, when J.H. von Thuenen offered the agricultural activity location theory in 1826. The interest in location theory revived more than 50 years later, mainly thanks to the works of W. Launhardt [1882] and A. Marshall [1886]. Important dates are also 1909, when A. Weber developed his industrial location theory and proposed the notion of a location factor and 1933, when the first theory of services location emerged, authored by W. Christaller. Then the development of location theory accelerated, with contributions of such authors as A. Loesch [1939], F. Perroux [1964] or P. Krugman [1991]. It can be argued that thanks to P. Krugman location theory entered the mainstream economics, which neglected spatial issues for a long time. Different location theory traditions put the emphasis on different aspects. For example, classical approach theorists indicate minimising production cost as the goal of the location decision maker while behavioural approach suggests satisfactory choice as a goal. According to H. Godlewska-Majkowska, there are five approaches to location theory: classical, neo-classical, structural, behavioural and contemporary. Their focus points are briefly explained in Table 1. There are three similar but distinct terms related to the business location choice: <br>• location factors – specific qualities of particular places which have direct impact on investment volume during building of the company’s plant (plants) and the net profitability of business activity run in those places [Godlewska-Majkowska, 2001],</br><br> • location virtues – specific qualities of places which contribute to it that identical investments will differ depending on location in terms of investment volume, total production cost, sales revenue and taxes [Godlewska-Majkowska, 2015], ocation circumstances – internal and external phenomena which transform a location virtue into a location factor. Internal phenomena can be for example: industry, size and ownership structure of the business. External phenomena include among others economic, environmental and cultural issues [Godlewska-Majkowska, 2013]. Clearly, location requirements are different for various sectors. Therefore, location factors are divided into general (those applying to all or many sectors) and sector-specific (those applying to one or few sectors). There are also other classifications of location factors. The importance of subjective factors in the location choice is reflexed in the classification by Grabow et al. [1995] into soft and hard location factors, on the basis of H. GodlewskaMajkowska [2015]. Hard factors are more traditional, have direct influence on business activity and are easily measurable, while soft factors have indirect influence on business activity and are difficult to quantify. It is worth to note that authors of this classification consider both kinds of factors as equally important and find even the soft factors as ones, which can be parametrised, measured and compared. Figure 1 presents the classification in a more detailed way. In our view, Grabow et al. [1995] showed an excessive scepticism when it comes to measurability of some factors. For example, the local government attitude towards investor may be measured by places in investment attractiveness rankings, such as ‘Gmina na 5!’ conducted every year by Institute of Enterprise at Collegium of Business Administration at Warsaw School of Economics. Apart from it, the classification should be considered to be validated as more than 20 years had passed since its publication and made more precise, because as H. GodlewskaMajkowska [2015] points out, some factors seem to overlap – social climate is presented as separate factor than local government attitude towards investor, but in fact the former includes the latter. null null Each business has to choose its location and the effect of business location selection is called location decision. Location decision may be the result of a more or less formal procedure. There is a consensus among scholars that business location decision is important for entity’s economic performance. At the same time, it is acknowledged in the literature that subjective factors (such as bounded rationality) play a non-negligible role in location choice. As R. Domański [2004] outlines, location decision makers <i>usually have limited knowledge and incomplete information and in many cases the decision maker does not behave like the</i> homo oeconomicus.<i> Sometimes he has limited or biased information about his decision situation and at the same time he assessed the incomplete information in a subjective way.If the situation is complicated, he has to simplify it by using intuitional rules in decision making. He does not try to achieve the optimal result but rather a satisfactory one. </i>Such statements suggest R. Domański finds bounded rationality model convincing. According to classical, neoclassical and contemporary business location theory the decision maker undertakes the optimal choice, while heterodox approaches such as behavioural location theory claim making an optimal choice is impossible. The classical, neoclassical and contemporary theorists assume decision makers are <i>homo oeconomicus</i>, a person with perfect information about the present and the future, able and willing to make complicated calculations and not prone to psychological biases. Behavioural economics accepts different set of assumptions about the human nature: limited (imperfect) knowledge of the decision maker, limited ability to process the knowledge and searching for satisfactory result rather than optimal. Decision maker who behaves in line with those assumptions is purposefully called <i>homo satisfaciendus</i>. null <i>Homo satisfaciendus</i> is the concept of decision maker used in the bounded rationality model created by H. Simon [1955], which is fundamental for behavioural economics, including behavioural location theory. In the model it is assumed that the decision makers do not aim to maximise utility from choice made (making an optimal decision) but rather search for a good enough (satisfactory) option and once they find such an option they also stop search. In practice, it means that typically a decision maker will accept the first location that meets his minimum criteria, the so called aspiration level and will not even check alternative locations. Simon points out that people may use so called heuristics, which are decision making patterns simplifying their decision problems but he did not elaborate on it. null The gap has been filled by D. Kahneman and A. Tversky [1975] who singled out three famous heuristics: availability, representativeness and anchoring. H. Godlewska-Majkowska [2016] argues that such heuristics are used to assess location virtues of places which a location decision maker had visited within business location decision making process. The bounded rationality model has served as the basis for the A. Pred [1967] behavioural matrix, which linked information availability, investor’s information processing ability and profitability of chosen business location. The general rule is that the more information (or information processing ability) one has, the more profitable location one chooses, <i>caeteris paribus</i>. An adapted version of Pred matrix is presented in Figure 2. Point A represents <i>homo oeconomicus</i>, who has perfect information and perfect ability to use it, so he or she will choose the optimal location. All other decision makers make suboptimal decisions and the extreme is reached in point B, where the decision maker has little information and low ability to process it, so he or she will choose a poor location that may result in a loss.

This study assessed the impact of cybercafes on the provision of information services in Uganda. It focused on cafe users only. Findings revealed that 69.8 percent were in the age group of 20-39 years. Eighty-seven percent were not registered with particular cafes. Fifty-seven percent indicated they were satisfied with the service. A little over thirty percent used the Internet daily. All female respondents indicated e-mail as one of their Internet applications. The hypotheses were tested using the Chi-square statistic and resulted into retaining the first null hypothesis while the second null hypothesis was rejected. Cybercafe use demonstrates a tremendous future for the Internet society in Uganda. The potential for meeting user needs in Uganda is high. The application of the Internet in the various disciplines and professions is hampered by low user skills, limited facilities, lack of support for the rural community, low downloading speed, high charges, and a lack of monitoring. Recommendations suggest that ICT policies be instituted and computers and the Internet be made part of the school curriculum to equip Ugandans with the necessary skills and to extend these new Internet services to the Ugandan rural community as well.

The aim of this study was to assess the level of availability of HIV prevention strategies in secondary schools in Kabarole district, Uganda in order to inform the design of interventions to strengthen HIV Prevention and psychosocial support. Quantitative and qualitative research methods were used in eight secondary schools in Kabarole district to establish available HIV prevention and psychosocial support services. Questionnaires were administered to 355 students 12-24 years old. In addition, 20 Key Informant interviews were held with education service providers. Quantitative data was analyzed using Epi-data and qualitative data were analyzed by thematic content analysis. Seven of the eight schools had at least one HIV prevention strategy. Two teachers in each of the five schools had been trained in HIV prevention. No school had a nurse trained in HIV prevention, care and support. Education service providers had limited knowledge of HIV prevention support and care of students living with HIV. We found out that students had knowledge on how one can acquire HIV. HIV prevention services reported by students in schools included: talks from teachers and guests (19%), drama with HIV prevention related messages (16%), peer education clubs (15%), workshops and seminars on HIV (8%), sensitization about HIV/AIDS (7%), guidance and counseling (6%), talking compounds- (5%), abstinence talks (6%), keeping students busy in sports (4%), straight talk (4%). Sixty three percent reported receiving HIV reading materials from various sources. Preventing HIV infection among students in schools is still demanding with limited interventions for students. Efforts to support school interventions should focus on including HIV Prevention in the school curriculum, working with peer educators as well as education service providers who spend much of the time with the students while at school.

“Human beings are not born once and for all on the day their mothers give birth to them [...] life obliges them over and over again to give birth to themselves.” (Garcia Marquez 165) Introduction The refugee experience is, at heart, one of rebirth. Just as becoming a new, distinctive being—biological birth—necessarily involves the physical separation of mother and infant, so becoming a refugee entails separation from a "mother country." This mother country may or may not be a recognised nation state; the point is that the refugee transitions from physical connectedness to separation, from insider to outsider, from endemic to alien. Like babies, refugees may have little control over the timing and conditions of their expulsion. Successful resettlement requires not one rebirth but multiple rebirths—resettlement is a lifelong process (Layton)—which in turn require hope, imagination, and energy. In rebirthing themselves over and over again, people who have fled or been forced from their homelands become both mother and child. They do not go through this rebirthing alone. A range of agencies and individuals may be there to assist, including immigration officials, settlement services, schools and teachers, employment agencies and employers, English as a Second Language (ESL) resources and instructors, health-care providers, counsellors, diasporic networks, neighbours, church groups, and other community organisations. The nature, intensity, and duration of these “midwives’” interventions—and when they occur and in what combinations—vary hugely from place to place and from person to person, but there is clear evidence that post-migration experiences have a significant impact on settlement outcomes (Fozdar and Hartley). This paper draws on qualitative research I did in 2012 in a regional town in New South Wales to illuminate some of the ways in which settlement aides ease, or impede, refugees’ rebirth as fully recognised and participating Australians. I begin by considering what it means to be resilient before tracing some of the dimensions of the resettlement process. In doing so, I draw on data from interviews and focus groups with former refugees, service providers, and other residents of the town I shall call Easthaven. First, though, a word about Easthaven. As is the case in many rural and regional parts of Australia, Easthaven’s population is strongly dominated by Anglo Celtic and Saxon ancestries: 2011 Census data show that more than 80 per cent of residents were born in Australia (compared with a national figure of 69.8 per cent) and about 90 per cent speak only English at home (76.8 per cent). Almost twice as many people identify as Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander as the national figure of 2.5 per cent (Australian Bureau of Statistics). For several years Easthaven has been an official “Refugee Welcome Zone”, welcoming hundreds of refugees from diverse countries in Africa and the Middle East as well as from Myanmar. This reflects the Department of Immigration and Citizenship’s drive to settle a fifth of Australia’s 13,750 humanitarian entrants a year directly in regional areas. In Easthaven’s schools—which is where I focused my research—almost all of the ESL students are from refugee backgrounds. Defining Resilience Much of the research on human resilience is grounded in psychology, with a capacity to “bounce back” from adverse experiences cited in many definitions of resilience (e.g. American Psychological Association). Bouncing back implies a relatively quick process, and a return to a state or form similar to that which existed before the encounter with adversity. Yet resilience often requires sustained effort and significant changes in identity. As Jerome Rugaruza, a former UNHCR refugee, says of his journey from the Democratic Republic of Congo to Australia: All the steps begin in the burning village: you run with nothing to eat, no clothes. You just go. Then you get to the refugee camp […] You have a little bread and you thank god you are safe. Then after a few years in the camp, you think about a future for your children. You arrive in Australia and then you learn a new language, you learn to drive. There are so many steps and not everyone can do it. (Milsom) Not everyone can do it, but a large majority do. Research by Graeme Hugo, for example, shows that although humanitarian settlers in Australia face substantial barriers to employment and initially have much higher unemployment rates than other immigrants, for most nationality groups this difference has disappeared by the second generation: “This is consistent with the sacrifice (or investment) of the first generation and the efforts extended to attain higher levels of education and English proficiency, thereby reducing the barriers over time.” (Hugo 35). Ingrid Poulson writes that “resilience is not just about bouncing. Bouncing […] is only a reaction. Resilience is about rising—you rise above it, you rise to the occasion, you rise to the challenge. Rising is an active choice” (47; my emphasis) I see resilience as involving mental and physical grit, coupled with creativity, aspiration and, crucially, agency. Dimensions of Resettlement To return to the story of 41-year-old Jerome Rugaruza, as related in a recent newspaper article: He [Mr Rugaruza] describes the experience of being a newly arrived refugee as being like that of a newborn baby. “You need special care; you have to learn to speak [English], eat the different food, create relationships, connections”. (Milsom) This is a key dimension of resettlement: the adult becomes like an infant again, shifting from someone who knows how things work and how to get by to someone who is likely to be, for a while, dependent on others for even the most basic things—communication, food, shelter, clothing, and social contact. The “special care” that most refugee arrivals need initially (and sometimes for a long time) often results in their being seen as deficient—in knowledge, skills, dispositions, and capacities as well as material goods (Keddie; Uptin, Wright and Harwood). As Fozdar and Hartley note: “The tendency to use a deficit model in refugee resettlement devalues people and reinforces the view of the mainstream population that refugees are a liability” (27). Yet unlike newborns, humanitarian settlers come to their new countries with rich social networks and extensive histories of experience and learning—resources that are in fact vital to their rebirth. Sisay (all names are pseudonyms), a year 11 student of Ethiopian heritage who was born in Kenya, told me with feeling: I had a life back in Africa [her emphasis]. It was good. Well, I would go back there if there’s no problems, which—is a fact. And I came here for a better life—yeah, I have a better life, there’s good health care, free school, and good environment and all that. But what’s that without friends? A fellow student, Celine, who came to Australia five years ago from Burundi via Uganda, told me in a focus group: Some teachers are really good but I think some other teachers could be a little bit more encouraging and understanding of what we’ve gone through, because [they] just look at you like “You’re year 11 now, you should know this” […] It’s really discouraging when [the teachers say] in front of the class, “Oh, you shouldn’t do this subject because you haven’t done this this this this” […] It’s like they’re on purpose to tell you “you don’t have what it takes; just give up and do something else.” As Uptin, Wright and Harwood note, “schools not only have the power to position who is included in schooling (in culture and pedagogy) but also have the power to determine whether there is room and appreciation for diversity” (126). Both Sisay and Celine were disheartened by the fact they felt some of their teachers, and many of their peers, had little interest in or understanding of their lives before they came to Australia. The teachers’ low expectations of refugee-background students (Keddie, Uptin, Wright and Harwood) contrasted with the students’ and their families’ high expectations of themselves (Brown, Miller and Mitchell; Harris and Marlowe). When I asked Sisay about her post-school ambitions, she said: “I have a good idea of my future […] write a documentary. And I’m working on it.” Celine’s response was: “I know I’m gonna do medicine, be a doctor.” A third girl, Lily, who came to Australia from Myanmar three years ago, told me she wanted to be an accountant and had studied accounting at the local TAFE last year. Joseph, a father of three who resettled from South Sudan seven years ago, stressed how important getting a job was to successful settlement: [But] you have to get a certificate first to get a job. Even the job of cleaning—when I came here I was told that somebody has to go to have training in cleaning, to use the different chemicals to clean the ground and all that. But that is just sweeping and cleaning with water—you don’t need the [higher-level] skills. Simple jobs like this, we are not able to get them. In regional Australia, employment opportunities tend to be limited (Fozdar and Hartley); the unemployment rate in Easthaven is twice the national average. Opportunities to study are also more limited than in urban centres, and would-be students are not always eligible for financial assistance to gain or upgrade qualifications. Even when people do have appropriate qualifications, work experience, and language proficiency, the colour of their skin may still mean they miss out on a job. Tilbury and Colic-Peisker have documented the various ways in which employers deflect responsibility for racial discrimination, including the “common” strategy (658) of arguing that while the employer or organisation is not prejudiced, they have to discriminate because of their clients’ needs or expectations. I heard this strategy deployed in an interview with a local businesswoman, Catriona: We were advertising for a new technician. And one of the African refugees came to us and he’d had a lot of IT experience. And this is awful, but we felt we couldn't give him the job, because we send our technicians into people's houses, and we knew that if a black African guy rocked up at someone’s house to try and fix their computer, they would not always be welcomed in all—look, it would not be something that [Easthaven] was ready for yet. Colic-Peisker and Tilbury (Refugees and Employment) note that while Australia has strict anti-discrimination legislation, this legislation may be of little use to the people who, because of the way they look and sound (skin colour, dress, accent), are most likely to face prejudice and discrimination. The researchers found that perceived discrimination in the labour market affected humanitarian settlers’ sense of satisfaction with their new lives far more than, for example, racist remarks, which were generally shrugged off; the students I interviewed spoke of racism as “expected,” but “quite rare.” Most of the people Colic-Peisker and Tilbury surveyed reported finding Australians “friendly and accepting” (33). Even if there is no active discrimination on the basis of skin colour in employment, education, or housing, or overt racism in social situations, visible difference can still affect a person’s sense of belonging, as Joseph recounts: I think of myself as Australian, but my colour doesn’t [laughs] […] Unfortunately many, many Australians are expecting that Australia is a country of Europeans … There is no need for somebody to ask “Where do you come from?” and “Do you find Australia here safe?” and “Do you enjoy it?” Those kind of questions doesn’t encourage that we are together. This highlights another dimension of resettlement: the journey from feeling “at home” to feeling “foreign” to, eventually, feeling at home again in the host country (Colic-Peisker and Tilbury, Refugees and Employment). In the case of visibly different settlers, however, this last stage may never be completed. Whether the questions asked of Joseph are well intentioned or not, their effect may be the same: they position him as a “forever foreigner” (Park). A further dimension of resettlement—one already touched on—is the degree to which humanitarian settlers actively manage their “rebirth,” and are allowed and encouraged to do so. A key factor will be their mastery of English, and Easthaven’s ESL teachers are thus pivotal in the resettlement process. There is little doubt that many of these teachers have gone to great lengths to help this cohort of students, not only in terms of language acquisition but also social inclusion. However, in some cases what is initially supportive can, with time, begin to undermine refugees’ maturity into independent citizens. Sharon, an ESL teacher at one of the schools, told me how she and her colleagues would give their refugee-background students lifts to social events: But then maybe three years down the track they have a car and their dad can drive, but they still won’t take them […] We arrive to pick them up and they’re not ready, or there’s five fantastic cars in the driveway, and you pick up the student and they say “My dad’s car’s much bigger and better than yours” [laughs]. So there’s an expectation that we’ll do stuff for them, but we’ve created that [my emphasis]. Other support services may have more complex interests in keeping refugee settlers dependent. The more clients an agency has, the more services it provides, and the longer clients stay on its books, the more lucrative the contract for the agency. Thus financial and employment imperatives promote competition rather than collaboration between service providers (Fozdar and Hartley; Sidhu and Taylor) and may encourage assumptions about what sorts of services different individuals and groups want and need. Colic-Peisker and Tilbury (“‘Active’ and ‘Passive’ Resettlement”) have developed a typology of resettlement styles—“achievers,” “consumers,” “endurers,” and “victims”—but stress that a person’s style, while influenced by personality and pre-migration factors, is also shaped by the institutions and individuals they come into contact with: “The structure of settlement and welfare services may produce a victim mentality, leaving members of refugee communities inert and unable to see themselves as agents of change” (76). The prevailing narrative of “the traumatised refugee” is a key aspect of this dynamic (Colic-Peisker and Tilbury, “‘Active’ and ‘Passive’ Resettlement”; Fozdar and Hartley; Keddie). Service providers may make assumptions about what humanitarian settlers have gone through before arriving in Australia, how they have been affected by their experiences, and what must be done to “fix” them. Norah, a long-time caseworker, told me: I think you get some [providers] who go, “How could you have gone through something like that and not suffered? There must be—you must have to talk about this stuff” […] Where some [refugees] just come with the [attitude] “We’re all born into a situation; that was my situation, but I’m here now and now my focus is this.” She cited failure to consider cultural sensitivities around mental illness and to recognise that stress and anxiety during early resettlement are normal (Tilbury) as other problems in the sector: [Newly arrived refugees] go through the “happy to be here” [phase] and now “hang on, I’ve thumped to the bottom and I’m missing my own foods and smells and cultures and experiences”. I think sometimes we’re just too quick to try and slot people into a box. One factor that appears to be vital in fostering and sustaining resilience is social connection. Norah said her clients were “very good on the mobile phone” and had links “everywhere,” including to family and friends in their countries of birth, transition countries, and other parts of Australia. A 2011 report for DIAC, Settlement Outcomes of New Arrivals, found that humanitarian entrants to Australia were significantly more likely to be members of cultural and/or religious groups than other categories of immigrants (Australian Survey Research). I found many examples of efforts to build both bonding and bridging capital (Putnam) in Easthaven, and I offer two examples below. Several people told me about a dinner-dance that had been held a few weeks before one of my visits. The event was organised by an African women’s group, which had been formed—with funding assistance—several years before. The dinner-dance was advertised in the local newspaper and attracted strong interest from a broad cross-section of Easthaveners. To Debbie, a counsellor, the response signified a “real turnaround” in community relations and was a big boon to the women’s sense of belonging. Erica, a teacher, told me about a cultural exchange day she had organised between her bush school—where almost all of the children are Anglo Australian—and ESL students from one of the town schools: At the start of the day, my kids were looking at [the refugee-background students] and they were scared, they were saying to me, "I feel scared." And we shoved them all into this tiny little room […] and they had no choice but to sit practically on top of each other. And by the end of the day, they were hugging each other and braiding their hair and jumping and playing together. Like Uptin, Wright and Harwood, I found that the refugee-background students placed great importance on the social aspects of school. Sisay, the girl I introduced earlier in this paper, said: “It’s just all about friendship and someone to be there for you […] We try to be friends with them [the non-refugee students] sometimes but sometimes it just seems they don’t want it.” Conclusion A 2012 report on refugee settlement services in NSW concludes that the state “is not meeting its responsibility to humanitarian entrants as well as it could” (Audit Office of New South Wales 2); moreover, humanitarian settlers in NSW are doing less well on indicators such as housing and health than humanitarian settlers in other states (3). Evaluating the effectiveness of formal refugee-centred programs was not part of my research and is beyond the scope of this paper. Rather, I have sought to reveal some of the ways in which the attitudes, assumptions, and everyday practices of service providers and members of the broader community impact on refugees' settlement experience. What I heard repeatedly in the interviews I conducted was that it was emotional and practical support (Matthews; Tilbury), and being asked as well as told (about their hopes, needs, desires), that helped Easthaven’s refugee settlers bear themselves into fulfilling new lives. References Audit Office of New South Wales. Settling Humanitarian Entrants in New South Wales—Executive Summary. May 2012. 15 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.audit.nsw.gov.au/ArticleDocuments/245/02_Humanitarian_Entrants_2012_Executive_Summary.pdf.aspx?Embed=Y>. Australian Bureau of Statistics. 2011 Census QuickStats. Mar. 2013. 11 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.censusdata.abs.gov.au/census_services/getproduct/census/2011/quickstat/0>. Australian Survey Research. Settlement Outcomes of New Arrivals—Report of Findings. Apr. 2011. 15 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.immi.gov.au/media/publications/research/_pdf/settlement-outcomes-new-arrivals.pdf>. Brown, Jill, Jenny Miller, and Jane Mitchell. “Interrupted Schooling and the Acquisition of Literacy: Experiences of Sudanese Refugees in Victorian Secondary Schools.” Australian Journal of Language and Literacy 29.2 (2006): 150-62. Colic-Peisker, Val, and Farida Tilbury. “‘Active’ and ‘Passive’ Resettlement: The Influence of Supporting Services and Refugees’ Own Resources on Resettlement Style.” International Migration 41.5 (2004): 61-91. ———. Refugees and Employment: The Effect of Visible Difference on Discrimination—Final Report. Perth: Centre for Social and Community Research, Murdoch University, 2007. Fozdar, Farida, and Lisa Hartley. “Refugee Resettlement in Australia: What We Know and Need To Know.” Refugee Survey Quarterly 4 Jun. 2013. 12 Aug. 2013 ‹http://rsq.oxfordjournals.org/search?fulltext=fozdar&submit=yes&x=0&y=0>. Garcia Marquez, Gabriel. Love in the Time of Cholera. London: Penguin Books, 1989. Harris, Vandra, and Jay Marlowe. “Hard Yards and High Hopes: The Educational Challenges of African Refugee University Students in Australia.” International Journal of Teaching and Learning in Higher Education 23.2 (2011): 186-96. Hugo, Graeme. A Significant Contribution: The Economic, Social and Civic Contributions of First and Second Generation Humanitarian Entrants—Summary of Findings. Canberra: Department of Immigration and Citizenship, 2011. Keddie, Amanda. “Pursuing Justice for Refugee Students: Addressing Issues of Cultural (Mis)recognition.” International Journal of Inclusive Education 16.12 (2012): 1295-1310. Layton, Robyn. "Building Capacity to Ensure the Inclusion of Vulnerable Groups." Creating Our Future conference, Adelaide, 28 Jul. 2012. Milsom, Rosemarie. “From Hard Luck Life to the Lucky Country.” Sydney Morning Herald 20 Jun. 2013. 12 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.smh.com.au/national/from-hard-luck-life-to-the-lucky-country-20130619-2oixl.html>. Park, Gilbert C. “’Are We Real Americans?’: Cultural Production of Forever Foreigners at a Diversity Event.” Education and Urban Society 43.4 (2011): 451-67. Poulson, Ingrid. Rise. Sydney: Pan Macmillan Australia, 2008. Putnam, Robert D. Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000. Sidhu, Ravinder K., and Sandra Taylor. “The Trials and Tribulations of Partnerships in Refugee Settlement Services in Australia.” Journal of Education Policy 24.6 (2009): 655-72. Tilbury, Farida. “‘I Feel I Am a Bird without Wings’: Discourses of Sadness and Loss among East Africans in Western Australia.” Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 14.4 (2007): 433-58. ———, and Val Colic-Peisker. “Deflecting Responsibility in Employer Talk about Race Discrimination.” Discourse & Society 17.5 (2006): 651-76. Uptin, Jonnell, Jan Wright, and Valerie Harwood. “It Felt Like I Was a Black Dot on White Paper: Examining Young Former Refugees’ Experience of Entering Australian High Schools.” The Australian Educational Researcher 40.1 (2013): 125-37.

Universities have a unique role in the health ecosystem as providers of trained staff and discoverers of health innovations. However, often they sit in silos waiting for their rare blockbuster discoveries to change clinical care or seeing health services simply as future employers of their graduates or clinical trial sites. It is a transactional and targetted relationship. This present case study is of a primary health service Access Health and Community (AccessHC) in Australia and its university partner Swinburne University of Technology. Together they established a Kickstart Program which was to provide seed funding for small joint innovation projects generated by both organisations. One project exemplifies the approach. Swinburne who has a Design School was encouraged through the Kickstart Program to design a clinical waiting room of the future. This project started with a needs analysis. The written report was to inform the design. University staff linked with their internal University animations expertise to better communicate the needs analysis. The “Access me Not” animation was created, unknown to the staff at AccessHC. At initial presentation, the way the animation communicated was not imaginable by AccessHC. “Access me not” was submitted for the 2018 International Design Awards and received an honourable mention. However, the AccessHC staff saw other uses for the approach and contacted Swinburne to design a client journey animation for the newly introduced National Disability Scheme (NDIS). The co design produced an animation of immense help to parents in navigating the scheme for complex and chronic disability care and for AccessHC the scripting served as a framework to develop it new internal NDIS care systems and processes. The Swinburne team is now producing health navigation animations for the State Department of Health and Human Services. The Kickstart Program was an engagement strategy that has produced a set of health communication tools that the health service could not have envisaged and which the University could not have imagined an application. Small low risk seed funding can indeed introduce innovations and create beneficial relationships between health services and universities.

In Latin America, comprehensive health promotion programmes and activities are being implemented in the school setting, which take into account the conceptual framework of the Health-Promoting Schools Regional Initiative of the Pan American Health Organization, Regional office of the World Health Organization (PAHO/WHO). These programmes help to strengthen the working relationships between the health and education sectors. The Health-Promoting Schools Regional Initiative, officially launched by PAHO/WHO in 1995, aims to form future generations to have the knowledge, abilities, and skills necessary for promoting and caring for their health and that of their family and community, as well as to create and maintain healthy environments and communities. The Initiative focuses on three main components: comprehensive health education, the creation and maintenance of healthy physical and psychosocial environments, and the access to health and nutrition services, mental health, and active life. In 2001, PAHO conducted a survey in 19 Latin American countries to assess the status and trends of Health-Promoting Schools in the Region, for the appropriate regional, subregional, and national planning of pertinent health promotion and health education programmes and activities. The results of this survey provided information about policies and national plans, multisectoral coordination mechanisms for the support of health promotion in the school settings, the formation and participation in national and international networks of Health-Promoting Schools and about the level of dissemination of the strategy. For the successful development of Health-Promoting Schools is essential to involve the society as a whole, in order to mobilise human resources and materials necessary for implementing health promotion in the school settings. Thus, the constitution and consolidation of networks has been a facilitating mechanism for the exchange of ideas, resources and experiences to strengthen the work and commitment of all involved with the strategy. The Latin American and Caribbean Networks of Health-Promoting Schools were created to promote these exchanges and to support the integration of the national networks, to constitute multidirectional channels of communication that are linked and that converge for the improvement of education and health in the school setting. Networks meetings have been held between 1996 and 2004, where the work and topics of priority and interest have been addressed, methodologies have been disseminated, good practices have been shared, and National Commissions and participants have been strengthened. This article synthesises successful examples of countries that reflect health promotion activities in the school settings, as well as the development of Networks. It also notes the future prospects for strengthening the Health-Promoting Schools Regional Initiative.

Introduction. The article is devoted to the analysis of the environmental policy of the EU countries on the regulation of public relations in the field of environmental safety. The article clarifies the legislative definition of environmental safety in Ukraine. It was found that the indicator that comprehensively reflects various aspects of the environment, the sustainability of ecological systems, as well as the effectiveness of state policy in the field of ecology is the index of environmental efficiency. The index of ecological efficiency in the context of the countries of the European Union is analyzed. The author calculates the dynamics of changes in the environmental performance index for EU countries. The division of EU countries by regions has been carried out. Summary of the main research results. The environmental legislation of the EU countries, in particular, Denmark, Slovakia, France and Malta, which have the highest indicators of the environmental efficiency index for 2018 in their region, is analyzed. The place of Ukraine in the specified rating is defined. It is determined that the environmental efficiency index for 2020 is calculated according to the new methodology, so it can no longer be used in retrospect.It is found that maintaining environmental safety is a complex concept that encompasses a wide range of measures, procedures and practices to maintain environmental safety and human security at the proper level of their existence, in order to protect them from anthropogenic impacts and natural changes. Conclusions. It is concluded that for the most part the structure and content of environmental legislation of the EU is similar to the Ukrainian, both in terms of specialization of laws and government agencies that ensure compliance with regulations. However, the low efficiency of our public services is still linked to the Soviet legacy (as in Slovakia). The need for a more detailed analysis and outline of prospects for the implementation of the Danish experience in Ukraine on the regulation of land relations, rules for the use of fertilizers, implementation of programs for the use of nitrates, opportunities for benefits for farmers. It is determined that the main leitmotif of EU environmental policies is the greening of the economy and large-scale use of renewable energy sources. Emphasis is placed on the urgent need for a comprehensive policy of environmental education of Ukrainian citizens, starting from school age.

Introduction Animals have a significant presence in human lives, with many human interactions involving animals. This role of animals in social life, however, has largely been ignored and marginalised. In the words of Tovey (197), “to read most sociological texts, one might never know that society is populated by non-human as well as human animals”. Human-animal relations are evident in everyday human uses of animals as companions, pets, meat sources, and entertainment. This list is by no means exhaustive, but it does demonstrate how humans create and perpetuate systems of human/animal difference which are, at times, contradictory and ambivalent. There are no consistencies in how humans view and understand animal bodies. These differences matter, as they have serious consequences for how humans view and treat animals. It also has dire consequences for animals. While humans and animals are different species, we still live together, co-evolve, and create shared histories. We are, in the words of Haraway, companion species. This exposes that animals are not just nature, but culture. It is often forgotten that one of the everyday uses of animals is as testing and experimental models in medical and scientific research. Hidden away in laboratories, these animals remain invisible, only to be discovered when the histories of innovations and breakthroughs are unravelled. Animals are veiled behind dissection, vaccinations, pharmaceuticals, insulin injections, deep brain stimulation, and so on. Of interest in this paper is one potential medico-scientific innovation that cannot disguise the animal body as it is central for the success of the technology, xenotransplantation (XTP; animal-to-human transplantation). This refers to “any procedure that involves transplantation, implantation or infusion into a human recipient of cells, tissues or organs from a nonhuman animal source” (Xenotransplantation Working Party 22, original emphasis). While many animals have been used historically in XTP, the choice animal source is currently pigs. In order for xenotransplants to perform the required functions in a human body, the fragments of the pig’s body must remain living. This fuses the living pig part and living human body intimately, where the embodiment and functionality of each relies on the other. Such practices theoretically break down the traditional dualisms between humans/pigs and self/other. However, XTP raises a number of scientific, ethical, and social hurdles that must be addressed. As Bijker, Hughes and Pinch indicate, technical innovations are not simply scientific endeavours but sociocultural issues where usage, design, and content can be contentious. In the case of XTP this relates to, amongst other issues, the explicit physical breakdown of the human/pig divide, yet boundary work still occurs in an attempt to symbolically maintain the divisions between self/other. Drawing on the work of various cultural theorists, this paper presents a sociocultural approach to examine how XTP and the associated manufacturing of pigs, demonstrates the fluidity of science and culture. This is achieved by incorporating theoretical frameworks inspired by Durkheimian thought, such as the sacred and profane, and Douglas’ use of pollution and dirt. This analysis reveals how classificatory systems of culture, such as the sanctity of the body and its boundaries, are powerful obstacles to the cultural acceptance of XTP. The Sacred Body In the work of Durkheim and his Année Sociologique colleagues, the sacred and the profane are distinct classifications attached to material objects. These binary constructs are the basis for religious life, as argued in The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. The Durkheimian tradition also argues that these building blocks of religion are apparent in secular cultural life. The world (the profane) drives people to engage with the sacred or those places, objects, and people that are collectively valued with high esteem. In contrast, the profane is marginalised. The narratives/myths which underpin the sacred provide a type of collective fervour that stands in opposition to the mundane flows of the everyday. Through this process, high or low social value is attributed. Durkheim later considered that this duality also existed within the human. Individuals experience a double-being, where the mind (soul) and the body are, repeating Cartesianism, radically different, opposed, and independent substances. The soul holds sacred qualities “that has always been denied the body” (Durkheim, The Dualism of Human Nature and its Social Conditions, 150-1), which renders the body profane and the soul divine. In the contemporary West, however, there has been a significant shift away from the soul and towards the body. Turner argues that we have become a “somatic society”, where increasingly this once profane site has become a cultural obsession. The body has become a site of performance and consumption, where the self is realised and practiced. This has lead to intense rituals, such as disciplining the body through fitness training (Sassatelli) to personal grooming practices (Goffman), that seek to separate the body from polluting or profane influences. The body is no longer approached as sinful and demeaning to the soul. It has become culturally conceived as collectively sacred. At the same time, certain attributes of the body can and do signify disgust or profane qualities. As Kendall and Michael have argued, the body is a site of order and disorder. While our best efforts are implemented to ensure that the body’s biological, social, and cultural features remain ordered, the natural processes of excretion, decay, disease, and other undesirable disorders, consistently impinge on and challenge the sacred body. Significant effort ensures, as Goffman argues, that these undesirable attributes are hidden or removed from public view through secular rituals of purification. We can relate this to the prominent use in the West of anti-ageing products to the compulsion to institutionalise the ill, diseased, and elderly. Douglas follows this Durkheimian inspired tradition, utilising concepts such as purity, pollution, and danger. These are theoretically similar to the sacred/profane distinction, which we believe lends significant insight into the dialectic of human/animal bodies in XTP. To illustrate this further, we will briefly touch upon her contribution to cultural theory that serves as the basis for our arguments here. Purity, Danger and XTP: Being ‘Out of Order’ In her significant work, Purity and Danger, Douglas exposes the deeply embedded systems of classification that underpin social life. To exemplify this, she examines ‘dirt’ and questions why we feel it necessary to clean. Her answer is that dirt reflects a “systematic ordering and classification of matter”, that is “matter out of place” (35). In other words, our social lives are ordered according to those ‘matters’ classified as belonging or coherent in the flows of everyday life. Dirt transcends this ‘ordering’ and creates disorder. This then requires action on behalf of the individual to ‘reorder’ their surrounds through purification rituals. Douglas is able then to extract this theoretical point into various examples, such as the cultural classifications and uses of pigs. Culture categorises animals in relation to how they are to be consumed or enjoyed, as already stated. A range of relatively recent sociological projects, such as Zerubavel’s cognitive sociology program, are revealing how the animal world is culturally determined. For instance, Zerubavel demonstrates that repulsion towards certain foods, especially animal, may cause physical distress to the individual. This is not linked to our gastronomies, but sociocultural perceptions embedded in our individual minds (cf. Bourdieu’s ‘habitus’). This is also demonstrated by how classificatory systems deny the human consumption of certain animals. For instance, the taboo on consuming pork for Israelites rests for Douglas on the inability for the pig to be classified as a normal farm animal because it has cloven hooves and does not chew cud. Through this cultural perception, the pig is defined as pollution, impinging on the sanctity of the soul and sitting uncomfortably in collective thought. It resides on the margins and threatens our social order. In other words, what is safe and what is dangerous are differentiated culturally. What a pig represents in one culture can differ dramatically from the next. In the world of XTP, similar impressions remain embedded in the cognitive processes of individuals, thus creating conflict between cultural norms and values, and that of science (cf. Alexander and Smith). A further important point needs to be considered before discussing XTP explicitly. As suggested earlier, Douglas argues that some of the most dangerous cultural artefacts/objects to our sense of order are those which impinge on the pure through their unclassifiable nature. However, partial objects from these polluted things can also cause distress. Contemporary examples are bodily fluids, excretions, and other naturally occurring by-products of the body. These are generally held as disgusting within cultural contexts once removed from the body. Douglas explains this through their symbolic connection to a ‘human’ identity. She writes that these mundane objects remain “dangerous; their half identity still clings to them and the clarity of the scene in which they obtrude is impaired by their presence” (160). Fluids, such as mucus, when found in the home or other ‘ordered’ situations are considered most disgusting not because of the substance itself, but because it remains connected to the embodiment and identity of the other. Until that substance is cleansed from view, or reordered, it impinges on order in the most dangerous ways because of its ‘half identity’. It is still connected to its host. From this perspective, we can begin to envisage why the consumption of animals is closely governed by specific classificatory systems. The presentation of whole animals cooked, with head and limbs attached, may invoke disgust through the inability to completely remove the animal’s identity. Whole ducks, fish, or pigs presented at the dinner table, with their eyes gazing at the diners, can cause significant distress. The identity of the animal is reaffirmed and a reaction of disgust can occur. The reappropriation of animals as cuts of meat and meat-based products, can strip away the identity of the animal by dividing it into parts. This reordering makes it appropriate and pure for human consumption. By carving the body of an animal into pieces, it becomes a product that is removed from the living being. This is extended through ‘meat discourses’; the pig becomes pork, ham and bacon, and an anaemic calf becomes veal. It is meat; just another object in the cultural universe. In viewing XTP as a cultural artefact, these significantly stringent classifications of the pure and polluting remain deeply embedded and potent. Pig organs such as the heart remain, despite any cleansing processes undertaken by science and unlike the reappropriation of animals for consumption, linked to the pig’s embodiment. The removal of this body part does not remove it from the pig’s identity. It remains connected, clinging to its ‘half identity’. Furthermore, unlike the meat industry or various other medico-scientific uses of animals, it is vital that the pig’s body parts remain living. Xenotransplants would not function without, for example, the pig’s heart continuing to beat, pumping blood around the new human body it inhabits. This creates cultural barriers that go beyond the ordered animal products that currently exist, which serves to threaten the acceptance and successful appropriation of XTP amongst society. There is then a culturally perceived taboo on combining the self and other in XTP. Pig bodies must somehow be ‘cleansed’ by science, although, as we alluded to previously, this is not necessarily successful. These rituals of purification by science are undertaken for scientific and cultural reasons. For example, Cook outlines that scientists working in XTP go to great lengths to justify why the polluting other, the pig, can and should be used as the source animal. This involves a complex narration on the differences and similarities between humans and animals. Significantly, XTP relies on and perpetuates the differential cultural worth that is placed on human life (high value) and animal life (low value), in order to justify XTP procedures. However, pig parts need to become worthy of being harvested for human bodies, meaning that pigs must be elevated from their lowly status to that worthy of being human. This leads science to engage in, according to Cook, a complex interweaving of desirable-similarity, desirable-dissimilarity, undesirable-similarity, and undesirable-dissimilarity, to establish continuities and disparities between pig and human bodies. This functions not only for the purposes of science, but to culturally justify the practices and artefacts of XTP. While XTP involves intimately mixing humans and pigs, these “science stories” (Cook) additionally work to maintain species divides. Simultaneously, these processes operate to justify that it is appropriate for humans to embody pigs. Hence, science attempts to mould the social into desirable ways of thinking about XTP, thus supporting it and the science behind it. This includes the experimental and therapeutic sacrifice of pigs. At the same time, science cannot avoid that the practice and delivery of XTP involves the culturally pure/sacred human body coming into conflict with the polluted/dangerous ‘other’, pig part/s. The genetic engineering of pigs to express select human complementary regulatory proteins, which inhibit self-damage when the immune system reacts to the presence of a foreign body such as a transplanted organ, somewhat disintegrates the human/animal divide within the pig body itself. It is becoming human. However, science still faces a significant hurdle. Namely, “How can we physically mix (natural-technical discourse) if we’re so different (social-moral discourse)?” (Brown 333). Pig parts in human bodies, and pigs genetically engineered to be more ‘human like’, still involve pig parts being out of place and therefore disgusting. Despite the rituals employed by science to draw similarities between humans and pigs (and genetically engineered pigs), there remain cultural classification systems that compromise the normalisation of XTP. Hence, crossing the species divide in XTP is scientifically unproblematic (though getting XTP to work is another matter), but the fusing of human and pig bodies may still be culturally dangerous. In other words, cultural classifications may render pigs as incompatible with humans, despite any social constructions attempted by science. The body expresses these social values. In XTP, porcine genetics cannot be physically separated from their social and genetic being. Incorporating this with the human can cause disgust, even amongst those who have received xenotransplants: “I wonder how much from an animal can be introduced into my body before my humanity vanishes” (porcine cellular xenotransplant recipient qtd. in Lundin 150). While science may reduce the body to mechanistic functioning and seek to objectify it, the body, be it human or pig, possesses material-semiotic importance. The heart is not simply a pump; it is symbolically powerful. A xenotransplanted pig heart challenges the sanctity of the human body and how the human body and its parts are culturally constructed. However, the potentiality of XTP to save a life may trump any individual concerns, even if an individual may reject it culturally (Lundin). There still remains another dilemma that cannot be subsumed by such negotiations—the potentiality of cross-species viral infections (zoonosis) that could result from the embodied fusion of living pig parts and living human bodies. While a detailed examination of this is beyond the scope of this paper, it is worth noting that the social fears of zoonosis, such as avian influenza (bird flu) and swine influenza, have resulted in increased international collaborative efforts to study and halt the global spread of contagion. While there are a number of differences between these zoonotic infections and any unforeseen zoonotic consequences of XTP, what is of significance is the boundary pollution. That is, all forms of animal-to-human zoonosis involve a violation of the sacred human body by the dirty and profane other. For example, the recent outbreaks of swine influenza involved disparate species coming into contact with each other through disgusting body products, namely contaminated droplets emitted by infected individuals sneezing or coughing. The physical bodies of humans and animals, however, still remain differentiated even if zoonosis symbolically challenges such classifications. XTP, on the other hand, is an intimate physical and symbolic fusion of these bodies. The human and the animal can no longer be separated as independent beings. Thus, the potential of pollution from XTP moves beyond the fear of the symbolically disgusting pig body and the symbolism of particular body parts, to include what the pig parts may actually physically carry with them. As a result, the cultural dangers of transplanted pig parts and their potential violations are not just symbolic, but also materially ‘real’. Conclusion By categorising animals as a lower species, humans enable their exploitation and use in a multitude of ways. This process of cultural classification in the contemporary West means that we attribute a sacred, high value to human bodies, and a low, profane quality to animal bodies. While the scientific intermingling of human and pig bodies in XTP could be seen to present a cultural challenge to these species dualisms, it does not overcome such cultural classifications. That is, the interests and social constructions of pigs by science cannot overpower or suppress the sociocultural. The removal of pig parts from the pig’s body does not eliminate its ‘half identity’. It is still a living product from an animal’s body. Unlike other pig products, life cannot be removed from the pig parts for XTP, as this is the vital function required for xenotransplants to (potentially) work. A heart needs to beat. Any purification rituals undertaken by science, such as using pigs genetically engineered with human proteins, cannot overcome this cultural construction. While it may be argued that XTP will become culturally acceptable with time, this disrespects how social knowledges are as equally important as the scientific. This further disavows that cultural concerns over mixing pig and human bodies are as viable as scientific constructions. This is perhaps most potently highlighted by zoonosis. Thus, the pigs used in XTP have cultural-technical bodies that are materially and symbolically significant, which science cannot purge. References Alexander, J. C. and P. Smith. “Social Science and Salvation: Risk Society as Mythical Discourse.” Zeitschrift für Soziologie 25 (1996): 251-262. Bijker, W.E., T.P. Hughes and T. Pinch. Eds. The Social Construction of Technological Systems: New Directions in the Sociology and History of Technology. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1989. Bourdieu, P. Distinction: a Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, London: Routledge, 1986. Brown, N. “Xenotransplantation: Normalizing Disgust”. Science as Culture 8 (1999): 327-55. Cook, P.S. “Science Stories: Selecting the Source Animal for Xenotransplantation.” Social Change in the 21st Century 2006 Conference Proceedings. Eds. C. Hopkinson and C. Hall. Centre for Social Change Research, School of Humanities and Human Services, Queensland University of Technology, Brisbane, 2006. 6 Aug. 2010. Douglas, M. Purity and Danger, London: Routledge and Keegan Paul, 1976[1966]. Durkheim, E. The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, New York: The Free Press, 1995[1912]. Durkheim, E. “The Dualism of Human Nature and its Social Conditions.” Emile Durkheim on Morality and Society: Selected Works. Ed. R. Bellah. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1973[1914]. Goffman, E. The Presentation of the Self in Everyday Life. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1971. Haraway, D. J. The Companion Species Manifesto: Dogs, People, and Significant Otherness. Chicago: Prickly Paradigm Press, 2003. Kendall, G. and M. Michael “Order and Disorder: Time, Technology and the Self.” Culture Machine, Interzone, Nov. 2001. 6 Aug. 2010 .Lundin, S. “Understanding Cultural Perspectives on Clinical Xenotransplantation.” Graft 4.2 (1999): 150-153. Sassatelli, R. “The Commercialization of DIscipline: Keep-fit Culture and its Values.” Journal of Modern Italian Studies 5.3 (2000): 396-411. Tovey, H. “Theorising Nature and Society in Sociology: The Invisibility of Animals.” Sociologia Ruralis 43.3 (2003): 196-215. Turner, B.S. The body and society: explorations in social theory. Second Ed. London: Sage, 1996. Xenotransplantation Working Party. Animal-to-Human Transplantation Research: How Should Australian Proceed? Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia, 2003. Zerubavel, E. Social Mindscapes: An Invitation to Cognitive Sociology. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997.

Introduction Documentary film has grown significantly in the past decade, with high profile films such as Fahrenheit 9/11, Supersize Me, and An Inconvenient Truth garnering increased attention both at the box office and in the news media. In addition, the rising prominence of web-based media has provided new opportunities for documentary to create social impact. Films are now typically released with websites, Facebook pages, twitter feeds, and web videos to increase both reach and impact. This combination of technology and broader audience appeal has given rise to a current landscape in which documentary films are imbedded within coordinated multi-media campaigns. New media have not only opened up new avenues for communicating with audiences, they have also created new opportunities for data collection and analysis of film impacts. A recent report by McKinsey and Company highlighted this potential, introducing and discussing the implications of increasing consumer information being recorded on the Internet as well as through networked sensors in the physical world. As they found: "Big data—large pools of data that can be captured, communicated, aggregated, stored, and analyzed—is now part of every sector and function of the global economy" (Manyika et al. iv). This data can be mined to learn a great deal about both individual and cultural response to documentary films and the issues they represent. Although film has a rich history in humanities research, this new set of tools enables an empirical approach grounded in the social sciences. However, several researchers across disciplines have noted that limited investigation has been conducted in this area. Although there has always been an emphasis on social impact in film and many filmmakers and scholars have made legitimate (and possibly illegitimate) claims of impact, few have attempted to empirically justify these claims. Over fifteen years ago, noted film scholar Brian Winston commented that "the underlying assumption of most social documentaries—that they shall act as agents of reform and change—is almost never demonstrated" (236). A decade later, Political Scientist David Whiteman repeated this sentiment, arguing that, "despite widespread speculation about the impact of documentaries, the topic has received relatively little systematic attention" ("Evolving"). And earlier this year, the introduction to a special issue of Mass Communication and Society on documentary film stated, "documentary film, despite its growing influence and many impacts, has mostly been overlooked by social scientists studying the media and communication" (Nisbet and Aufderheide 451). Film has been studied extensively as entertainment, as narrative, and as cultural event, but the study of film as an agent of social change is still in its infancy. This paper introduces a systematic approach to measuring the social impact of documentary film aiming to: (1) discuss the context of documentary film and its potential impact; and (2) argue for a social science approach, discussing key issues about conducting such research. Changes in Documentary Practice Documentary film has been used as a tool for promoting social change throughout its history. John Grierson, who coined the term "documentary" in 1926, believed it could be used to influence the ideas and actions of people in ways once reserved for church and school. He presented his thoughts on this emerging genre in his 1932 essay, First Principles of Documentary, saying, "We believe that the cinema's capacity for getting around, for observing and selecting from life itself, can be exploited in a new and vital art form" (97). Richard Barsam further specified the definition of documentary, distinguishing it from non-fiction film, such that all documentaries are non-fiction films but not all non-fiction films are documentaries. He distinguishes documentary from other forms of non-fiction film (i.e. travel films, educational films, newsreels) by its purpose; it is a film with an opinion and a specific message that aims to persuade or influence the audience. And Bill Nichols writes that the definition of documentary may even expand beyond the film itself, defining it as a "filmmaking practice, a cinematic tradition, and mode of audience reception" (12). Documentary film has undergone many significant changes since its inception, from the heavily staged romanticism movement of the 1920s to the propagandist tradition of governments using film to persuade individuals to support national agendas to the introduction of cinéma vérité in the 1960s and historical documentary in the 1980s (cf. Barnouw). However, the recent upsurge in popularity of documentary media, combined with technological advances of internet and computers have opened up a whole new set of opportunities for film to serve as both art and agent for social change. One such opportunity is in the creation of film-based social action campaigns. Over the past decade, filmmakers have taken a more active role in promoting social change by coordinating film releases with action campaigns. Companies such as Participant Media (An Inconvenient Truth, Food Inc., etc.) now create "specific social action campaigns for each film and documentary designed to give a voice to issues that resonate in the films" (Participant Media). In addition, a new sector of "social media" consultants are now offering services, including "consultation, strategic planning for alternative distribution, website and social media development, and complete campaign management services to filmmakers to ensure the content of nonfiction media truly meets the intention for change" (Working Films). The emergence of new forms of media and technology are changing our conceptions of both documentary film and social action. Technologies such as podcasts, video blogs, internet radio, social media and network applications, and collaborative web editing "both unsettle and extend concepts and assumptions at the heart of 'documentary' as a practice and as an idea" (Ellsworth). In the past decade, we have seen new forms of documentary creation, distribution, marketing, and engagement. Likewise, film campaigns are utilizing a broad array of strategies to engage audience members, including "action kits, screening programs, educational curriculums and classes, house parties, seminars, panels" that often turn into "ongoing 'legacy' programs that are updated and revised to continue beyond the film's domestic and international theatrical, DVD and television windows" (Participant Media). This move towards multi-media documentary film is becoming not only commonplace, but expected as a part of filmmaking. NYU film professor and documentary film pioneer George Stoney recently noted, "50 percent of the documentary filmmaker's job is making the movie, and 50 percent is figuring out what its impact can be and how it can move audiences to action" (qtd. in Nisbet, "Gasland"). In his book Convergence Culture, Henry Jenkins, coined the term "transmedia storytelling", which he later defined as "a process where integral elements of a fiction get dispersed systematically across multiple delivery channels for the purpose of creating a unified and coordinated entertainment experience" ("Transmedia"). When applied to documentary film, it is the elements of the "issue" raised by the film that get dispersed across these channels, coordinating, not just an entertainment experience, but a social action campaign. Dimensions of Evaluation It is not unreasonable to assume that such film campaigns, just like any policy or program, have the possibility to influence viewers' knowledge, attitudes, and behavior. Measuring this impact has become increasingly important, as funders of documentary and issue-based films want look to understand the "return on investment" of films in terms of social impact so that they can compare them with other projects, including non-media, direct service projects. Although we "feel" like films make a difference to the individuals who also see them in the broader cultures in which they are embedded, measurement and empirical analysis of this impact are vitally important for both providing feedback to filmmakers and funders as well as informing future efforts attempting to leverage film for social change. This type of systematic assessment, or program evaluation, is often discussed in terms of two primary goals—formative (or process) and summative (or impact) evaluation (cf. Muraskin; Trochim and Donnelly). Formative evaluation studies program materials and activities to strengthen a program, and summative evaluation examines program outcomes. In terms of documentary film, these two goals can be described as follows: Formative Evaluation: Informing the Process As programs (broadly defined as an intentional set of activities with the aim of having some specific impact), the people who interact with them, and the cultures they are situated in are constantly changing, program development and evaluation is an ongoing learning cycle. Film campaigns, which are an intentional set of activities with the aim of impacting individual viewers and broader cultures, fit squarely within this purview. Without formulating hypotheses about the relationships between program activities and goals and then collecting and analyzing data during implementation to test them, it is difficult to learn ways to improve programs (or continue doing what works best in the most efficient manner). Attention to this process enables those involved to learn more about, not only what works, but how and why it works and even gain insights about how program outcomes may be affected by changes to resource availability, potential audiences, or infrastructure. Filmmakers are constantly learning and honing their craft and realizing the impact of their practice can help the artistic process. Often faced with tight budgets and timelines, they are forced to confront tradeoffs all the time, in the writing, production and post-production process. Understanding where they are having impact can improve their decision-making, which can help both the individual project and the overall field. Summative Evaluation: Quantifying Impacts Evaluation is used in many different fields to determine whether programs are achieving their intended goals and objectives. It became popular in the 1960s as a way of understanding the impact of the Great Society programs and has continued to grow since that time (Madaus and Stufflebeam). A recent White House memo stated that "rigorous, independent program evaluations can be a key resource in determining whether government programs are achieving their intended outcomes as well as possible and at the lowest possible cost" and the United States Office of Management and Budget (OMB) launched an initiative to increase the practice of "impact evaluations, or evaluations aimed at determining the causal effects of programs" (Orszag 1). Documentary films, like government programs, generally target a national audience, aim to serve a social purpose, and often do not provide a return on their investment. Participant Media, the most visible and arguably most successful documentary production company in the film industry, made recent headlines for its difficulty in making a profit during its seven-year history (Cieply). Owner and founder Jeff Skoll reported investing hundreds of millions of dollars into the company and CEO James Berk added that the company sometimes measures success, not by profit, but by "whether Mr. Skoll could have exerted more impact simply by spending his money philanthropically" (Cieply). Because of this, documentary projects often rely on grant funding, and are starting to approach funders beyond traditional arts and media sources. "Filmmakers are finding new fiscal and non-fiscal partners, in constituencies that would not traditionally be considered—or consider themselves—media funders or partners" (BRITDOC 6). And funders increasingly expect tangible data about their return on investment. Says Luis Ubiñas, president of Ford Foundation, which recently launched the Just Films Initiative: In these times of global economic uncertainty, with increasing demand for limited philanthropic dollars, assessing our effectiveness is more important than ever. Today, staying on the frontlines of social change means gauging, with thoughtfulness and rigor, the immediate and distant outcomes of our funding. Establishing the need for evaluation is not enough—attention to methodology is also critical. Valid research methodology is a critical component of understanding around the role entertainment can play in impacting social and environmental issues. The following issues are vital to measuring impact. Defining the Project Though this may seem like an obvious step, it is essential to determine the nature of the project so one can create research questions and hypotheses based on a complete understanding of the "treatment". One organization that provides a great example of the integration of documentary film imbedded into a larger campaign or movement is Invisible Children. Founded in 2005, Invisible Children is both a media-based organization as well as an economic development NGO with the goal of raising awareness and meeting the needs of child soldiers and other youth suffering as a result of the ongoing war in northern Uganda. Although Invisible Children began as a documentary film, it has grown into a large non-profit organization with an operating budget of over $8 million and a staff of over a hundred employees and interns throughout the year as well as volunteers in all 50 states and several countries. Invisible Children programming includes films, events, fundraising campaigns, contests, social media platforms, blogs, videos, two national "tours" per year, merchandise, and even a 650-person three-day youth summit in August 2011 called The Fourth Estate. Individually, each of these components might lead to specific outcomes; collectively, they might lead to others. In order to properly assess impacts of the film "project", it is important to take all of these components into consideration and think about who they may impact and how. This informs the research questions, hypotheses, and methods used in evaluation. Film campaigns may even include partnerships with existing social movements and non-profit organizations targeting social change. The American University Center for Social Media concluded in a case study of three issue-based documentary film campaigns: Digital technologies do not replace, but are closely entwined with, longstanding on-the-ground activities of stakeholders and citizens working for social change. Projects like these forge new tools, pipelines, and circuits of circulation in a multiplatform media environment. They help to create sustainable network infrastructures for participatory public media that extend from local communities to transnational circuits and from grassroots communities to policy makers. (Abrash) Expanding the Focus of Impact beyond the Individual A recent focus has shifted the dialogue on film impact. Whiteman ("Theaters") argues that traditional metrics of film "success" tend to focus on studio economic indicators that are far more relevant to large budget films. Current efforts focused on box office receipts and audience size, the author claims, are really measures of successful film marketing or promotion, missing the mark when it comes to understanding social impact. He instead stresses the importance of developing a more comprehensive model. His "coalition model" broadens the range and types of impact of film beyond traditional metrics to include the entire filmmaking process, from production to distribution. Whiteman (“Theaters”) argues that a narrow focus on the size of the audience for a film, its box office receipts, and viewers' attitudes does not incorporate the potential reach of a documentary film. Impacts within the coalition model include both individual and policy levels. Individual impacts (with an emphasis on activist groups) include educating members, mobilizing for action, and raising group status; policy includes altering both agenda for and the substance of policy deliberations. The Fledgling Fund (Barrett and Leddy) expanded on this concept and identified five distinct impacts of documentary film campaigns. These potential impacts expand from individual viewers to groups, movements, and eventually to what they call the "ultimate goal" of social change. Each is introduced briefly below. Quality Film. The film itself can be presented as a quality film or media project, creating enjoyment or evoking emotion in the part of audiences. "By this we mean a film that has a compelling narrative that draws viewers in and can engage them in the issue and illustrate complex problems in ways that statistics cannot" (Barrett and Leddy, 6). Public Awareness. Film can increase public awareness by bringing light to issues and stories that may have otherwise been unknown or not often thought about. This is the level of impact that has received the most attention, as films are often discussed in terms of their "educational" value. "A project's ability to raise awareness around a particular issue, since awareness is a critical building block for both individual change and broader social change" (Barrett and Leddy, 6). Public Engagement. Impact, however, need not stop at simply raising public awareness. Engagement "indicates a shift from simply being aware of an issue to acting on this awareness. Were a film and its outreach campaign able to provide an answer to the question 'What can I do?' and more importantly mobilize that individual to act?" (Barrett and Leddy, 7). This is where an associated film campaign becomes increasingly important, as transmedia outlets such as Facebook, websites, blogs, etc. can build off the interest and awareness developed through watching a film and provide outlets for viewers channel their constructive efforts. Social Movement. In addition to impacts on individuals, films can also serve to mobilize groups focused on a particular problem. The filmmaker can create a campaign around the film to promote its goals and/or work with existing groups focused on a particular issue, so that the film can be used as a tool for mobilization and collaboration. "Moving beyond measures of impact as they relate to individual awareness and engagement, we look at the project's impact as it relates to the broader social movement … if a project can strengthen the work of key advocacy organizations that have strong commitment to the issues raised in the film" (Barrett and Leddy, 7). Social Change. The final level of impact and "ultimate goal" of an issue-based film is long-term and systemic social change. "While we understand that realizing social change is often a long and complex process, we do believe it is possible and that for some projects and issues there are key indicators of success" (Barrett and Leddy, 7). This can take the form of policy or legislative change, passed through film-based lobbying efforts, or shifts in public dialogue and behavior. Legislative change typically takes place beyond the social movement stage, when there is enough support to pressure legislators to change or create policy. Film-inspired activism has been seen in issues ranging from environmental causes such as agriculture (Food Inc.) and toxic products (Blue Vinyl) to social causes such as foreign conflict (Invisible Children) and education (Waiting for Superman). Documentary films can also have a strong influence as media agenda-setters, as films provide dramatic "news pegs" for journalists seeking to either sustain or generation new coverage of an issue (Nisbet "Introduction" 5), such as the media coverage of climate change in conjunction with An Inconvenient Truth. Barrett and Leddy, however, note that not all films target all five impacts and that different films may lead to different impacts. "In some cases we could look to key legislative or policy changes that were driven by, or at least supported by the project... In other cases, we can point to shifts in public dialogue and how issues are framed and discussed" (7). It is possible that specific film and/or campaign characteristics may lead to different impacts; this is a nascent area for research and one with great promise for both practical and theoretical utility. Innovations in Tools and Methods Finally, the selection of tools is a vital component for assessing impact and the new media landscape is enabling innovations in the methods and strategies for program evaluation. Whereas the traditional domain of film impact measurement included box office statistics, focus groups, and exit surveys, innovations in data collection and analysis have expanded the reach of what questions we can ask and how we are able to answer them. For example, press coverage can assist in understanding and measuring the increase in awareness about an issue post-release. Looking directly at web-traffic changes "enables the creation of an information-seeking curve that can define the parameters of a teachable moment" (Hart and Leiserowitz 360). Audience reception can be measured, not only via interviews and focus groups, but also through content and sentiment analysis of web content and online analytics. "Sophisticated analytics can substantially improve decision making, minimize risks, and unearth valuable insights that would otherwise remain hidden" (Manyika et al. 5). These new tools are significantly changing evaluation, expanding what we can learn about the social impacts of film through triangulation of self-report data with measurement of actual behavior in virtual environments. Conclusion The changing media landscape both allows and impels evaluation of film impacts on individual viewers and the broader culture in which they are imbedded. Although such analysis may have previously been limited to box office numbers, critics' reviews, and theater exit surveys, the rise of new media provides both the ability to connect filmmakers, activists, and viewers in new ways and the data in which to study the process. This capability, combined with significant growth in the documentary landscape, suggests a great potential for documentary film to contribute to some of our most pressing social and environmental needs. A social scientific approach, that combines empirical analysis with theory applied from basic science, ensures that impact can be measured and leveraged in a way that is useful for both filmmakers as well as funders. In the end, this attention to impact ensures a continued thriving marketplace for issue-based documentary films in our social landscape. References Abrash, Barbara. "Social Issue Documentary: The Evolution of Public Engagement." American University Center for Social Media 21 Apr. 2010. 26 Sep. 2011 ‹http://www.centerforsocialmedia.org/›. Aufderheide, Patricia. "The Changing Documentary Marketplace." Cineaste 30.3 (2005): 24-28. Barnouw, Eric. Documentary: A History of the Non-Fiction Film. New York: Oxford UP, 1993. Barrett, Diana and Sheila Leddy. "Assessing Creative Media's Social Impact." The Fledgling Fund, Dec. 2008. 15 Sep. 2011 ‹http://www.thefledglingfund.org/media/research.html›. Barsam, Richard M. Nonfiction Film: A Critical History. Bloomington: Indiana UP. 1992. BRITDOC Foundation. The End of the Line: A Social Impact Evaluation. London: Channel 4, 2011. 12 Oct. 2011 ‹http://britdoc.org/news_details/the_social_impact_of_the_end_of_the_line/›. Cieply, Michael. "Uneven Growth for Film Studio with a Message." New York Times 5 Jun. 2011: B1. Ellsworth, Elizabeth. "Emerging Media and Documentary Practice." The New School Graduate Program in International Affairs. Aug. 2008. 22 Sep. 2011. ‹http://www.gpia.info/node/911›. Grierson, John. "First Principles of Documentary (1932)." Imagining Reality: The Faber Book of Documentary. Eds. Kevin Macdonald and Mark Cousins. London: Faber and Faber, 1996. 97-102. Hart, Philip Solomon and Anthony Leiserowitz. "Finding the Teachable Moment: An Analysis of Information-Seeking Behavior on Global Warming Related Websites during the Release of The Day After Tomorrow." Environmental Communication: A Journal of Nature and Culture 3.3 (2009): 355-66. Jenkins, Henry. Convergence Culture: Where Old and New Media Collide. New York: New York UP, 2006. ———. "Transmedia Storytelling 101." Confessions of an Aca-Fan. The Official Weblog of Henry Jenkins. 22 Mar. 2007. 10 Oct. 2011 ‹http://www.henryjenkins.org/2007/03/transmedia_storytelling_101.html›. Madaus, George, and Daniel Stufflebeam. "Program Evaluation: A Historical Overview." Evaluation in Education and Human Services 49.1 (2002): 3-18. Manyika, James, Michael Chui, Jacques Bughin, Brad Brown, Richard Dobbs, Charles Roxburgh, and Angela Hung Byers. Big Data: The Next Frontier for Innovation, Competition, and Productivity. McKinsey Global Institute. May 2011 ‹http://www.mckinsey.com/mgi/publications/big_data/›. Muraskin, Lana. Understanding Evaluation: The Way to Better Prevention Programs. Washington: U.S. Department of Education, 1993. 8 Oct. 2011 ‹http://www2.ed.gov/PDFDocs/handbook.pdf›. Nichols, Bill. "Foreword." Documenting the Documentary: Close Readings of Documentary Film and Video. Eds. Barry Keith Grant and Jeannette Sloniowski. Detroit: Wayne State UP, 1997. 11-13. Nisbet, Matthew. "Gasland and Dirty Business: Documentary Films Shape Debate on Energy Policy." Big Think, 9 May 2011. 1 Oct. 2011 ‹http://bigthink.com/ideas/38345›. ———. "Introduction: Understanding the Social Impact of a Documentary Film." Documentaries on a Mission: How Nonprofits Are Making Movies for Public Engagement. Ed. Karen Hirsch, Center for Social Media. Mar. 2007. 10 Sep. 2011 ‹http://aladinrc.wrlc.org/bitstream/1961/4634/1/docs_on_a_mission.pdf›. Nisbet, Matthew, and Patricia Aufderheide. "Documentary Film: Towards a Research Agenda on Forms, Functions, and Impacts." Mass Communication and Society 12.4 (2011): 450-56. Orszag, Peter. Increased Emphasis on Program Evaluation. Washington: Office of Management and Budget. 7 Oct. 2009. 10 Oct. 2011 ‹http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/omb/assets/memoranda_2010/m10-01.pdf›. Participant Media. "Our Mission." 2011. 2 Apr. 2011 ‹http://www.participantmedia.com/company/about_us.php.›. Plantinga, Carl. Rhetoric and Representation in Nonfiction Film. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1997. Trochim, William, and James Donnelly. Research Methods Knowledge Base. 3rd ed. Mason: Atomic Dogs, 2007. Ubiñas, Luis. "President's Message." 2009 Annual Report. Ford Foundation, Sep. 2010. 10 Oct. 2011 ‹http://www.fordfoundation.org/about-us/2009-annual-report/presidents-message›. Vladica, Florin, and Charles Davis. "Business Innovation and New Media Practices in Documentary Film Production and Distribution: Conceptual Framework and Review of Evidence." The Media as a Driver of the Information Society. Eds. Ed Albarran, Paulo Faustino, and R. Santos. Lisbon, Portugal: Media XXI / Formal, 2009. 299-319. Whiteman, David. "Out of the Theaters and into the Streets: A Coalition Model of the Political Impact of Documentary Film and Video." Political Communication 21.1 (2004): 51-69. ———. "The Evolving Impact of Documentary Film: Sacrifice and the Rise of Issue-Centered Outreach." Post Script 22 Jun. 2007. 10 Sep. 2011 ‹http://www.allbusiness.com/media-telecommunications/movies-sound-recording/5517496-1.html›. Winston, Brian. Claiming the Real: The Documentary Film Revisited. London: British Film Institute, 1995. Working Films. "Nonprofits: Working Films." Foundation Source Access 31 May 2011. 5 Oct. 2011 ‹http://access.foundationsource.com/nonprofit/working-films/›.

Abstract Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. HUMAN TISSUE RESOURCES NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to over 9,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. Researchers can search an online database to determine whether the resource specimens and data meet their needs. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at: http://www-cbctr.ims.nci.nih.gov, or Ms. Sherrill Long, Information Management Services, Inc., (301) 984-3445; e-mail: longs@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide researchers with access to paraffin-embedded and frozen prostate cancer tissues with associated clinical and outcome data. The collection is particularly useful for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. Questions about the resource should be directed to ASK-CPCTR-L@LIST.NIH.GOV. Additional information can be obtained from CPCTR’s Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or by contacting Ms. Sherrill Long, Information Management Services, Inc., (301) 984-3445; e-mail: longs@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/), or Dr. Jodi Black, (301) 402-6293; e-mail: jb377x@nih.gov. NCI - Breast, Ovarian, and Colorectal Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) include two international registries: the Cancer Family Registry for Breast Cancer Studies (Breast CFR) and the Cancer Family Registry for Colorectal Cancer Studies (Colon CFR). The Breast CFR provides family history information, biological specimens, and epidemiologic and clinical data from clinic-based and population-based families at risk for breast and ovarian cancers. The Breast CFR infrastructure is particularly suited to support interdisciplinary and translational breast cancer research. Similarly, the Colon CFR collection includes family history information, epidemiologic and clinical data, and related biological specimens from individuals with colorectal cancer and their families. The colon CFR is a resource for population- and clinic-based translational research in the genetic epidemiology of colorectal cancer. For information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/cfr.html) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contractsperiodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Type I Diabetes Clinical Trials Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20814-9692. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at: www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain; cardiovascular system; endocrine system; eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Ms. Sally Strickler at NDRI, 1880 John F. Kennedy Boulevard, 6th Floor, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 227; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: sstrickler@ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Richard A. Knazek, M.D., Division of Clinical Research, NCRR, NIH, 6705 Rockledge Drive, Bethesda, MD 20892. Phone (301) 435-0790; fax (301) 480-3661; e-mail: richardk@ncrr.nih.gov. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/7 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese-American, Hispanic, and Japanese-American women. The SWAN Repository contains blood and urine specimens from each study participant’s annual visit, at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data are also collected. In addition, a subset of participants provide urine samples over the length of one menstrual cycle each year. All of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. A DNA sample repository for SWAN is in development. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www.swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu. HUMAN AND ANIMAL CELL AND BIOLOGIC REAGENT RESOURCES NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: American Type Culture Collection, National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nih.gov/nia/research/rodent.htm or contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs)* are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from Jerry A. Robinson, Ph.D., Director, National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: JerryR@ncrr.nih.gov. *The National Primate Research Centers were formerly called Regional Primate Research Centers. The name was changed in April 2002 to reflect the expanded role of the centers. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (ODAAR) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of Maryland. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extends as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODAAR has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODAAR colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity and Diabetes Research Center, University of Maryland, 10 South Pine St., Baltimore, MD 21201-1192, Phone: (410) 706-3168; fax: (410) 706-7540; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. MISCELLANEOUS RESOURCES NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, and herpes-virus. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Rubin, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site: http://www.ngvl.org/. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 80 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division of Clinical Research, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Abstract Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. HUMAN TISSUE RESOURCES NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to over 9,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. Researchers can search an online database to determine whether the resource specimens and data meet their needs. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at: http://www-cbctr.ims.nci.nih.gov, or Ms. Sherrill Long, Information Management Services, Inc., (301) 984-3445; e-mail: longs@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide researchers with access to paraffin-embedded and frozen prostate cancer tissues with associated clinical and outcome data. The collection is particularly useful for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. Questions about the resource should be directed to ASK-CPCTR-L@LIST.NIH.GOV. Additional information can be obtained from CPCTR’s Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or by contacting Ms. Sherrill Long, Information Management Services, Inc., (301) 984-3445; e-mail: longs@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/), or Dr. Jodi Black, (301) 402-6293; e-mail: jb377x@nih.gov. NCI - Breast, Ovarian, and Colorectal Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) include two international registries: the Cancer Family Registry for Breast Cancer Studies (Breast CFR) and the Cancer Family Registry for Colorectal Cancer Studies (Colon CFR). The Breast CFR provides family history information, biological specimens, and epidemiologic and clinical data from clinic-based and population-based families at risk for breast and ovarian cancers. The Breast CFR infrastructure is particularly suited to support interdisciplinary and translational breast cancer research. Similarly, the Colon CFR collection includes family history information, epidemiologic and clinical data, and related biological specimens from individuals with colorectal cancer and their families. The colon CFR is a resource for population- and clinic-based translational research in the genetic epidemiology of colorectal cancer. For information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/cfr.html) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Type I Diabetes Clinical Trials Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20814-9692. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at: www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain; cardiovascular system; endocrine system; eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Ms. Sally Strickler at NDRI, 1880 John F. Kennedy Boulevard, 6th Floor, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 227; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: sstrickler@ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Richard A. Knazek, M.D., Division of Clinical Research, NCRR, NIH, 6705 Rockledge Drive, Bethesda, MD 20892. Phone (301) 435-0790; fax (301) 480-3661; e-mail: richardk@ncrr.nih.gov. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/7 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese-American, Hispanic, and Japanese-American women.144.9.4215http://www.swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu. HUMAN AND ANIMAL CELL AND BIOLOGIC REAGENT RESOURCES NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: American Type Culture Collection, National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nih.gov/nia/research/rodent.htm or contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs)* are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from Jerry A. Robinson, Ph.D., Director, National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: JerryR@ncrr.nih.gov. *The National Primate Research Centers were formerly called Regional Primate Research Centers. The name was changed in April 2002 to reflect the expanded role of the centers. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (ODAAR) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of Maryland. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extends as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODAAR has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODAAR colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity and Diabetes Research Center, University of Maryland, 10 South Pine St., Baltimore, MD 21201-1192, Phone: (410) 706-3168; fax: (410) 706-7540; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. MISCELLANEOUS RESOURCES NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, and herpes-virus. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Rubin, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site: http://www.ngvl.org/. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 80 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division of Clinical Research, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. HUMAN TISSUE AND BIOLOGIC SPECIMEN RESOURCES NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www. swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu HUMAN AND ANIMAL CELL AND BIOLOGIC REAGENT RESOURCES NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. MISCELLANEOUS RESOURCES NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov

Abstract Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. HUMAN TISSUE AND BIOLOGIC SPECIMEN RESOURCES NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www.swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu. HUMAN AND ANIMAL CELL AND BIOLOGIC REAGENT RESOURCES NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. MISCELLANEOUS RESOURCES NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. Human Tissue and Biologic Specimen Resources NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www. swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu. Human and Animal Cell and Biologic Reagent Resources NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. Animal Resources NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm.The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. Miscellaneous Resources NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. Human Tissue and Biologic Specimen Resources NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770;marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770;marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147;bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147;tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503;cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007;rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154;jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106;jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www. swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892;mfsowers@umich.edu. Human and Animal Cell and Biologic Reagent Resources NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432;parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. Animal Resources NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597;rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819;griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802;Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048;abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819;hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010;nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm.The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443;bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. Miscellaneous Resources NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518;lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790;haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. HUMAN TISSUE AND BIOLOGIC SPECIMEN RESOURCES NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; email: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; email: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; email: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; email: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; email: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; email: rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; email: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; email: jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www. swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; email: mfsowers@umich.edu. HUMAN AND ANIMAL CELL AND BIOLOGIC REAGENT RESOURCES NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; email: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; email: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; email: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; email: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; email: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; email: hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; email: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; email: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. MISCELLANEOUS RESOURCES NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; email: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; email: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

IntroductionContemporary societies are increasingly becoming sites in which it is more difficult for people to respectfully negotiate disagreements about human diversity. This is exemplified by people who must oppose oppressive social conventions that marginalise them because they identify as belonging to one or more minority groups. One of the key factors in this dynamic is how people’s being in particular sites impacts their being as a person. The “fate of the stranger” is shaped by the spaces they inhabit and people are labelled as “insiders or outsiders” (Amin Land 2); for many people this means our societies are sites of dissatisfaction. For example, in some sites asylum seekers and refugees are referred to as “co-habitant and potential citizen,” while in other sites they are referred to as “impure and threats” (Amin Land 2). This process of defining a person’s being is also experienced by people who are “multi-abled, multi-sexed, multi-sexual, or multi-faith” (Garbutt 275). This article provides a reading of the Human Library in relation to contemporary understandings of space from human geographers such as Ash Amin, as a way of rethinking our everyday spaces as sites for protesting the marginalisation of difference. It primarily draws on my researching and organising Human Libraries across Australia.Protest can employ both instrumental and expressive forms of activism. Instrumental activism aims to change law or policy, gain improvements in living conditions, and win important human services. Expressive activism is often understood as a continuum of political acts extending from lawful demonstrations through to violent activities. Recent studies demonstrate that protest has developed beyond such conventional forms (Dalton, Van Sickle, and Weldon). Contemporary protest includes such things as: acts of spontaneity (Snow and Moss); advocating rights via cultural rather than political protest (Bruce); and activating spatial politics by engaging in urban public spaces to highlight long-standing socio-spatial inequalities (Marom).These examples demonstrate the tension that exists within contemporary protest. While some people accuse expressive activism of being “a thing-for-itself that is not aimed at producing results”, others recognise that “both expressive and instrumental activism are necessary and important” (Maddison and Scalmer 69-71). Far from being self-interested, protest that adopts expressive activism offers its practitioners an important tool:Expressive activism is oriented towards the construction, reconstruction and/or transformation of norms, values, identities and ways of living and being. It is not just about ‘who we are’ […] but also about ‘how we are’ in the world, consequently requiring evaluation of ‘what we do’ and ‘how we do it’. (Stammers 164-165)This understanding of expressive activism provides a useful lens for reading the Human Library as a means of rethinking everyday spaces as sites for protesting the marginalisation of difference. This is particularly so because the Human Library, as an activist organisation dedicated to increasing respect for difference, is situated within the contemporary anti-prejudice movement (Stammers; Chesters and Welsh; Watson "'You Shouldn't Have to Suffer'").Introducing the Human LibraryHuman Libraries transform the spaces provided by traditional libraries into spaces that challenge contemporary socio-spatial dynamics. Human Libraries provide people (Readers) with a safe space in which they can choose another person (a volunteer known as a Human Book) and engage in a conversation or ‘reading’ about the way that people perceive and experience difference. Readers choose their Human Books from a catalogue of titles and descriptions which are developed by each Human Book.and express something about how they identify. For example, titles include such things as belonging to sexual minority groups, living with physical or mental impairment, or belonging to different ethnic and cultural backgrounds. Each ‘reading’ is defined by three rules: 1) you may raise any topic or ask any question; 2) a ‘reading’ is a dialogue so Human Books ask their Readers questions too; and 3) each person may decline to answer any question and to end the reading at any time. Using this method, Human Libraries protest the way in which socio-spatial norms marginalise people who are different. They enact a form of expressive activism that reconstructs the way that norms are used in local sites to marginalise different ways of living and being. This reconstruction of the relationship between norms and sites enables people to be “who we are” and “how we are” without having to be inauthentic about “what we do” and “how we do it” (Stammers 164-165).The first Human Library took place at the Roskilde Festival (Denmark) in the summer of 2000 and as an international activist organisation within the anti-prejudice movement, has since become active in over 80 countries and used in a variety of local community sites thus demonstrating its ability to “transcend borders and be adapted to different situations” (Abergel et al. 13). It now operates in such diverse settings as local libraries, universities, schools, music and cultural festivals and workplaces. Participants’ (Organisers, Readers and Human Books) reflections on their experiences of engaging in Human Libraries helps to illustrate how they perceive Human Libraries as sites that challenge socio-spatial norms.Human Libraries enable people to create sites that reverse our usual social interactions. The following phrases, used by participants to describe their contact with the Human Library, illustrate this. An Organiser, whose local government job requires her to develop projects that encourage interactions between in-groups and out-groups, explains that Human Libraries bring people who usually live “on the margins […] into the centre of the page” and that “the powerful people […] who are usually in the centre” are required to listen to different experiences. Likewise, Human Books describe themselves as being “totally open” in order to encourage their Readers to ask about topics that society labels as “taboo”. Readers illustrate how they encounter Human Libraries in ways that the other spaces in their day-to-day lives function. One Reader talks about “stumbling upon” a Human Library within a community event and describes this as “a kind of a stroke of brilliance to catch people at a place like that rather than in a more conventional library setting”. Other Readers emphasise the significance of this type of encounter when they explain that they “probably wouldn’t just go and bother someone in the street” and that participating in a Human Library has provided a type of conversation “that doesn’t happen in any other way”. The outcome of this is highlighted by a Reader who explains that she pushed herself “to go beyond […] just a polite social conversation” because the Human Library “lays it all out there and says, we’re here to talk” (Watson "'You Shouldn't Have to Suffer'" 124-132). These descriptions of people’s experiences of Human Libraries demonstrate how they perceive Human Libraries as spaces that enable them to have conversations with people they would not normally speak to about topics they would usually feel unable to speak about. Their examples are better appreciated when considered along with the scholarship on the interconnectedness of space and intergroup relations.The Interconnectedness of Space and Intergroup RelationsA multiplicity of spaces shape people’s everyday lives. The everyday refers to the “flow of routine” often defined by such mundane habitual practices as going to work, crossing streets and shopping (Dirksmeier and Helbrecht 495). Who a person is, where a person lives, the spaces a person can enter and move about, and how a person is treated in those spaces are intertwined. Belonging is not an abstract concept; as people move in and out of different spaces they demonstrate how belonging is “experienced differentially, and the pleasures and powers it confers are not distributed evenly but [are] linked to relations of inequality and practices of social exclusion” (Noble and Poynting 490). This warns us against romanticizing the urban space of the city and regarding it over-simplistically as neutral and accessible to all, as a space of open flow and untroubled human interaction and as a natural catalyst for proximate reflexivity (Noble and Poynting; Amin and Thrift; Amin Land; Priest et al.).Acknowledging the negative impacts inherent in the interconnectedness of the city and intergroup relations, some scholars have moved their attention from examining integration at the macrospatial level of society to studying the microecology of segregation (Clack, Dixon, and Tredoux; Dixon, Tredoux and Clack; Alexander and Tredoux; Priest et al.; Thomas; Dandy and Pe-Pua; Dixon and Durrheim; Durrheim et al.). This shifts the focus from a primary interest in the city and the neighbourhood to a closer examination of people’s everyday life spaces. This focus examines how members of different groups “share proximity and co-presence” (Clack, Dixon, and Tredoux 2) and engage in informal practices that uphold barriers (Alexander and Tredoux; Dixon and Durrheim). For example, people were observed as they shared spaces such as beaches, school cafeterias and university class rooms and were found to use these spaces in ways that enacted segregation along lines of race, ethnicity, age, and gender. In examples such as these, everyday life spaces are seen to function in ways that (re)instate borders around difference through everyday spatial practices and they act as sites in which “informal segregation practices can be enacted and reproduced” (Priest et al. 32). The shift in scholarly interest to the microecology of segregation serves my interest in how we might use everyday spaces as sites to contest segregation. The following discusses three everyday spaces that serve this interest.The Space of the Everyday UrbanThe macrospatial terrain of the world’s cities and towns is increasingly defined by difference and their public spaces are often spaces of “visibility and encounter between strangers” (Amin "Ethnicity" 967). Negotiating difference is a natural part of living in these large urban spaces and it is an increasingly more common experience in, what was previously, the typically homogenous setting of rural communities. This process of negotiation occurs most noticeably within the microecology of the “everyday urban,” a context defined by the interconnection of everyday spaces and intergroup relations (Alexander and Tredoux; Durrheim et al.; Dixon and Durrheim). It is here that we find “the micropolitics of everyday social contact and encounter” (Amin "Ethnicity" 959). These everyday spaces include our streets, parks, malls, and cafes, and they are often described as shared spaces of freedom, mingling, and serendipitous encounters. However, while spaces such as these can place people from diverse backgrounds and groups in close proximity, it is important not to overstate their effectiveness in helping people negotiate difference (Wise; Noble "Cosmopolitan Habits"; Priest et al.; Valentine "Living"). This is the case because urban public spaces can carry a reverse side to the provision of proximity. They are often “spaces of transit with very little contact between strangers” (Amin "Ethnicity" 967). As such, urban public spaces do not naturally serve our need to negotiate our everyday encounters with others (Amin and Thrift; Amin, Massey, and Thrift; Rosaldo; Amin "Ethnicity").This illuminates the need to rethink our everyday public spaces and start to unsettle and shift how some spaces act to perpetuate negative and habitual socio-spatial norms which encourage avoidance rather than provide spaces to contest inequality and inequity (Alexander and Tredoux; Durrheim et al.; Clack, Dixon, and Tredoux; Dixon and Durrheim; Wise). Participants at Human Libraries demonstrate that they recognise this when they explain that they do not feel able to approach and speak with people who are different in everyday spaces such as the street, public transport and shops. They point out that they feel that socio-spatial norms dictate that it is rude, impolite or intrusive to approach strangers and people who are different in public spaces and to begin a conversation, especially about difference (Watson "'You Shouldn't Have to Suffer'"). Examples such as this signal how everyday urban spaces embody socio-spatial norms and practices that impede people’s capacity to engage in everyday acts that protest the marginalisation of difference. This clarifies why “even in the most carefully designed and inclusive spaces, the marginalised and the prejudiced stay away” (Amin "Ethnicity" 968). This alerts us to the need to better appreciate what occurs in other everyday spaces in which people associate even more closely.Spaces and the MicropublicOther everyday spaces in which people spend a significant amount of time are spaces of association, referred to as micropublics (Amin "Ethnicity"; Noble "Cosmopolitan Habits"). They include those places in which we work, study, play sports, and recreate. Micropublics function as spaces of habitual engagement, interdependence and “prosaic negotiations” (Amin "Ethnicity" 969). For example, we attend our place of work on a daily basis which requires us to communicate and interact with our colleagues as well as navigate other forms of elementary social etiquette. In this way, micropublics often bring people from diverse backgrounds and identity groups together in spaces that require them to interact with people who are different to themselves. In practice, however, the contact people undertake in their micropublics tends to be illusory and includes practices of informal segregation (Dixon and Durrheim; Alexander and Tredoux; Clack, Dixon, and Tredoux). This highlights that “co-presence and collaboration are two very different things” and that micropublics do not immediately serve as sites for protesting the marginalisation of difference (Amin Land 59).Participants at Human Libraries share experiences taken from their own work places and schools and suggest that the codes of civility that are enforced within these micropublics make it difficult, if not impossible, to engage in certain conversations. For example, Readers at Human Libraries disclose that they do not feel comfortable discussing issues of physical impairment or mental illness with colleagues who live with disability and mental illness. Similarly, high school students explain that they feel unable to discuss what it means to be gay, lesbian or bisexual with their fellow-students who identity as LGBTQI (Watson "'You Shouldn't Have to Suffer'"). Examples such as these demonstrate how micropublics embody “degrees and modalities of familiarity and strangeness” (Noble "Strange Familiarities" 33) and that even though they may embody degrees of collaboration and contribute to a shift in the way people develop various forms of familiarity, they do not naturally lend themselves to protesting the way in which codes of civility camouflage disrespect for difference. These experiences alert us to the way that our everyday spaces and the norms attached to them contribute to defining what it means to be and to belong.Spaces and BeingPeople’s experiences of marginalisation in public spaces illuminates how people’s freedom to be in particular spaces and their being – their humanity – are intimately connected. This happens as people who are made to feel that they should not be in a space are sent the message that they do not have the right to be at all (Noble and Poynting). Valentine ("Prejudice" 531) explains how this is demonstrated by the way some people speak about other people who are different in relation to public and private spaces:Individuals stated that they believed in individual freedom and were not prejudiced against minority groups and yet saw no contradiction in then expressing hostility towards seeing lesbians and gay men kissing on the street, or women wearing the hijab in their neighbourhood or feeling uncomfortable at the sight of a disabled person in public or being inconvenienced by disabled access provisions.This response reveals how some people frame acceptance of minority groups using the criteria of invisibility and how spatial norms define “appropriate embodied ways of being in public space” (Valentine "Prejudice" 532). This exemplifies how some people regard it as tolerable for minority groups to express their difference at home but not in public because this would be considered as imposing “their way of life” upon majority people, thus transgressing spatial norms about appropriate embodied ways of being in public spaces.People who participate at Human Libraries as Readers illustrate this dynamic when they share how, during the course of their everyday lives, they have come in contact with people with disabilities or met people who identify as gay, lesbian or transgender and have recognised negative feelings within themselves such as discomfort, embarrassment, or have refused to recognise a person’s authentic identity. They also admit to hiding these feelings in public but expressing them once they return home (Watson "'You Shouldn't Have to Suffer'"; Kudo et al.). Similarly, people who volunteer as Human Books speak about their experiences of being in public spaces and feeling unsafe or the target of negative treatment. For example, Human Books who identify as gay comment that they need to do a “safety check” before showing signs of physical affection in public; Human Books whose physical appearance does not align with social constructs of gender relate that they have been banned from using public toilets; and Human Books with eating disorders speak about being labelled as “crazy” (Watson "'You Shouldn't Have to Suffer'"; Watson "Being a Human Book"). Behaviours such as these demonstrate how people who are different are defined and treated as lesser beings in public spaces and are relegated to segregated micropublics such as their homes as well as groups and clubs dedicated to particular minorities.Conclusion: Rethinking Our SpacesThe above discussion includes a number of findings that are informative when thinking about how our everyday spaces might act as sites for protesting the marginalisation of difference. The following offers a concluding discussion about how we might approach such a project, paying particular attention to what we can learn from the Human Library.Firstly, Human Libraries exemplify the need to develop sites that protest the way in which our everyday public spaces do not naturally serve our need to negotiate our everyday encounter with difference (Noble and Poynting; Amin and Thrift; Amin Strangers; Priest et al.). Readers indicate that Human Libraries are spaces that make it possible for them to meet people they don’t feel able to approach in other everyday public spaces. As such, Human Libraries illuminate the importance of developing sites that protest social and spatial norms by enabling “encounter between strangers” (Amin "Ethnicity" 967).Secondly, Human Libraries protest the space of the micropublic as sites that are illusory, superficial, and bearers of informal segregation (Clack, Dixon, and Tredoux; Dixon, Tredoux and Clack; Alexander and Tredoux; Priest et al.; Thomas; Dandy and Pe-Pua; Dixon and Durrheim; Durrheim et al.). They achieve this by being sites in which no topic or question is taboo and that welcome and value respectful conversations about difference. Readers are able to speak to Human Books about differences such as what it is like to live with physical impairment, to be lesbian and/or to be an immigrant or a refugee. Their conversations are much deeper than the superficial conversations they feel restricted to within the confines of their everyday micropublics which enables them to protest codes of civility that render conversations about the marginalisation of difference as unacceptable (Watson "'You Shouldn't Have to Suffer'"; Watson "Being a Human Book").Thirdly, Human Libraries provide sites that protest the way in which other spaces define people who are different as lesser beings because Human Libraries are spaces in which every person has the right to be their authentic self. They are spaces that make it possible for people to be 'who we are’ by authentically being ‘how we are’ (Stammers 164-165). They shed a light on the way that a person’s being is sometimes distorted by how they experience being in a particular space and in doing so protest spatial norms that divide, marginalise and diminish people by marginalising them via the criteria of invisibility (Clack, Dixon, and Tredoux; Dixon and Durrheim; Thomas). For this reason, Human Libraries can be regarded as safe spaces to meet people who are different and bring people from the margins of society to its centre as sites that protest the marginalisation of difference.ReferencesAbergel, Ronni, et al. Don't Judge a Book by Its Cover? The Living Library Organiser's Guide. Budapest: Council of Europe 2005.Alexander, Lameez, and Colin Tredoux. "The Spaces between Us: A Spatial Analysis of Informal Segregation at a South African University." Journal of Social Issues 66.2 (2010): 367-86.Amin, Ash. "Ethnicity and the Multicultural City: Living with Diversity." Environment and Planning A 34.6 (2002): 959-80.———. Land of Strangers. Cambridge: Polity, 2012.———, D. Massey, and Nigel Thrift. Cities for the Many Not the Few. Bristol: Policy P, 2000.———, and Nigel Thrift. Cities: Reimagining the Urban. Cambridge: Polity, 2002.Bruce, Katherine Mcfarland. "LGBT Pride as a Cultural Protest Tactic in a Southern City." Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 42.5 (2013): 608-35.Clack, Beverley, John Dixon, and Colin Tredoux. "Eating Together Apart: Patterns of Segregation in a Multi-Ethnic Cafeteria." Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology 15.1 (2005): 1-16.Dalton, Russell, Alix Van Sickle, and Steven Weldon. "The Individual–Institutional Nexus of Protest Behaviour." Brit. J. Polit. Sci. 40.1 (2010): 51-73.Dandy, Justine, and Rogelia Pe-Pua. "Beyond Mutual Acculturation." Zeitschrift für Psychologie 221.4 (2013): 232-41.Dirksmeier, Peter, and Ilse Helbrecht. "Everyday Urban Encounters as Stratification Practices." City 19.4 (2015): 486-98.Dixon, John, and Kevin Durrheim. "Contact and the Ecology of Racial Division: Some Varieties of Informal Segregation." British Journal of Social Psychology 42.1 (2003): 1-23.———, Colin Tredoux, and Beverley Clack. "On the Micro-Ecology of Racial Division: A Neglected Dimension of Segregation." South African Journal of Psychology 35.3 (2005): 395-411.Durrheim, Kevin, et al. "From Exclusion to Informal Segregation: The Limits to Racial Transformation at the University of Natal." Social Dynamics 30.1 (2004): 141-69.Garbutt, Rob. "The Living Library: Some Theoretical Approaches to a Strategy for Activating Human Rights and Peace." Activating Human Rights and Peace: Universal Responsibility Conference 2008 Conference Proceedings. Ed. Rob Garbutt.Kudo, Kazuhiro, et al. "Bridging Difference through Dialogue: Preliminary Findings of the Outcomes of the Human Library in a University Setting." 2011 Shanghai International Conference on Social Science. Maddison, Sarah, and Sean Scalmer. Activist Wisdom: Practical Knowledge and Creative Tension in Social Movements. Sydney: UNSW P, 2006.Marom, Nathan. "Activising Space: The Spatial Politics of the 2011 Protest Movement in Israel." Urban Studies 50.13 (2013): 2826-41.Noble, Greg. "Cosmopolitan Habits: The Capacities and Habitats of Intercultural Conviviality." Body & Society 19.2-3 (2013): 162-85.———. "Strange Familiarities: A Response to Ash Amin's Land of Strangers." Identities 20.1 (2013): 31-36.———, and Scott Poynting. "White Lines: The Intercultural Politics of Everyday Movement in Social Spaces." Journal of Intercultural Studies 31.5 (2010): 489-505.Priest, Naomi, et al. "Patterns of Intergroup Contact in Public Spaces: Micro-Ecology of Segregation in Australian Communities." Societies 4.1 (2014): 30-44.Rosaldo, R. "Cultural Citizenship, Inequality and Multiculturalism." Race, Identity, and Citizenship. Eds. R. Torres, L. Miron, and J. Inda. Oxford: Blackwell, 1999.Snow, David A., and Dana M. Moss. "Protest on the Fly: Toward a Theory of Spontaneity in the Dynamics of Protest and Social Movements." American Sociological Review 79.6 (2014): 1122-43.Stammers, Neil. Human Rights and Social Movements. London: Pluto P, 2009.Thomas, Mary E. "‘I Think It's Just Natural’: The Spatiality of Racial Segregation at a US High School." Environment and Planning A 37.7 (2005): 1233-48.Valentine, Gill. "Living with Difference: Reflections on Geographies of Encounter." Progress in Human Geography 32.3 (2008): 323-37.———. "Prejudice: Rethinking Geographies of Oppression." Social & Cultural Geography 11.6 (2010): 519-37.Watson, Greg. "Being a Human Book: Conversations for Rupturing Prejudice." Rites of Spring. Ed. Julie Lunn. Perth: Black Swan P, 2017.———. "'You Shouldn't Have to Suffer for Being Who You Are': An Examination of the Human Library Strategy for Challenging Prejudice and Increasing Respect for Difference." Curtin University, 2015.Wise, Amanda. "Hope in a Land of Strangers." Identities 20.1 (2013): 37-45.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. Human Tissue and Biologic Specimen Resources NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770;marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770;marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147;bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147;tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503;cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007;rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154;jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106;jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www.swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892;mfsowers@umich.edu. Human and Animal Cell and Biologic Reagent Resources NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432;parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD:Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. Animal Resources NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597;rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819;griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802;Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048;abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819;hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010;nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443;bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. IN SILICO RESOURCES NIDDK, NHLBI, and NIEHS - Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas The Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas (NURSA) has created an in silico resource comprised of curated information about Nuclear Receptors, Coregulators, Ligands, and Downstream Targets. NURSA is sponsored by NIH and provides online access through a public webportal at www.NURSA.org. Ease of navigation through a series of molecule pages allows users to make queries about Nuclear Receptors, Coactivators and Corepressors. Additional information about nuclear receptor ligands is provided, as well as primary datasets relating to expression profiling of nuclear receptors, coregulators and downstream targets. The molecule pages are hyperlinked to data contained in external databases, including NCBI, KEGG, UniProt, and others, allowing for detailed data mining. In partnership with The Endocrine Society, NURSA and Molecular Endocrinology (http://mend.endojournals.org/) have reciprocal links designed to enhance publications in Molecular Endocrinology and the information available through the NURSA molecule pages. Links to additional relevant literature citations are from PubMed at the National Library of Medicine. Miscellaneous Resources NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518;lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790;haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. HUMAN TISSUE AND BIOLOGIC SPECIMEN RESOURCES NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www.swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu. HUMAN AND ANIMAL CELL AND BIOLOGIC REAGENT RESOURCES NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigenRecombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. IN SILICO RESOURCES NIDDK, NHLBI, and NIEHS - Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas The Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas (NURSA) has created an in silico resource comprised of curated information about Nuclear Receptors, Coregulators, Ligands, and Downstream Targets. NURSA is sponsored by NIH and provides online access through a public webportal at www.NURSA.org. Ease of navigation through a series of molecule pages allows users to make queries about Nuclear Receptors, Coactivators and Corepressors. Additional information about nuclear receptor ligands is provided, as well as primary datasets relating to expression profiling of nuclear receptors, coregulators and downstream targets. The molecule pages are hyperlinked to data contained in external databases, including NCBI, KEGG, UniProt, and others, allowing for detailed data mining. In partnership with The Endocrine Society, NURSA and Molecular Endocrinology (http://mend.endojournals.org/) have reciprocal links designed to enhance publications in Molecular Endocrinology and the information available through the NURSA molecule pages. Links to additional relevant literature citations are from PubMed at the National Library of Medicine. MISCELLANEOUS RESOURCES NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. Human Tissue and Biologic Specimen Resources NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www.swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu. Human and Animal Cell and Biologic Reagent Resources NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. In Silico Resources NIDDK, NHLBI, and NIEHS - Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas The Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas (NURSA) has created an in silico resource comprised of curated information about Nuclear Receptors, Coregulators, Ligands, and Downstream Targets. NURSA is sponsored by NIH and provides online access through a public webportal at www.NURSA.org. Ease of navigation through a series of molecule pages allows users to make queries about Nuclear Receptors, Coactivators and Corepressors. Additional information about nuclear receptor ligands is provided, as well as primary datasets relating to expression profiling of nuclear receptors, coregulators and downstream targets. The molecule pages are hyperlinked to data contained in external databases, including NCBI, KEGG, UniProt, and others, allowing for detailed data mining. In partnership with The Endocrine Society, NURSA and Molecular Endocrinology (http://mend.endojournals.org/) have reciprocal links designed to enhance publications in Molecular Endocrinology and the information available through the NURSA molecule pages. Links to additional relevant literature citations are from PubMed at the National Library of Medicine. Miscellaneous Resources NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. Human Tissue and Biologic Specimen Resources NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www.swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu Human and Animal Cell and Biologic Reagent Resources NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigenRecombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. Animal Resources NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. In Silico Resources NIDDK, NHLBI, and NIEHS - Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas The Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas (NURSA) has created an in silico resource comprised of curated information about Nuclear Receptors, Coregulators, Ligands, and Downstream Targets. NURSA is sponsored by NIH and provides online access through a public webportal at www.NURSA.org. Ease of navigation through a series of molecule pages allows users to make queries about Nuclear Receptors, Coactivators and Corepressors. Additional information about nuclear receptor ligands is provided, as well as primary datasets relating to expression profiling of nuclear receptors, coregulators and downstream targets. The molecule pages are hyperlinked to data contained in external databases, including NCBI, KEGG, UniProt, and others, allowing for detailed data mining. In partnership with The Endocrine Society, NURSA and Molecular Endocrinology (http://mend.endojournals.org/) have reciprocal links designed to enhance publications in Molecular Endocrinology and the information available through the NURSA molecule pages. Links to additional relevant literature citations are from PubMed at the National Library of Medicine. Miscellaneous Resources NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. HUMAN TISSUE AND BIOLOGIC SPECIMEN RESOURCES NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www. swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu. HUMAN AND ANIMAL CELL AND BIOLOGIC REAGENT RESOURCES NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigenRecombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. IN SILICO RESOURCES NIDDK, NHLBI, and NIEHS - Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas The Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas (NURSA) has created an in silico resource comprised of curated information about Nuclear Receptors, Coregulators, Ligands, and Downstream Targets. NURSA is sponsored by NIH and provides online access through a public webportal at www.NURSA.org. Ease of navigation through a series of molecule pages allows users to make queries about Nuclear Receptors, Coactivators and Corepressors. Additional information about nuclear receptor ligands is provided, as well as primary datasets relating to expression profiling of nuclear receptors, coregulators and downstream targets. The molecule pages are hyperlinked to data contained in external databases, including NCBI, KEGG, UniProt, and others, allowing for detailed data mining. In partnership with The Endocrine Society, NURSA and Molecular Endocrinology (http://mend.endojournals.org/) have reciprocal links designed to enhance publications in Molecular Endocrinology and the information available through the NURSA molecule pages. Links to additional relevant literature citations are from PubMed at the National Library of Medicine. MISCELLANEOUS RESOURCES NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. HUMAN TISSUE AND BIOLOGIC SPECIMEN RESOURCES NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www.swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu. HUMAN AND ANIMAL CELL AND BIOLOGIC REAGENT RESOURCES NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.htm, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. IN SILICO RESOURCES NIDDK, NHLBI, and NIEHS - Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas The Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas (NURSA) has created an in silico resource comprised of curated information about Nuclear Receptors, Coregulators, Ligands, and Downstream Targets. NURSA is sponsored by NIH and provides online access through a public webportal at www.NURSA.org. Ease of navigation through a series of molecule pages allows users to make queries about Nuclear Receptors, Coactivators and Corepressors. Additional information about nuclear receptor ligands is provided, as well as primary datasets relating to expression profiling of nuclear receptors, coregulators and downstream targets. The molecule pages are hyperlinked to data contained in external databases, including NCBI, KEGG, UniProt, and others, allowing for detailed data mining. In partnership with The Endocrine Society, NURSA and Molecular Endocrinology (http://mend.endojournals.org/) have reciprocal links designed to enhance publications in Molecular Endocrinology and the information available through the NURSA molecule pages. Links to additional relevant literature citations are from PubMed at the National Library of Medicine. MISCELLANEOUS RESOURCES NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

Resources currently available to the scientific community that may be of interest for endocrinology research are described briefly here. More information is available through The Endocrine Society Home Page (http://www.endo-society.org) or the information provided below. HUMAN TISSUE AND BIOLOGIC SPECIMEN RESOURCES NCI - Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) The NCI Cooperative Human Tissue Network (CHTN) provides normal, benign, precancerous, and cancerous human tissue to the scientific community for biomedical research. Specimens are collected according to the investigator’s individual protocol. Information provided with the specimens includes routine histopathologic and demographic data. The CHTN can also provide a variety of tissue microarrays. Contact the CHTN Web site at http://www-chtn.ims.nci.nih.gov, or 1-866-GO2-CHTN (1-866-462-2486). NCI - Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) The NCI Cooperative Breast Cancer Tissue Resource (CBCTR) can provide researchers with access to formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary breast cancer specimens, with associated pathologic, clinical, and outcome data. All specimens are evaluated for pathologic diagnosis by CBCTR pathologists using standard diagnostic criteria. The collection is particularly well suited for validation studies of diagnostic and prognostic markers. The CBCTR also makes available breast cancer tissue microarrays designed by NCI statisticians to provide high statistical power for studies of stage-specific markers of breast cancer. Contact CBCTR’s Web site at http://cbctr.nci.nih.gov, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) The NCI Cooperative Prostate Cancer Tissue Resource (CPCTR) can provide access to over 4,000 cases of formalin-fixed, paraffin-embedded primary prostate cancer specimens, with associated pathology and clinical data. Fresh-frozen tissue is also available with limited clinical follow-up information. In addition, slides from prostate cancer tissue microarrays with associated pathology and clinical data are now available. Contact the CPCTR Web site at http://www.prostatetissues.org, or contact Steve Marroulis at Information Management Services, Inc.: telephone: (301) 680-9770; e-mail: marrouliss@imsweb.com. NCI - AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) The AIDS and Cancer Specimen Resource (ACSR) provides qualified researchers with tissue, cell, blood, and fluid specimens, as well as clinical data from patients with AIDS and cancer. The specimens and clinical data are available for research studies, particularly those that translate basic research findings to clinical application. Contact the ACSR Web site (http://acsr.ucsf.edu/) or Dr. Kishor Bhatia, (301) 496-7147; e-mail: bhatiak@mail.nih.gov. NCI - Breast and Ovarian Cancer Family Registries (CFRs) The Breast and Ovarian CFRs facilitate and support interdisciplinary and population-based research on the identification and characterization of breast and ovarian cancer susceptibility genes, with particular emphasis on gene-gene and gene-environment interaction research. Available from the registries are: a) family history, epidemiologic and clinical data, b) updates on cancer recurrence, morbidity and mortality in participating families, and c) biospecimens, including plasma, lymphocytes, serum, DNA, Guthrie cards or buccal smears, and paraffin blocks of tumor tissue. For further information on these registries, contact the CFR Web site (http://epi.grants.cancer.gov/BCFR) or (301) 496-9600. NCI - Specimen Resource Locator The NCI Specimen Resource Locator (http://cancer.gov/specimens) is a database that helps researchers locate specimens for research. The database includes resources such as tissue banks and tissue procurement systems with access to normal, benign, precancerous, and/or cancerous human tissue covering a wide variety of organ sites. Researchers specify the types of specimens, number of cases, preservation methods, and associated data they require. The Locator will search the database and return a list of tissue resources most likely to meet their requirements. When no match is obtained, the researcher is referred to the NCI Tissue Expediter [(301) 496-7147; e-mail: tissexp@mail.nih.gov]. The Tissue Expediter is a scientist who can help match researchers with appropriate resources or identify appropriate collaborators when those are necessary. NIDDK - Biologic Samples from Diabetic Study Foundation A portion (1/3) of all stored nonrenewable samples (plasma, serum, urine) from subjects enrolled in the Diabetes Control and Complications Trial (DCCT) is available for use by the scientific community to address questions for which these samples may be invaluable. Announcements for using this resource appear in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts periodically. Inquiries may be addressed to: Catherine C. Cowie, Ph.D., Director, Diabetes Epidemiology Program, NIDDK, 6707 Democracy Blvd., Room 691, MSC 5460, National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases, Bethesda, MD 20892-5460. Phone: (301) 594-8804; fax: (301) 480-3503; e-mail: cowiec@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NIDDK - NIDDK Central Repositories (Diabetes Prevention Study) The NIDDK Central Repositories have selected biosamples from the DPT-1 (The Diabetes Prevention Type 1) study that are available to qualified investigators through an application process. These samples are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. Information about how to apply for these materials can be obtained from the NIDDK Central Repositories by contacting Ms. Helen Ray of RTI, 1-919-316-3418, or hmp@rti.org. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to the Project Officer of the NIDDK Central Repositories, Dr. Rebekah Rasooly, at phone: (301) 594-6007; e-mail: rr185i@nih.gov. Visit the Repositories Web site at http://www.niddkrepository.org. NICHD - Brain and Tissue Bank for Developmental Disorders The purpose of the Bank is to collect, preserve, and distribute human tissues to investigators interested in autism and developmental disorders; normal tissues may be available for other research purposes. Further information can be obtained at www.btbank.org. The contact persons are H. Ron Zielke or Sally Wisniewsky, University of Maryland (1-800-847-1539), and Carol Petito or Stephanie Lojko, University of Miami (1-800-592-7246). NICHD - Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) The Reproductive Tissue Sample Repository (RTSaR) is a virtual repository with online tissue sample acquisition capabilities. The RTSaR provides investigators with real-time access to human and nonhuman primate tissue and fluid inventories from four tissue bank facilities that are supported through the Specialized Cooperative Centers Program in Reproduction Research. The tissue banks are located at the University of California, San Diego (human ovary bank), Stanford University (human endometrium and DNA bank), Johns Hopkins University (male reproductive tissues and fluids), and the Oregon National Primate Research Center (nonhuman primate tissues). The web site for the RTSaR is https://rtsar.nichd.nih.gov/rtsar/login. If you wish to access the RTSaR, you can request an id and password to access the system by contacting the network administrator at RTSaR@mail.nih.gov. Once you access the system, contact information for each bank is provided. Access is open to all investigators living in North America who are supported by research and research training grants from the NIH. One id and password will be provided to each principal investigator that can be utilized by any person working in the P.I.’s laboratory, or, in the case of institutional training grants (T32) and institutional career development award programs (K12), any person supported by the aforementioned awards. NCRR - Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) The Human Tissues and Organs Resource (HTOR) cooperative agreement supports a procurement network developed by the National Disease Research Interchange (NDRI), a not-for-profit organization. By collaborating with various medical centers, hospitals, pathology services, eye banks, tissue banks, and organ procurement organizations, HTOR provides a wide variety of human tissues and organs—both diseased and normal—to researchers for laboratory studies. Such samples include tissues from the central nervous system and brain, cardiovascular system, endocrine system, eyes, bone, and cartilage. For further information, consult the NDRI Web site (www.ndri.com) or contact Dr. John T. Lonsdale at NDRI, 8 Penn Center, 8th Floor, 1628 JFK Boulevard, Philadelphia, PA 19103. Phone: (800) 222-6374, ext. 271; fax: (215) 557-7154; e-mail: jlonsdale@ndriresource.org. The NDRI Web site is http://www.ndri.com. NCRR - Islet Cell Resource (ICR) With support from NCRR, 10 Islet Cell Resource (ICR) centers isolate, purify, and characterize human pancreatic islets for subsequent transplantation into patients with type I diabetes. The ICR centers procure whole pancreata and acquire relevant data about donors; improve islet isolation and purification techniques; distribute islets for use in approved clinical protocols; and perfect the methods of storage and shipping. In this way, the centers optimize the viability, function, and availability of islets and help clinical researchers capitalize on the recently reported successes in islet transplantation. Information on submitting requests for islet cells can be obtained from Mr. John Kaddis, ICR Coordinating Center Project Manager, City of Hope National Medical Center, 1500 E. Duarte Road, Duarte, California 91010. Phone (626) 359-8111, ext. 63377; fax: (626) 471-7106; e-mail: jkaddis@coh.org. The Coordinating Center hosts a Web site at http://icr.coh.org. NIA - SWAN Repository (longitudinal, multiethnic study of women at midlife including the menopausal transition) The SWAN Repository is a biologic specimen bank of the Study of Women’s Health Across the Nation (SWAN). The SWAN cohort was recruited in 1996/1997 and consists of 3302 African-American, Caucasian, Chinese, Hispanic, and Japanese women. The SWAN Repository contains more than 350,000 blood and urine specimens generated from the study participants’ annual visits (8 visits to date), at which time medical and health history, psychosocial measures, biological measures, and anthropometric data were and are being collected. In addition, a subset of the participants are providing urine samples, collected daily over the length of one menstrual cycle, each year. More than 900,000 of these samples are in the SWAN Repository and are available to researchers who wish to study the midlife and menopausal transition. Additionally, a DNA sample repository is also available and includes DNA as well as transformed B-lymphoblastoid cell lines from more than 1800 of the participants. To learn more about the SWAN Repository and how to apply to use SWAN Repository specimens, contact the Web site at http://www.swanrepository.com or Dr. MaryFran Sowers, University of Michigan, School of Public Health, Epidemiology Dept., (734) 936-3892; e-mail: mfsowers@umich.edu. HUMAN AND ANIMAL CELL AND BIOLOGIC REAGENT RESOURCES NIDDK - National Hormone and Peptide Program The National Hormone and Peptide Program (NHPP) offers peptide hormones and their antisera, tissues (rat hypothalami), and miscellaneous reagents to qualified investigators. These reagents are supplied for research purposes only, not for therapeutic, diagnostic, or commercial uses. These materials can be obtained from Dr. A. F. Parlow of the Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, Research and Education Institute, Torrance, CA. A more complete description of resources within this program is provided in The Endocrine Society journals. Direct scientific-technical inquiry to NHPP Scientific Director, Dr. Al Parlow, at phone: (310) 222-3537; fax: (310) 222-3432; e-mail: parlow@humc.edu. Visit the NHPP Web site at http://www.humc.edu/hormones. NICHD - National Hormone and Pituitary Program (see NIDDK listing) Following is a list of reagents currently available through the resources of NICHD: Androgen receptor and peptide antigen Recombinant monkey (cynomolgus) and baboon luteinizing hormone and follicle-stimulating hormone and antisera. NIA - Aging Cell Bank To facilitate aging research on cells in culture, the NIA provides support for the Aging Cell Bank located at the Coriell Institute for Medical Research in Camden, NJ. The Aged Cell Bank provides fibroblast, lymphoblastoid, and differentiated cell lines from a wide range of human age-related conditions and other mammalian species, as well as DNA from a limited subset of cell lines. For further information, the Aged Cell Bank catalog can be accessed at http://locus.umdnj.edu/nia or contact Dr. Donald Coppock at 1-800-752-3805. NCRR - Various Cell Repositories NCRR maintains the following cell repository resources: National Cell Culture Center, National Stem Cell Resource, and the Yeast Genetic Stock Center. Further information regarding these resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at: www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/cmpdir/BIOLOG.asp. ANIMAL RESOURCES NIA - Aging Rodent Resources NIA maintains both rat and mouse colonies for use by the scientific community. The animals available range in age from 1 to 36 months. A repository of fresh-frozen tissue from the NIA aged rodent colonies is stocked with tissue from mouse and rat strains, including caloric-restricted BALB/c mice. The NIA also maintains a colony of calorically restricted rodents of selected genotypes, which are available to the scientific community. For further information, please refer to the Aged Rodent information handbook at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentColoniesHandbook/ or contact the Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development order desk. Phone: (301) 496-0181; fax: (301) 402-5597; e-mail: rodents@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Aged Rodent Tissue Bank The rodent tissue bank contains flash-frozen tissues from rodents in the NIA aged rodent colonies. Tissue is collected from rodents at 4 or 5 age points throughout the lifespan. Tissue arrays are also available. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/AgedRodentTissueBankHandbook/. NCRR - Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Centers (MMRRC) The Mutant Mouse Regional Resource Center (MMRRC) Program consists of centers that collectively operate as a one-stop shop to serve the biomedical research community. Investigators who have created select mutant mouse models may donate their models to an MMRRC for broad dissemination to other investigators who request them for noncommercial research investigations related to human health, disease, and treatments. The NCRR Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM) supports the MMRRCs, which are electronically linked through the MMRRC Informatics Coordinating Center (ICC) to function as one facility. The ICC, located at The Jackson Laboratory in Bar Harbor, ME, provides database and other informatics support to the MMRRC to give the research community a single entry point to the program. Further information can be obtained from the Web site at http://www.mmrrc.org, or from Franziska Grieder, D.V.M., Ph.D., Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: griederf@ncrr.nih.gov. NCRR - Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) The Induced Mutant Mouse Resource (IMR) at The Jackson Laboratory provides researchers with genetically engineered mice (transgenic, targeted mutant, retroviral insertional mutant, and chemically induced mutant mice). The function of the IMR is to select, import, cryopreserve, maintain, and distribute these important strains of mice to the research community. To improve their value for research, the IMR also undertakes genetic development of stocks, such as transferring mutant genes or transgenes to defined genetic backgrounds and combining transgenes and/or targeted mutations to create new mouse models for research. Over 800 mutant stocks have been accepted by the IMR. Current holdings include models for research on cancer, immunological and inflammatory diseases, neurological diseases and behavioral disorders, cardiovascular diseases, developmental disorders, metabolic and other diseases, reporter (e.g. GFP) and recombinase (e.g. cre/loxP) strains. About 8 strains a month are being added to the IMR holdings. A list of all strains may be obtained from the IMR Web site: www.jax.org/resources/documents/imr/. Online submission forms are also available on that site. All mice can be ordered by calling The Jackson Laboratory’s Customer Service Department at 1-800-422-MICE or (207) 288-5845 or by faxing (207) 288-6150. NIDDK - Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers The mission of the Mouse Metabolic Phenotyping Centers is to provide the scientific community with standardized, high-quality metabolic and physiologic phenotyping services for mouse models of diabetes, diabetic complications, obesity, and related disorders. Researchers can ship mice to one of the four Centers (University of Cincinnati, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, Vanderbilt University, and Yale University) and obtain on a fee-for-service basis a range of complex exams used to characterize mouse metabolism, blood composition, energy balance, eating and exercise, organ function and morphology, physiology, and histology. Many tests are done in living animals and are designed to elucidate the subtle hallmarks of metabolic disease. Information, including a complete list of available tests, can be found at www.mmpc.org, or contact Dr. Maren R. Laughlin, NIDDK, at (301) 594-8802; e-mail: Maren.Laughlin@nih.gov; or Dr. Kristin Abraham, NIDDK, at (301) 451-8048; e-mail: abrahamk@extra.niddk.nih.gov. NCRR - National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) National Primate Research Centers (NPRCs) are a network of eight highly specialized facilities for nonhuman primates (NHP) research. Funded by grants through NCRR’s Division of Comparative Medicine (DCM), each center, staffed with experienced research and support staff, provides the appropriate research environment to foster the development of NHP models of human health and disease for biomedical investigations. The NPRCs are affiliated with academic institutions and are accessible to eligible biomedical and behavioral investigators supported by research project grants from the National Institutes of Health and other sources. Further information may be obtained from the notice, Procedures for Accessing Regional Primate Research Centers, published in the NIH Guide for Grants and Contracts at http://grants2.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not97-014.html, or from John Harding, Ph.D., National Primate Research Centers and AIDS Animal Models Program, Division of Comparative Medicine, NCRR. Phone: (301) 435-0744; fax: (301) 480-3819; e-mail: hardingj@mail.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primates, Aging Set-Aside Colony NIA maintains approximately 200 nonhuman primates (M. mulatta) at four National Primate Research Centers (see above) for conducting research on aging. These animals range in age from 18 to 35 years. While these animals are predominantly reserved for non-invasive research, exceptions can be made to this policy. For further information, please contact Dr. Nancy Nadon, Office of Biological Resources and Resource Development, NIA. Phone: (301) 402-7744; fax: (301) 402-0010; e-mail: nadonn@nia.nih.gov. NIA - Nonhuman Primate (NHP) Tissue Bank and Aging Database The NIA developed two new resources to facilitate research in the NHP model. The NHP tissue bank contains fresh-frozen and fixed tissue donated by primate centers around the country. Information is available at http://www.nia.nih.gov/ResearchInformation/ScientificResources/NHPTissueBankHandbook.htm. The Primate Aging Database provides an internet accessible database with data from thousands of primates around the country. It can be used to investigate the effect of age on a variety of parameters, predominantly blood chemistry and husbandry measurements. The site is password protected. The URL is http://ipad.primate.wisc.edu. NIA - Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Animal Resource (USF-ODARC) The NIA supports a colony of aged rhesus macaques, many of which are obese and/or diabetic. This is a long-term colony of monkeys housed at the University of South Florida’s Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center. They have been extensively and longitudinally characterized for general health variables, blood chemistry, food intake, and body weight. Diabetic monkeys are tested daily for urine glucose and ketone levels, and prediabetic monkeys are tested weekly. Data for some of the monkeys extend as far back as 15 years. This unique resource is available for collaborative studies. ODARC has a significant amount of stored tissue collected at necropsy and stored blood/plasma collected longitudinally. Serial blood collection or tissue collection at necropsy can also be performed prospectively. Testing and imaging can also be performed on the monkeys. Inquiries regarding collaborative studies using the ODARC colony should be directed to: Barbara C. Hansen, Ph.D., Director, Obesity, Diabetes and Aging Research Center, University of South Florida, All Children’s Hospital, 801 6th Street South #9340, St. Petersburg, FL 33701. Phone: (727) 767-6993; fax: (727) 767-7443; e-mail: bchansen@aol.com. NCRR - Various Animal Resources NCRR maintains the following animal resources: Animal Models and Genetic Stocks, Chimpanzee Biomedical Research Program, NIH Animal Genetic Resource, and the Specific Pathogen Free Macaque Breeding and Research Program. Further information regarding these and other resources may be obtained through the NCRR Web site at www.ncrr.nih.gov/comparative_med.asp. IN SILICO RESOURCES NIDDK, NHLBI, and NIEHS - Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas The Nuclear Receptor Signaling Atlas (NURSA) has created an in silico resource comprised of curated information about Nuclear Receptors, Coregulators, Ligands, and Downstream Targets. NURSA is sponsored by NIH and provides online access through a public webportal at www.NURSA.org. Ease of navigation through a series of molecule pages allows users to make queries about Nuclear Receptors, Coactivators and Corepressors. Additional information about nuclear receptor ligands is provided, as well as primary datasets relating to expression profiling of nuclear receptors, coregulators and downstream targets. The molecule pages are hyperlinked to data contained in external databases, including NCBI, KEGG, UniProt, and others, allowing for detailed data mining. In partnership with The Endocrine Society, NURSA and Molecular Endocrinology (http://mend.endojournals.org/) have reciprocal links designed to enhance publications in Molecular Endocrinology and the information available through the NURSA molecule pages. Links to additional relevant literature citations are from PubMed at the National Library of Medicine. MISCELLANEOUS RESOURCES NCRR - National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs) The National Gene Vector Laboratories (NGVLs), with core funding from NCRR, serve as a resource for researchers to obtain adequate quantities of clinical-grade vectors for human gene transfer protocols. The vector types include retrovirus, lentivirus, adenovirus, adeno-associated virus, herpes-virus, and DNA plasmids. The NGVLs consist of three vector production centers at: Baylor College of Medicine; City of Hope National Medical Center and Beckman Research Institute; and Indiana University, which also serves as the Coordinating Center for all the laboratories. Two additional laboratories conduct toxicology studies for NGVL-approved investigators. These laboratories are located at the Southern Research Institute and the University of Florida. Additional information about the process for requesting vector production and/or pharmacology/toxicology support should be directed to Ms. Lorraine Matheson, NGVL Project Coordinator, Indiana University School of Medicine. Phone: (317) 274-4519; fax: (317) 278-4518; e-mail: lrubin@iupui.edu. The NGVL Coordinating Center at Indiana University also hosts a Web site at http://www.ngvl.org. NCRR - General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) The General Clinical Research Centers (GCRCs) are a national network of 82 centers that provide optimal settings for medical investigators to conduct safe, controlled, state-of-the-art in-patient and out-patient studies of both children and adults. GCRCs also provide infrastructure and resources that support several career development opportunities. Investigators who have research project funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and other peer-reviewed sources may apply to use GCRCs. Because the GCRCs support a full spectrum of patient-oriented scientific inquiry, researchers who use these centers can benefit from collaborative, multidisciplinary research opportunities. To request access to a GCRC facility, eligible investigators should initially contact a GCRC program director, listed in the National Center for Research Resources (NCRR) Clinical Research Resources Directory (www.ncrr.nih.gov/ncrrprog/clindir/crdirectory.asp). Further information can be obtained from Anthony R. Hayward, M.D., Director, Division for Clinical Research Resources, National Center for Research Resources at NIH. Phone: (301) 435-0790; e-mail: haywarda@ncrr.nih.gov.

This article explores resilience as it is experienced by refugees in the context of a relational community, visiting the notions of trauma, a thicker description of resilience and the trajectory toward positive growth through community. It calls for going beyond a Western biomedical therapeutic approach of exploration and adopting more of an emic perspective incorporating the worldview of the refugees. The challenge is for service providers working with refugees (who have experienced trauma) to move forward from a ‘harm minimisation’ model of care to recognition of a facilitative, productive community of people who are in a transitional phase between homelands. Contextualising Trauma Prior to the 1980s, the term ‘trauma’ was not widely used in literature on refugees and refugee mental health, hardly existing as a topic of inquiry until the mid-1980’s (Summerfield 422). It first gained prominence in relation to soldiers who had returned from Vietnam and in need of medical attention after being traumatised by war. The term then expanded to include victims of wars and those who had witnessed traumatic events. Seahorn and Seahorn outline that severe trauma “paralyses you with numbness and uses denial, avoidance, isolation as coping mechanisms so you don’t have to deal with your memories”, impacting a person‘s ability to risk being connected to others, detaching and withdrawing; resulting in extreme loneliness, emptiness, sadness, anxiety and depression (6). During the Civil War in the USA the impact of trauma was referred to as Irritable Heart and then World War I and II referred to it as Shell Shock, Neurosis, Combat Fatigue, or Combat Exhaustion (Seahorn & Seahorn 66, 67). During the twenty-five years following the Vietnam War, the medicalisation of trauma intensified and Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) became recognised as a medical-psychiatric disorder in 1980 in the American Psychiatric Association international diagnostic tool Diagnostic Statistical Manual (DSM–III). An expanded description and diagnosis of PTSD appears in the DSM-IV, influenced by the writings of Harvard psychologist and scholar, Judith Herman (Scheper-Hughes 38) The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM-IV) of Mental Disorders (American Psychiatric Association, 2000) outlines that experiencing the threat of death, injury to oneself or another or finding out about an unexpected or violent death, serious harm, or threat of the same kind to a family member or close person are considered traumatic events (Chung 11); including domestic violence, incest and rape (Scheper-Hughes 38). Another significant development in the medicalisation of trauma occurred in 1998 when the Victorian Foundation for Survivors of Torture (VFST) released an influential report titled ‘Rebuilding Shattered Lives’. This then gave clinical practice a clearer direction in helping people who had experienced war, trauma and forced migration by providing a framework for therapeutic work. The emphasis became strongly linked to personal recovery of individuals suffering trauma, using case management as the preferred intervention strategy. A whole industry soon developed around medical intervention treating people suffering from trauma related problems (Eyber). Though there was increased recognition for the medicalised discourse of trauma and post-traumatic stress, there was critique of an over-reliance of psychiatric models of trauma (Bracken, et al. 15, Summerfield 421, 423). There was also expressed concern that an overemphasis on individual recovery overlooked the socio-political aspects that amplify trauma (Bracken et al. 8). The DSM-IV criteria for PTSD model began to be questioned regarding the category of symptoms being culturally defined from a Western perspective. Weiss et al. assert that large numbers of traumatized people also did not meet the DSM-III-R criteria for PTSD (366). To categorize refugees’ experiences into recognizable, generalisable psychological conditions overlooked a more localized culturally specific understanding of trauma. The meanings given to collective experience and the healing strategies vary across different socio-cultural groupings (Eyber). For example, some people interpret suffering as a normal part of life in bringing them closer to God and in helping gain a better understanding of the level of trauma in the lives of others. Scheper-Hughes raise concern that the PTSD model is “based on a conception of human nature and human life as fundamentally vulnerable, frail, and humans as endowed with few and faulty defence mechanisms”, and underestimates the human capacity to not only survive but to thrive during and following adversity (37, 42). As a helping modality, biomedical intervention may have limitations through its lack of focus regarding people’s agency, coping strategies and local cultural understandings of distress (Eyber). The benefits of a Western therapeutic model might be minimal when some may have their own culturally relevant coping strategies that may vary to Western models. Bracken et al. document case studies where the burial rituals in Mozambique, obligations to the dead in Cambodia, shared solidarity in prison and the mending of relationships after rape in Uganda all contributed to the healing process of distress (8). Orosa et al. (1) asserts that belief systems have contributed in helping refugees deal with trauma; Brune et al. (1) points to belief systems being a protective factor against post-traumatic disorders; and Peres et al. highlight that a religious worldview gives hope, purpose and meaning within suffering. Adopting a Thicker Description of Resilience Service providers working with refugees often talk of refugees as ‘vulnerable’ or ‘at risk’ populations and strive for ‘harm minimisation’ among the population within their care. This follows a critical psychological tradition, what (Ungar, Constructionist) refers to as a positivist mode of inquiry that emphasises the predictable relationship between risk and protective factors (risk and coping strategies) being based on a ‘deficient’ outlook rather than a ‘future potential’ viewpoint and lacking reference to notions of resilience or self-empowerment (342). At-risk discourses tend to focus upon antisocial behaviours and appropriate treatment for relieving suffering rather than cultural competencies that may be developing in the midst of challenging circumstances. Mares and Newman document how the lives of many refugee advocates have been changed through the relational contribution asylum seekers have made personally to them in an Australian context (159). Individuals may find meaning in communal obligations, contributing to the lives of others and a heightened solidarity (Wilson 42, 44) in contrast to an individual striving for happiness and self-fulfilment. Early naturalistic accounts of mental health, influenced by the traditions of Western psychology, presented thin descriptions of resilience as a quality innate to individuals that made them invulnerable or strong, despite exposure to substantial risk (Ungar, Thicker 91). The interest then moved towards a non-naturalistic contextually relevant understanding of resilience viewed in the social context of people’s lives. Authors such as Benson, Tricket and Birman (qtd. in Ungar, Thicker) started focusing upon community resilience, community capacity and asset-building communities; looking at areas such as - “spending time with friends, exercising control over aspects of their lives, seeking meaningful involvement in their community, attaching to others and avoiding threats to self-esteem” (91). In so doing far more emphasis was given in developing what Ungar (Thicker) refers to as ‘a thicker description of resilience’ as it relates to the lives of refugees that considers more than an ability to survive and thrive or an internal psychological state of wellbeing (89). Ungar (Thicker) describes a thicker description of resilience as revealing “a seamless set of negotiations between individuals who take initiative, and an environment with crisscrossing resources that impact one on the other in endless and unpredictable combinations” (95). A thicker description of resilience means adopting more of what Eyber proposes as an emic approach, taking on an ‘insider perspective’, incorporating the worldview of the people experiencing the distress; in contrast to an etic perspective using a Western biomedical understanding of distress, examined from a position outside the social or cultural system in which it takes place. Drawing on a more anthropological tradition, intervention is able to be built with local resources and strategies that people can utilize with attention being given to cultural traditions within a socio-cultural understanding. Developing an emic approach is to engage in intercultural dialogue, raise dilemmas, test assumptions, document hopes and beliefs and explore their implications. Under this approach, healing is more about developing intelligibility through one’s own cultural and social matrix (Bracken, qtd. in Westoby and Ingamells 1767). This then moves beyond using a Western therapeutic approach of exploration which may draw on the rhetoric of resilience, but the coping strategies of the vulnerable are often disempowered through adopting a ‘therapy culture’ (Furedi, qtd. in Westoby and Ingamells 1769). Westoby and Ingamells point out that the danger is by using a “therapeutic gaze that interprets emotions through the prism of disease and pathology”, it then “replaces a socio-political interpretation of situations” (1769). This is not to dismiss the importance of restoring individual well-being, but to broaden the approach adopted in contextualising it within a socio-cultural frame. The Relational Aspect of Resilience Previously, the concept of the ‘resilient individual’ has been of interest within the psychological and self-help literature (Garmezy, qtd. in Wilson) giving weight to the aspect of it being an innate trait that individuals possess or harness (258). Yet there is a need to explore the relational aspect of resilience as it is embedded in the network of relationships within social settings. A person’s identity and well-being is better understood in observing their capacity to manage their responses to adverse circumstances in an interpersonal community through the networks of relationships. Brison, highlights the collective strength of individuals in social networks and the importance of social support in the process of recovery from trauma, that the self is vulnerable to be affected by violence but resilient to be reconstructed through the help of others (qtd. in Wilson 125). This calls for what Wilson refers to as a more interdisciplinary perspective drawing on cultural studies and sociology (2). It also acknowledges that although individual traits influence the action of resilience, it can be learned and developed in adverse situations through social interactions. To date, within sociology and cultural studies, there is not a well-developed perspective on the topic of resilience. Resilience involves a complex ongoing interaction between individuals and their social worlds (Wilson 16) that helps them make sense of their world and adjust to the context of resettlement. It includes developing a perspective of people drawing upon negative experiences as productive cultural resources for growth, which involves seeing themselves as agents of their own future rather than suffering from a sense of victimhood (Wilson 46, 258). Wilson further outlines the display of a resilience-related capacity to positively interpret and derive meaning from what might have been otherwise negative migration experiences (Wilson 47). Wu refers to ‘imagineering’ alternative futures, for people to see beyond the current adverse circumstances and to imagine other possibilities. People respond to and navigate their experience of trauma in unique, unexpected and productive ways (Wilson 29). Trauma can cripple individual potential and yet individuals can also learn to turn such an experience into a positive, productive resource for personal growth. Grief, despair and powerlessness can be channelled into hope for improved life opportunities. Social networks can act as protection against adversity and trauma; meaningful interpersonal relationships and a sense of belonging assist individuals in recovering from emotional strain. Wilson asserts that social capabilities assist people in turning what would otherwise be negative experiences into productive cultural resources (13). Graybeal (238) and Saleeby (297) explore resilience as a strength-based practice, where individuals, families and communities are seen in relation to their capacities, talents, competencies, possibilities, visions, values and hopes; rather than through their deficiencies, pathologies or disorders. This does not present an idea of invulnerability to adversity but points to resources for navigating adversity. Resilience is not merely an individual trait or a set of intrinsic behaviours that can be displayed in ‘resilient individuals’. Resilience, rather than being an unchanging attribute, is a complex socio-cultural phenomenon, a relational concept of a dynamic nature that is situated in interpersonal relations (Wilson 258). Positive Growth through a Community Based Approach Through migrating to another country (in the context of refugees), Falicov, points out that people often experience a profound loss of their social network and cultural roots, resulting in a sense of homelessness between two worlds, belonging to neither (qtd. in Walsh 220). In the ideological narratives of refugee movements and diasporas, the exile present may be collectively portrayed as a liminality, outside normal time and place, a passage between past and future (Eastmond 255). The concept of the ‘liminal’ was popularised by Victor Turner, who proposed that different kinds of marginalised people and communities go through phases of separation, ‘liminali’ (state of limbo) and reincorporation (qtd. in Tofighian 101). Difficulties arise when there is no closure of the liminal period (fleeing their former country and yet not being able to integrate in the country of destination). If there is no reincorporation into mainstream society then people become unsettled and feel displaced. This has implications for their sense of identity as they suffer from possible cultural destabilisation, not being able to integrate into the host society. The loss of social supports may be especially severe and long-lasting in the context of displacement. In gaining an understanding of resilience in the context of displacement, it is important to consider social settings and person-environment transactions as displaced people seek to experience a sense of community in alternative ways. Mays proposed that alternative forms of community are central to community survival and resilience. Community is a source of wellbeing for building and strengthening positive relations and networks (Mays 590). Cottrell, uses the concept of ‘community competence’, where a community provides opportunities and conditions that enable groups to navigate their problems and develop capacity and resourcefulness to cope positively with adversity (qtd. in Sonn and Fisher 4, 5). Chaskin, sees community as a resilient entity, countering adversity and promoting the well-being of its members (qtd. in Canavan 6). As a point of departure from the concept of community in the conventional sense, I am interested in what Ahmed and Fortier state as moments or sites of connection between people who would normally not have such connection (254). The participants may come together without any presumptions of ‘being in common’ or ‘being uncommon’ (Ahmed and Fortier 254). This community shows little differentiation between those who are welcome and those who are not in the demarcation of the boundaries of community. The community I refer to presents the idea as ‘common ground’ rather than commonality. Ahmed and Fortier make reference to a ‘moral community’, a “community of care and responsibility, where members readily acknowledge the ‘social obligations’ and willingness to assist the other” (Home office, qtd. in Ahmed and Fortier 253). Ahmed and Fortier note that strong communities produce caring citizens who ensure the future of caring communities (253). Community can also be referred to as the ‘soul’, something that stems out of the struggle that creates a sense of solidarity and cohesion among group members (Keil, qtd. in Sonn and Fisher 17). Often shared experiences of despair can intensify connections between people. These settings modify the impact of oppression through people maintaining positive experiences of belonging and develop a positive sense of identity. This has enabled people to hold onto and reconstruct the sociocultural supplies that have come under threat (Sonn and Fisher 17). People are able to feel valued as human beings, form positive attachments, experience community, a sense of belonging, reconstruct group identities and develop skills to cope with the outside world (Sonn and Fisher, 20). Community networks are significant in contributing to personal transformation. Walsh states that “community networks can be essential resources in trauma recovery when their strengths and potential are mobilised” (208). Walsh also points out that the suffering and struggle to recover after a traumatic experience often results in remarkable transformation and positive growth (208). Studies in post-traumatic growth (Calhoun & Tedeschi) have found positive changes such as: the emergence of new opportunities, the formation of deeper relationships and compassion for others, feelings strengthened to meet future life challenges, reordered priorities, fuller appreciation of life and a deepening spirituality (in Walsh 208). As Walsh explains “The effects of trauma depend greatly on whether those wounded can seek comfort, reassurance and safety with others. Strong connections with trust that others will be there for them when needed, counteract feelings of insecurity, hopelessness, and meaninglessness” (208). Wilson (256) developed a new paradigm in shifting the focus from an individualised approach to trauma recovery, to a community-based approach in his research of young Sudanese refugees. Rutter and Walsh, stress that mental health professionals can best foster trauma recovery by shifting from a predominantly individual pathology focus to other treatment approaches, utilising communities as a capacity for healing and resilience (qtd. in Walsh 208). Walsh highlights that “coming to terms with traumatic loss involves making meaning of the trauma experience, putting it in perspective, and weaving the experience of loss and recovery into the fabric of individual and collective identity and life passage” (210). Landau and Saul, have found that community resilience involves building community and enhancing social connectedness by strengthening the system of social support, coalition building and information and resource sharing, collective storytelling, and re-establishing the rhythms and routines of life (qtd. in Walsh 219). Bracken et al. suggest that one of the fundamental principles in recovery over time is intrinsically linked to reconstruction of social networks (15). This is not expecting resolution in some complete ‘once and for all’ getting over it, getting closure of something, or simply recovering and moving on, but tapping into a collective recovery approach, being a gradual process over time. Conclusion A focus on biomedical intervention using a biomedical understanding of distress may be limiting as a helping modality for refugees. Such an approach can undermine peoples’ agency, coping strategies and local cultural understandings of distress. Drawing on sociology and cultural studies, utilising a more emic approach, brings new insights to understanding resilience and how people respond to trauma in unique, unexpected and productive ways for positive personal growth while navigating the experience. This includes considering social settings and person-environment transactions in gaining an understanding of resilience. Although individual traits influence the action of resilience, it can be learned and developed in adverse situations through social interactions. Social networks and capabilities can act as a protection against adversity and trauma, assisting people to turn what would otherwise be negative experiences into productive cultural resources (Wilson 13) for improved life opportunities. The promotion of social competence is viewed as a preventative intervention to promote resilient outcomes, as social skill facilitates social integration (Nettles and Mason 363). As Wilson (258) asserts that resilience is not merely an individual trait or a set of intrinsic behaviours that ‘resilient individuals’ display; it is a complex, socio-cultural phenomenon that is situated in interpersonal relations within a community setting. References Ahmed, Sara, and Anne-Marie Fortier. “Re-Imagining Communities.” International of Cultural Studies 6.3 (2003): 251-59. Bracken, Patrick. J., Joan E. Giller, and Derek Summerfield. Psychological Response to War and Atrocity: The Limitations of Current Concepts. Elsevier Science, 1995. 8 Aug, 2013 ‹http://www.freedomfromtorture.org/sites/default/files/documents/Summerfield-PsychologicalResponses.pdf>. Brune, Michael, Christian Haasen, Michael Krausz, Oktay Yagdiran, Enrique Bustos and David Eisenman. “Belief Systems as Coping Factors for Traumatized Refugees: A Pilot Study.” Eur Psychiatry 17 (2002): 451-58. Canavan, John. “Resilience: Cautiously Welcoming a Contested Concept.” Child Care in Practice 14.1 (2008): 1-7. Chung, Juna. Refugee and Immigrant Survivors of Trauma: A Curriculum for Social Workers. Master’s Thesis for California State University. Long Beach, 2010. 1-29. Eastmond, Maria. “Stories of Lived Experience: Narratives in Forced Migration Research.” Journal of Refugee Studies 20.2 (2007): 248-64. Eyber, Carola “Cultural and Anthropological Studies.” In Forced Migration Online, 2002. 8 Aug, 2013. ‹http://www.forcedmigration.org/research-resources/expert-guides/psychosocial- issues/cultural-and-anthropological-studies>. Graybeal, Clay. “Strengths-Based Social Work Assessment: Transforming the Dominant Paradigm.” Families in Society 82.3 (2001): 233-42. Kleinman, Arthur. “Triumph or Pyrrhic Victory? The Inclusion of Culture in DSM-IV.” Harvard Rev Psychiatry 4 (1997): 343-44. Mares, Sarah, and Louise Newman, eds. Acting from the Heart- Australian Advocates for Asylum Seekers Tell Their Stories. Sydney: Finch Publishing, 2007. Mays, Vicki M. “Identity Development of Black Americans: The Role of History and the Importance of Ethnicity.” American Journal of Psychotherapy 40.4 (1986): 582-93. Nettles, Saundra Murray, and Michael J. Mason. “Zones of Narrative Safety: Promoting Psychosocial Resilience in Young People.” The Journal of Primary Prevention 25.3 (2004): 359-73. Orosa, Francisco J.E., Michael Brune, Katrin Julia Fischer-Ortman, and Christian Haasen. “Belief Systems as Coping Factors in Traumatized Refugees: A Prospective Study.” Traumatology 17.1 (2011); 1-7. Peres, Julio F.P., Alexander Moreira-Almeida, Antonia, G. Nasello, and Harold, G. Koenig. “Spirituality and Resilience in Trauma Victims.” J Relig Health (2006): 1-8. Saleebey, Dennis. “The Strengths Perspective in Social Work Practice: Extensions and Cautions.” Social Work 41.3 (1996): 296-305. Scheper-Hughes, Nancy. “A Talent for Life: Reflections on Human Vulnerability and Resilience.” Ethnos 73.1 (2008): 25-56. Seahorn, Janet, J. and Anthony E. Seahorn. Tears of a Warrior. Ft Collins, USA: Team Pursuits, 2008. Sonn, Christopher, and Adrian Fisher. “Sense of Community: Community Resilient Responses to Oppression and Change.” Unpublished article. Curtin University of Technology & Victoria University of Technology: undated. Summerfield, Derek. “Childhood, War, Refugeedom and ‘Trauma’: Three Core Questions for Medical Health Professionals.” Transcultural Psychiatry 37.3 (2000): 417-433. Tofighian, Omid. “Prolonged Liminality and Comparative Examples of Rioting Down Under”. Fear and Hope: The Art of Asylum Seekers in Australian Detention Centres Literature and Aesthetics (Special Edition) 21 (2011): 97-103. Ungar, Michael. “A Constructionist Discourse on Resilience: Multiple Contexts, Multiple Realities Among at-Risk Children and Youth.” Youth Society 35.3 (2004): 341-365. Ungar, Michael. “A Thicker Description of Resilience.” The International Journal of Narrative Therapy and Community Work 3 & 4 (2005): 85-96. Walsh, Froma. “Traumatic Loss and Major Disasters: Strengthening Family and Community Resilience.” Family Process 46.2 (2007): 207-227. Weiss, Daniel. S., Charles R. Marmar, William. E. Schlenger, John. A. Fairbank, Kathleen Jordon, Richard L. Hough, and Richard A. Kulka. “The Prevalence of Lifetime and Partial Post- Traumatic Stress Disorder in Vietnam Theater Veterans.” Journal of Traumatic Stress 5.3 (1992):365-76. Westoby, Peter, and Ann Ingamells. “A Critically Informed Perspective of Working with Resettling Refugee Groups in Australia.” British Journal of Social Work 40 (2010): 1759-76. Wilson, Michael. “Accumulating Resilience: An Investigation of the Migration and Resettlement Experiences of Young Sudanese People in the Western Sydney Area.” PHD Thesis. University of Western Sydney ( 2012): 1-297. Wu, K. M. “Hope and World Survival.” Philosophy Forum 12.1-2 (1972): 131-48.

Introduction Historically in Australia, there has been a growing movement behind the development of quality Early Childhood Education and Care Centres (termed ‘centres’ for this article). These centres are designed to provide care and education outside of the home for children from birth to five years old. In the mid 1980s, the then Labor Government of Australia promoted and funded the establishment of many centres to provide women who were at home with children the opportunity to move into the workplace. Centre fees were heavily subsidised to make this option viable in the hope that more women would become employed and Australia’s rising unemployment statistics would be reduced. The popularity of this system soon meant that there was a childcare centre shortage and parents were faced with long waiting lists to enrol their child into a centre. To alleviate this situation, independent centres were established that complied with Government rules and regulations. Independent, state, and local government funded centres had a certain degree of autonomy over facilities, staffing, qualifications, quality programmes, and facilities. This movement became part of the global increased focus on the importance of early childhood education. As part of that educational emphasis, the Melbourne Declaration on Educational Goals for Young Australians in 2008 set the direction for schooling for the next 10 years. This formed the basis of Australia’s Education Reforms (Department of Education, Employment and Workplace Relations). The reforms have influenced the management of early childhood education and care centres. All centres must comply with the National Quality Framework that mandates staff qualifications, facility standards, and the ratios of children to adults. From a parent’s perspective centres now look very much the same. All centres have indoor and outdoor playing spaces, separate rooms for differently aged children, playgrounds, play equipment, foyer and office spaces with similarly qualified staff. With these similarities in mind, the dilemma for parents is how to decide on a centre for their child to attend. Does it come down to parents’ taste about a centre? In the education context, how is taste conceptualised? This article will present research that conceptualises taste as being part of a decision-making process (DMP) that is used by parents when choosing a centre for their child and, in doing so, will introduce the term: parental taste. The Determining Factors of Taste A three phase, sequential, mixed methods study was used to determine how parents select one centre over another. Cresswell described this methodology as successive phases of data collection, where each builds on the previous, with the aim of addressing the research question. This process was seen as a method to identify parents’ varying tastes in centres considered for their child to attend. Phase 1 used a survey of 78 participants to gather baseline data to explore the values, expectations, and beliefs of the parents. It also determined the aspects of the centre important to parents, and gauged the importance of the socio-economic status and educational backgrounds of the participants in their decision making. Phase 2 built on the phase 1 data and included interviews with 20 interviewees exploring the details of the decision-making process (DMP). This phase also elaborated on the survey questions and responses, determined the variables that might impact on the DMP, and identified how parents access information about early learning centres. Phase 3 focussed on parental satisfaction with their choice of early learning setting. Again using 20 interviewees, these interviews investigated the DMP that had been undertaken, as well as any that might still be ongoing. This phase focused on parents' reflection on the DMP used and questioned them as to whether the same process would be used again in other areas of decision making. Thematic analysis of the data revealed that it usually fell to the mother to explore centre options and make the decision about enrolment. Along the way, she may have discussions with the father and, to a lesser extent, with the centre staff. Friends, relatives, the child, siblings, and other educational professionals did not rank highly when the decision was being considered. Interestingly, it was found that the mother began to consider childcare options and the need for care twelve months or more before care was required and a decision had to be made. A small number of parents (three from the 20) said that they thought about it while pregnant but felt silly because they “didn’t even have a baby yet.” All mothers said that it took quite a while to get their head around leaving their child with someone else, and this anxiety and concern increased the younger the child was. Two parents had criteria that they did not want their child in care until he/she could talk and walk, so that the child could look after him- or herself to some extent. This indicated some degree of scepticism that their child would be cared for appropriately. Parents who considered enrolling their child into care closer to when it was required generally chose to do this because they had selected a pre-determined age that their child would go into childcare. A small number of parents (two) decided that their child would not attend a centre until three years old, while other parents found employment and had to find care quickly in response. The survey results showed that the aspects of a centre that most influenced parental decision-making were the activities and teaching methods used by staff, centre reputation, play equipment inside and outside the centre, and the playground size and centre buildings. The interview responses added to this by suggesting that the type of playground facilities available were important, with a natural environment being preferred. Interestingly, the lowest aspect of importance reported was whether the child had friends or family already attending the centre. The results of the survey and interview data reflected the parents’ aspirations for their child and included the development of personal competencies of self-awareness, self-regulation, and motivation linking emotions to thoughts and actions (Gendron). The child’s experience in a centre was expected to develop and refine personal traits such as self-confidence, self-awareness, self-management, the ability to interact with others, and the involvement in educational activities to achieve learning goals. With these aspirations in mind, parents felt considerable pressure to choose the environment that would fit their child the best. During the interview stage of data collection, the term “taste” emerged. The term is commonly used in a food, fashion, or style context. In the education context, however, taste was conceptualised as the judgement of likes and dislikes regarding centre attributes. Gladwell writes that “snap judgements are, first of all, enormously quick: they rely on the thinnest slices of experience. But they are also unconscious” (50). The immediacy of determining one's taste refutes the neoliberal construction (Campbell, Proctor, Sherington) of the DMP as a rational decision-making process that systematically compares different options before making a decision. In the education context, taste can be reconceptualised as an alignment between a decision and inherent values and beliefs. A personal “backpack” of experiences, beliefs, values, ideas, and memories all play a part in forming a person’s taste related to their likes and dislikes. In turn, this effects the end decision made. Parents formulated an initial response to a centre linked to the identification of attributes that aligned with personal values, beliefs, expectations, and aspirations. The data analysis indicated that parents formulated their personal taste in centres very quickly after centres were visited. At that point, parents had a clear image of the preferred centre. Further information gathering was used to reinforce that view and confirm this “parental taste.” How Does Parental Taste about a Centre Influence the Decision-Making Process? All parents used a process of decision-making to some degree. As already stated, it was usually the mother who gathered information to inform the final decision, but in two of the 78 cases it was the father who investigated and decided on the childcare centre in which to enrol. All parents used some form of process to guide their decision-making. A heavily planned process sees the parent gather information over a period of time and included participating in centre tours, drive-by viewings, talking with others, web-based searches, and, checking locations in the phone book. Surprisingly, centre advertising was the least used and least effective method of attracting parents, with only one person indicating that advertising had played a part in her DMP. This approach applied to a woman who had just moved to a new town and was not aware of the care options. This method may also be a reflection of the personality of the parent or it may reflect an understanding that there are differences between services in terms of their focus on education and care. A lightly planned process occurred when a relatively swift decision was made with minimal information gathering. It could have been the selection of the closest and most convenient centre, or the one that parents had heard people talk about. These parents were happy to go to the centre and add their name to the waiting list or enrol straight away. Generally, the impression was that all services provide the same education and care. Parents appeared to use different criteria when considering a centre for their child. Aspects here included the physical environment, size of rooms, aesthetic appeal, clean buildings, tidy surrounds, and a homely feel. Other aspects that affected this parental taste included the location of the centre, the availability of places for the child, and the interest the staff showed in parent and child. The interviews revealed that parents placed an importance on emotions when they decided if a centre suited their tastes that in turn affected their DMP. The “vibe,” the atmosphere, and how the staff made the parents feel were the most important aspects of this process. The centre’s reputation was also central to decision making. What Constructs Underpin the Decision? Parental choice decisions can appear to be rational, but are usually emotionally connected to parental aspirations and values. In this way, parental choice and prior parental decision making processes reflect the bounded rationality described by Kahneman, and are based on factors relevant to the individual as supported by Ariely and Lindstrom. Ariely states that choice and the decision making process are emotionally driven and may be irrational-rational decisions. Gladwell supports this notion in that “the task of making sense of ourselves and our behaviour requires that we acknowledge there can be as much value in the blink of an eye as in months of rational analysis” (17). Reay’s research into social, cultural, emotional, and human capital to explain human behaviour was built upon to develop five constructs for decision making in this research. The R.O.P.E.S. constructs are domains that tie together to categorise the interaction of emotional connections that underpin the decision making process based on the parental taste in centres. The constructs emerged from the analysis of the data collected in the three phase approach. They were based on the responses from parents related to both their needs and their child’s needs in terms of having a valuable and happy experience at a centre. The R.O.P.E.S. constructs were key elements in the formation of parental taste in centres and eventual enrolment. The Reputational construct (R) included word of mouth, from friends, the cleaner, other staff from either the focus or another centre, and may or may not have aligned with parental taste and influenced the decision. Other constructs (O) included the location and convenience of the centre, and availability of spaces. Cost was not seen as an issue with the subsidies making each centre similar in fee structure. The Physical construct (P) included the facilities available such as the indoor and outdoor play space, whether these are natural or artificial environments, and the play equipment available. The Social construct (S) included social interactions—sharing, making friends, and building networks. It was found that the Emotional construct (E) was central to the process. It underpinned all the other constructs and was determined by the emotions that were elicited when the parent had the first and subsequent contact with the centre staff. This construct is pivotal in parental taste and decision making. Parents indicated that some centres did not have an abundance of resources but “the lady was really nice” (interview response) and the parent thought that her child would be cared for in that environment. Comments such as “the lady was really friendly and made us feel part of the place even though we were just looking around” (interview response) added to the emotional connection and construct for the DMP. The emotional connection with staff and the willingness of the director to take the time to show the parent the whole centre was a common comment from parents. Parents indicated that if they felt comfortable, and the atmosphere was warm and homelike, then they knew that their child would too. One centre particularly supported parental taste in a homely environment and had lounges, floor rugs, lamps for lighting, and aromatherapy oil burning that contributed to a home-like feel that appealed to parents and children. The professionalism of the staff who displayed an interest in the children, had interesting activities in their room, and were polite and courteous also added to the emotional construct. Staff speaking to the parent and child, rather than just the parent, was also valued. Interestingly, parents did not comment on the qualifications held by staff, indicating that parents assumed that to be employed staff must hold the required qualifications. Is There a Further Application of Taste in Decision Making? The third phase of data collection was related to additional questions being asked of the interviewee that required reflection of the DMP used when choosing a centre for their child to attend. Parents were asked to review the process and comment on any changes that they would make if they were in the same position again. The majority of parents said that they were content with their taste in centres and the subsequent decision made. A quarter of the parents indicated that they would make minor changes to their process. A common comment made was that the process used was indicative of the parent’s personality. A self confessed “worrier” enrolling her first child gathered a great deal of information and visited many centres to enable the most informed decision to be made. In contrast, a more relaxed parent enrolling a second or third child made a quicker decision after visiting or phoning one or two centres. Although parents considered their decision to be rationally considered, the impact of parental taste upon visiting the centre and speaking to staff was a strong indicator of the level of satisfaction. Taste was a precursor to the decision. When asked if the same process would be used if choosing a different service, such as an accountant, parents indicated that a similar process would be used, but perhaps not as in depth. The reasoning here was that parents were aware that the decision of selecting a centre would impact on their child and ultimately themselves in an emotional way. The parent indicated that if they spent time visiting centres and it appealed to their taste then the child would like it too. In turn this made the whole process of attending a centre less stressful and emotional. Parents clarified that not as much personal information gathering would occur if searching for an accountant. The focus would be centred on the accountant’s professional ability. Other instances were offered, such as purchasing a car, or selecting a house, dentist, or a babysitter. All parents suggested that additional information would be collected if their child of family would be directly impacted by the decision. Advertising of services or businesses through various multimedia approaches appeared not to rate highly when parents were in the process of decision making. Television, radio, print, Internet, and social networks were identified as possible modes of communication available for consideration by parents. The generational culture was evident in the responses from different parent age groups. The younger parents indicated that social media, Internet, and print may be used to ascertain the benefits of different services and to access information about the reputation of centres. In comparison, the older parents preferred word-of-mouth recommendations. Neither television nor radio was seen as media approaches that would attract clientele. Conclusion In the education context, the concept of parental taste can be seen to be an integral component to the decision making process. In this case, the attributes of an educational facility align to an individual’s personal “backpack” and form a like or a dislike, known as parental taste. The implications for the Directors of Early Childhood Education and Care Centres indicate that parental taste plays a role in a child’s enrolment into a centre. Parental taste is determined by the attributes of the centre that are aligned to the R.O.P.E.S. constructs with the emotional element as the key component. A less rigorous DMP is used when a generic service is required. Media and cultural ways of looking at our society interpret how important decisions are made. A general assumption is that major decisions are made in a calm, considered and rational manner. This is a neoliberal view and is not supported by the research presented in this article. References Ariely, Dan. Predictably Irrational: The Hidden Forces That Shape Our Decisions. London: Harper, 2009. Australian Children’s Education, Care and Quality Authority (ACECQA). n.d. 14 Jan. 2014. ‹http://www.acecqa.gov.au›. Campbell, Craig, Helen Proctor, and Geoffrey Sherington. School Choice: How Parents Negotiate The New School Market In Australia. Crows Nest, N.S.W.: Allen and Unwin, 2009. Cresswell, John,W. Research Design. Qualitative, Quantitative and Mixed Methods Approaches (2nd ed.). Los Angeles: Sage, 2003. Department of Education. 11 Oct. 2013. 14 Jan. 2014. ‹http://education.gov.au/national-quality-framework-early-childhood-education-and-care›. Department of Employment, Education and Workplace Relations (DEEWR). Education Reforms. Canberra, ACT: Australian Government Publishing Service, 2009. Gendron, Benedicte. “Why Emotional Capital Matters in Education and in Labour?: Toward an Optimal Exploitation of Human Capital and Knowledge Mangement.” Les Cahiers de la Maison des Sciences Economiques 113 (2004): 1–37. Glaswell, Malcolm. “Blink: The power of thinking without thinking.” Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin, 2005. Kahneman, Daniel. Thinking, Fast and Slow. New York: Farrar, Strauss & Giroux, 2011. Lindstrom, Martin. Buy-ology: How Everything We Believe About Why We Buy is Wrong. Great London: Random House Business Books, 2009. Melbourne Declaration on Educational Goals for Young Australians. 14 Jan. 2014. ‹http://www.mceecdya.edu.au/mceecdya/melbourne_declaration,25979.html›. National Quality Framework. 14 Jan. 2014. ‹http://www.acecqa.gov.au. Reay, Diane. A Useful Extension of Bourdieu’s Conceptual Framework?: Emotional Capital as a Way of Understanding Mothers’ Involvement in their Children’s Education? Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2000.

IntroductionPeople say, “don’t you ever want to come off?” I don’t know. The thought of me getting up without taking something is totally... to me that’s normal. If I haven’t taken anything then I’m not normal. And for me to even, I can’t contemplate not taking something, you know. I’m not a lost cause. I know what my problem is. It’s other people that want me to stop. I don’t want to stop. I don’t want to. Does that make sense to you? (Mya)This extract is taken from an interview that formed part of my doctoral research looking at people’s experiences of injecting drug use and treatment services in London, UK. Here I consider one of the ways participants described their use of drugs through a concept of becoming “normal.” I pay particular attention to Mya’s account and explore the very sense-making that her question (above) demands. Mya uses the concept of normality not only to reflect how drugs have become part of her everyday routines, or part of feeling normal, but actually in materially becoming herself—in embodying a “normal body.” As she puts it, “if I haven’t taken anything then I am not normal.” In this sense, Mya’s problem is not the drugs, but the people who want her to stop taking them. This understanding is important for challenging recent policy shifts towards reducing opiate replacement/substitution services in the UK (HM Government; Home Office).Methods The study took place from January to September 2014, and included participant observation at a drug treatment service, interviews with service providers, and “creative” interviews with people who inject drugs. The project was granted ethical approval by the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine Ethics Committee and the NHS Regional Ethics Committee. All participants were given pseudonyms.The creative interview is a term coined by Jennifer Mason to describe an in-depth semi-structured interview which produces additional types of data beyond the spoken word. The method was employed to explore participants’ feelings of embodiment as enacted in the drug-using “event.” I used a body mapping (drawing) task in these interviews to aid the communication of hard-to-articulate visceral experiences and depict the many actors, human and nonhuman, involved. (For a fuller explanation of the “events” perspective and methods taken in this study, please see Dennis 2016.) Below, I draw both from Mya’s narrative and her pictorial account.Becoming “Normal” with DiamorphineMya is a 52-year-old woman who was recruited to the study through word of mouth. She attended a supervised injecting clinic where another participant informed her about the study. The purpose of this clinic is to prescribe injectable diamorphine (pharmaceutical heroin) for clients to administer under supervised conditions. This unique service is specifically targeted at people who have previously struggled with the more orthodox opiate substitution treatments, such as methadone and buprenorphine. Mya explained that she had a long history of using street heroin, but in the last ten years has been injecting legally and has also illegally sought diamorphine. Mya’s drug use had become very hard to sustain financially, both in paying for private prescriptions and in the illegal drugs market, and therefore she wanted a prescription through the National Health Service. She was told that this was only possible through this clinic. However, the clinic’s intention was always to reduce this consumption, which Mya did not want to accept. This is because, as she explained, without drugs she is “not normal.”A rhetoric of “normality,” as deployed in the drug field, has taken two dominant paths. The first is in Parker et al.’s “normalisation thesis,” which documents a move during the 1990s when drug use, albeit “recreational drug use,” became increasingly common. A concept of “normalisation” is used to explain this social shift in acceptability towards drug taking. The second lies in a Foucauldian-influenced embodied idea of performing normality in line with dominant neoliberal discourses. For example, Nettleton et al.’s study with recovering heroin users employs a concept of “normalisation” to explore the ways in which people talk about regaining certain bodily practices to fit in with “the norm.” Using the work of Michel Foucault, and his concept of governmentality more specifically, Nettleton et al. argue that “normalisation” is “a crucial aspect of neo-liberal societies, where individuals are encouraged through [decentralised] political projects to become normal: ‘the judges of normality are everywhere’ (Foucault, 1977)” (175). Although there are vast differences, both these accounts seem to share an understanding of normality as a socially or discursively produced set of practices.However, Mya’s narrative of becoming normal seems to be doing something different. She highlights how she becomes normal with drugs in a way that suggests that without drugs she is not normal. This highlights the material work involved in achieving this “normal” state. It is clear that being normal is something we do (both theories above consider normal behaviour as performative) rather than it being pre-defined. But for Mya this is enacted in an ontological rather than learnt way as she connects with drugs. To know normality—“to me that’s normal”—and to be normal—“if I haven’t taken anything then I’m not normal”—are conflated. Karen Barad, in her theory of agential realism, would call this an intra-action rather than an inter-action, where what we know (epistemology) and what is (ontology) collide, or rather elide. It is in these entanglements of matter and meaning that Mya becomes normal. Mya’s narrative highlights the human body as an assemblage (Deleuze and Guattari) in which drugs have become a part. In this sense, drugs can be seen as part of this embodied self rather than separate. Consequently, Mya’s account is about more than how her body interacts with drugs, but rather how they become together. Drawing from Deleuze’s ontology of becoming, this is the idea that life does not start with any given entities or organisms, but that these forms are brought into being through the forces of life, and as such they are in a constant state of flux, becoming something else.This can challenge ideas of “recovery” (e.g. Home Office) where people are expected to remove themselves from drugs in order to regain their “normal” self. If one’s “normal” includes drugs this calls into question the very attempt to de-couple an entangled relationship that, as another participant put it, “has been a long time in the making” (my emphasis). Therefore, it is perhaps not surprising that Mya explains with a heavy heart that she is feeling substantial pressure to reduce her prescription. She feels the clinic staff fail to understand how drugs are part of her and what constitutes her “normal.” Thus, as she sees it, her “problem” is not the drugs themselves, but the people who want her to stop taking them. Mya’s frustrations start to make more sense—to return to the question in the epigraph—when we think about the body as something we do, involved in a constant task of keeping oneself together.Keeping Oneself TogetherOne does not hang together as a matter of course: keeping oneself together is something the embodied person needs to do. The person who fails to do so dies. (Mol and Law 43)Mol and Law argue that bodies are not something we have but something we do, and that bodies are actively held together through a series of practices. For instance, in their example of hypoglycaemia, a pin prick of blood needs to be taken for the condition to be known, and then counteracted by eating a sugary substance (49). Thinking about Mya’s account of becoming normal in these terms, drugs, instead of being seen as “evil” objects of misuse, can, for Mya at least, be part of this vital (life) project of keeping oneself together. This thoroughly blurs the distinctions between “good” medicine (life sustaining/enhancing) and “bad” drugs of abuse (life destroying). Following a Deleuzian understanding of the human body as an assemblage, making the body “actualise” as one is a process of life: “‘A’ or ‘a’ (one) is always the index of a multiplicity: an event, a singularity, a life...” (Deleuze 388). As such, making bodily boundaries becomes essential. For Mya, drugs are part of this individualisation process in quite overt ways. For example, in her body map (Figure 1) she drew a picture of herself inside a cloud, with voices shouting inwards, penetrating the barrier from outside. About these she said, they are “shouting at me,” “telling me what to do,” and “what’s best for me.” But she was at pains to point out that the depicted cloud is not about representing a pleasurable or disassociated feeling, but more to do with blocking out these intruding voices telling her how to live her life so that they “can’t get to me”:Mya: That makes it sound like the drug makes me feel like I’m in a cloud, it doesn’t, cos I just feel normal, it just helps me to, to deal with things better, it helps me to get less stressful, does that make sense?Author: Normal?Mya: YeahAuthor: So if you haven’t had it, you feel more on edge?Mya: I’m a complete nervous wreck. I’ll be jumping everywhere, you know, if someone opens the window of a bus and I’m jumping.Figure 1: Mya’s Body MapFor Mya, then, her drug use is not about pleasure, or pain for that matter, but about something altogether more vital: it is about keeping together in a stressful, invasive world, to “deal with things better.” It seems that Mya’s drawing—through which she was asked to depict her feelings when using drugs—is about trying to hold the permeable, leaky body together. For the injecting body, which regularly incorporates and excorporates drugs, is an active/metabolic body:The active body has semi-permeable boundaries [...] inside and outside are not so stable. Metabolism, after all, is about eating, drinking and breathing; about defecating, urinating and sweating. For a metabolic body incorporation and excorporation are essential. (Mol and Law 54)A similar argument is made by Vitellone, citing Keane:Heroin is not separate from but becomes central to the body, selfhood, and processes of individualization. Thus according to Keane “a drug is something external that becomes internalized, blurring the distinction between not only inside/outside but also self/other”. (166; see also Keane)In Mya’s drawing and account, drugs are intimately involved in the task of individuating—in making clear boundaries between her and the world. In this sense, her drawing of a cloud can be seen almost like an extra layer of skin.This also occurs in the accounts of two other participants. One female participant commented on how, without drugs, she does not feel herself, to the point that she said, “I don’t want to be in my own skin.” And a male participant also used similar language to note that without heroin (even though he is prescribed methadone, an opiate substitute) he can feel “disembodied”:Everything is all “oh oh” [he makes sounds and body movements to show a fear of things getting too close] like that, everything is like right, like if you’re trying to walk around the streets and it’s just like you can’t handle busy high streets and you know busy like tubes and ...In these accounts, drugs are playing a key role in this boundary work, that is, in enacting the body as One. This resonates strongly with Donna Haraway’s idea of individualisation as “a strategic defense problem” (212). This is the idea that the individual body is not something we are born with, but something we strive towards. Haraway argues that “bodies have become cyborgs,” where “the cyborg is text, machine, body, and metaphor” (212). Mya takes great care in making sure that I have understood this process of boundary-making, which is essential to the cyborg, and on several occasions checks back with me to confirm that she is making sense. She gives the impression that she has been explaining these feelings for years, but still does not feel fully understood. This is perhaps why she seems so thrilled when she feels I have finally got a handle on the dynamic:Mya: But the methadone makes me feel heavy, lethargic, with the diamorphine I can get on with being normal, more better, and not so sleepy, does that make sense? [...] It just helps me cope with everything. You know what I mean, everything. Even ...Author: Like taking the edge off things?Mya: That’s it, the edge off things, you’ve got it! I’ve never thought of that before, that’s a good way of putting it.Author: No cos I was thinking about what you were saying about how you can feel anxious and stuff, and I can imagine it just ...Mya: You’re right, you’ve done it in a nut shell there. Cos people have asked me that before and I haven’t been able to answer. That is a good answer. It takes the edge of things. Yeah.At the end of the interview, and long past this initial reference, Mya shows appreciation of this phrase once more, as an expression which she feels could help in her bid to be better understood:Author: Anyway, I’ll end the interview there.Mya: Was that alright?Author: Yeah, perfect. Is there anything else that you think is important that I’ve missed out?Mya: No not at all. I think you’ve just helped me there by saying it takes the edge off things, I’ve been trying to put that into words for a long time, I didn’t know how to say it ...Although these experiences are of course linked to withdrawal symptoms as a particular arrangement of bodily connections, when I ask about this, it is evident that it is also about something more. For example, in trying to get at why Mya feels she needs diamorphine rather than methadone, she talks about it being “cleaner,” “purer,” “less groggy.” And even though I prompt her on the potential enjoyment, she links “the buzz” to being able to get on with “normal things,” saying “I can act more normal with the heroin”:Mya: Definitely it’s less groggy.Author: And does it give you a slight buzz also?Mya: Sometimes it does yeah. Like I can get on with my housework better and things like that, day to day things, I can act more normal with the heroin. With just the methadone, things just slip.With an interesting use of the term, Mya says that with methadone (which would be the more usual opiate prescribed in heroin treatment) “things just slip.” Again, there is a sense of diamorphine holding her together, in a way that without it she would “slip.” This perhaps highlights the slipperiness of connections that are only ever “partial” (Haraway 181). Rather than becoming too porous, with methadone she becomes too shut off or “groggy,” and again her body becomes unable to do things. This is perhaps why she is so insistent that diamorphine stays put in her life: “I’m not going to lie, even if I don’t get it, I’m still going to use the diamorphine.” Or, in Haraway’s words, she “would rather be a cyborg than a goddess”(181) —she would rather endure the political and potentially criminal consequences of requiring this “outside” substance than pretend to live apart from/above the material world.ConclusionWhen we consider bodies as something we do, rather than have, we see that rather than Mya’s account of normality reflecting a social change (Parker et al.) or solely discursive embodiment (Nettleton et al.), it actually refers to how she becomes her “normal self” in more material ways. Mya’s account thoroughly disrupts a separation of object/subject, as well as several other binaries that underpin contemporary ideas of psychoactive drug use and the body, including drug/medicine, inner/outer, self/other, and of course, normal/pathological. Instead, and in trying to do justice to Mya’s question which opened the essay, her body is seen connecting with drugs in a way that holds her together (as One) in becoming “normal.” Consequently, her fears over having these drugs stopped are very real concerns over a disruption to her corporeality, which demand to be taken seriously. This calls for urgent questions to be asked over current UK policy trends toward eliminating diamorphine prescribing services (see O’Mara) and reducing opiate substitution more generally.References Barad, Karen. Meeting the Universe Halfway: Quantum Physics and the Entanglement of Matter and Meaning. Durham: Duke UP, 2007.Deleuze, Gilles. “Immanence: A Life.” Two Regimes of Madness: Texts and Interviews 1975–1995. Ed. David Lapoujade. New York: Semiotext(e), 2006. 384­–91.Deleuze, Gilles, and Felix Guattari. A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia. London: Continuum, 2004.Dennis, Fay. “Encountering ‘Triggers:’ Drug-Body-World Entanglements of Injecting Drug Use.” Contemporary Drug Problems (2016). <http://cdx.sagepub.com/content/early/2016/03/14/0091450916636379.full.pdf?ijkey=6yYSsmgMiHATwe6&keytype=finite>.Haraway, Donna. Simians, Cyborgs, and Women: The Reinvention of Nature. London: Free Association Books, 1991. HM Government. “Drug Strategy 2010: Reducing Demand, Restricting Supply, Building Recovery: Supporting People to Live a Drug Free Life.” Home Office, 2010. 1 Jan. 2011 <https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/98026/drug-strategy-2010.pdf>.Home Office. “Putting Full Recovery First.” Home Office, 2012. 5 Feb. 2013 <https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/98010/recovery-roadmap.pdf>.Keane, Helen. What’s Wrong with Addiction? Melbourne: Melbourne UP, 2002.Mason, Jennifer. “What Is Creative Interviewing?” 2010. 10 May 2013 <http://www.method s.manchester.ac.uk/methods/creativeinterviewing/>.Mol, Annemarie, and John Law. “Embodied Action, Enacted Bodies. The Example of Hypoglycaemia.” Body & Society 10.2 (2004): 43-62.Nettleton, Sarah, Joanne Neale, and Lucy Pickering. “‘I Just Want to Be Normal’: An Analysis of Discourses of Normality among Recovering Heroin Users.” Health 17.2 (2013): 174–190.O’Mara, Erin. “The State We’re In: Heroin Prescribing in the UK.” Drink and Drug News (Dec. 2015). 20 Jan. 2016 <https://drinkanddrugsnews.com/the-state-were-in-2/>.Parker, Howard, Judith Aldridge, and Fiona Measham. Illegal Leisure: The Normalization of Adolescent Recreational Drug Use. Hove: Routledge, 1998.Vitellone, Nicole. “The Rush: Needle Fixation or Technical Materialization?” Journal for Cultural Research 7.2 (2003): 165–177.

Any understanding of social and cultural change is impossible without a knowledge of the way media work as environments. —Marshall McLuhan. What is visible and tangible in things represents our possible action upon them. —Henri Bergson. Introduction: Subjective Maps as ‘Contact Zones’ Maps feature heavily in a variety of media; they appear in textbooks, on television, in print, and on the screens of our handheld devices. The production of cartographic texts is a process that is imbued with power relations and bound up with the production and reproduction of social life (Pinder 405). Mapping involves choices as to what information is and is not included. In their organisation, categorisation, modeling, and representation maps show and they hide. Thus “the idea that a small number of maps or even a single (and singular) map might be sufficient can only apply in a spatialised area of study whose own self-affirmation depends on isolation from its context” (Lefebvre 85–86). These isolations determine the way we interpret the physical, biological, and social worlds. The map can be thought of as a schematic for political systems within a confined set of spatial relations, or as a container for political discourse. Mapping contributes equally to the construction of experiential realities as to the representation of physical space, which also contains the potential to incorporate representations of temporality and rhythm to spatial schemata. Thus maps construct realities as much as they represent them and coproduce space as much as the political identities of people who inhabit them. Maps are active texts and have the ability to promote social change (Pickles 146). It is no wonder, then, that artists, theorists and activists alike readily engage in the conflicted praxis of mapping. This critical engagement “becomes a method to track the past, embody memories, explain the unexplainable” and manifest the latent (Ibarra 66). In this paper I present a short case study of Bangalore: Subjective Cartographies a new media art project that aims to model a citizen driven effort to participate in a critical form of cartography, which challenges dominant representations of the city-space. I present a critical textual analysis of the maps produced in the workshops, the artist statements relating to these works used in the exhibition setting, and statements made by the participants on the project’s blog. This “praxis-logical” approach allows for a focus on the project as a space of aggregation and the communicative processes set in motion within them. In analysing such projects we could (and should) be asking questions about the functions served by the experimental concepts under study—who has put it forward? Who is utilising it and under what circumstances? Where and how has it come into being? How does discourse circulate within it? How do these spaces as sites of emergent forms of resistance within global capitalism challenge traditional social movements? How do they create self-reflexive systems?—as opposed to focusing on ontological and technical aspects of digital mapping (Renzi 73). In de-emphasising the technology of digital cartography and honing in on social relations embedded within the text(s), this study attempts to complement other studies on digital mapping (see Strom) by presenting a case from the field of politically oriented tactical media. Bangalore: Subjective Cartographies has been selected for analysis, in this exploration of media as “zone.” It goes some way to incorporating subjective narratives into spatial texts. This is a three-step process where participants tapped into spatial subjectivities by data collection or environmental sensing led by personal reflection or ethnographic enquiry, documenting and geo-tagging their findings in the map. Finally they engaged an imaginative or ludic process of synthesising their data in ways not inherent within the traditional conventions of cartography, such as the use of sound and distortion to explicate the intensity of invisible phenomena at various coordinates in the city-space. In what follows I address the “zone” theme by suggesting that if we apply McLuhan’s notion of media as environment together with Henri Bergson’s assertion that visibility and tangibility constitutes the potential for action to digital maps, projects such as Bangalore: Subjective Cartographies constitute a “contact zone.” A type of zone where groups come together at the local level and flows of discourse about art, information communication, media, technology, and environment intersect with local histories and cultures within the cartographic text. A “contact zone,” then, is a site where latent subjectivities are manifested and made potentially politically potent. “Contact zones,” however, need not be spaces for the aggrieved or excluded (Renzi 82), as they may well foster the ongoing cumulative politics of the mundane capable of developing into liminal spaces where dominant orders may be perforated. A “contact zone” is also not limitless and it must be made clear that the breaking of cartographic convention, as is the case with the project under study here, need not be viewed as resistances per se. It could equally represent thresholds for public versus private life, the city-as-text and the city-as-social space, or the zone where representations of space and representational spaces interface (Lefebvre 233), and culture flows between the mediated and ideated (Appadurai 33–36). I argue that a project like Bangalore: Subjective Cartographies demonstrates that maps as urban text form said “contact zones,” where not only are media forms such as image, text, sound, and video are juxtaposed in a singular spatial schematic, but narratives of individual and collective subjectivities (which challenge dominant orders of space and time, and city-rhythm) are contested. Such a “contact zone” in turn may not only act as a resource for citizens in the struggle of urban design reform and a democratisation of the facilities it produces, but may also serve as a heuristic device for researchers of new media spatiotemporalities and their social implications. Critical Cartography and Media Tactility Before presenting this brief illustrative study something needs to be said of the context from which Bangalore: Subjective Cartographies has arisen. Although a number of Web 2.0 applications have come into existence since the introduction of Google Maps and map application program interfaces, which generate a great deal of geo-tagged user generated content aimed at reconceptualising the mapped city-space (see historypin for example), few have exhibited great significance for researchers of media and communications from the perspective of building critical theories relating to political potential in mediated spaces. The expression of power through mapping can be understood from two perspectives. The first—attributed largely to the Frankfurt School—seeks to uncover the potential of a society that is repressed by capitalist co-opting of the cultural realm. This perspective sees maps as a potential challenge to, and means of providing emancipation from, existing power structures. The second, less concerned with dispelling false ideologies, deals with the politics of epistemology (Crampton and Krygier 14). According to Foucault, power was not applied from the top down but manifested laterally in a highly diffused manner (Foucault 117; Crampton and Krygier 14). Foucault’s privileging of the spatial and epistemological aspects of power and resistance complements the Frankfurt School’s resistance to oppression in the local. Together the two perspectives orient power relative to spatial and temporal subjectivities, and thus fit congruently into cartographic conventions. In order to make sense of these practices the post-oppositional character of tactical media maps should be located within an economy of power relations where resistance is never outside of the field of forces but rather is its indispensable element (Renzi 72). Such exercises in critical cartography are strongly informed by the critical politico-aesthetic praxis of political/art collective The Situationist International, whose maps of Paris were inherently political. The Situationist International incorporated appropriated texts into, and manipulated, existing maps to explicate city-rhythms and intensities to construct imaginative and alternate representations of the city. Bangalore: Subjective Cartographies adopts a similar approach. The artists’ statement reads: We build our subjective maps by combining different methods: photography, film, and sound recording; […] to explore the visible and invisible […] city; […] we adopt psycho-geographical approaches in exploring territory, defined as the study of the precise effects of the geographical environment, consciously developed or not, acting directly on the emotional behaviour of individuals. The project proposals put forth by workshop participants also draw heavily from the Situationists’s A New Theatre of Operations for Culture. A number of Situationist theories and practices feature in the rationale for the maps created in the Bangalore Subjective Cartographies workshop. For example, the Situationists took as their base a general notion of experimental behaviour and permanent play where rationality was approached on the basis of whether or not something interesting could be created out of it (Wark 12). The dérive is the rapid passage through various ambiences with a playful-constructive awareness of the psychographic contours of a specific section of space-time (Debord). The dérive can be thought of as an exploration of an environment without preconceptions about the contours of its geography, but rather a focus on the reality of inhabiting a place. Détournement involves the re-use of elements from recognised media to create a new work with meaning often opposed to the original. Psycho-geography is taken to be the subjective ambiences of particular spaces and times. The principles of détournement and psycho-geography imply a unitary urbanism, which hints at the potential of achieving in environments what may be achieved in media with détournement. Bangalore: Subjective Cartographies carries Situationist praxis forward by attempting to exploit certain properties of information digitalisation to formulate textual representations of unitary urbanism. Bangalore: Subjective Cartographies is demonstrative of a certain media tactility that exists more generally across digital-networked media ecologies and channels this to political ends. This tactility of media is best understood through textual properties awarded by the process and logic of digitalisation described in Lev Manovich’s Language of New Media. These properties are: numerical representation in the form of binary code, which allows for the reification of spatial data in a uniform format that can be stored and retrieved in-silico as opposed to in-situ; manipulation of this code by the use of algorithms, which renders the scales and lines of maps open to alteration; modularity that enables incorporation of other textual objects into the map whilst maintaining each incorporated item’s individual identity; the removal to some degree of human interaction in terms of the translation of environmental data into cartographic form (whilst other properties listed here enable human interaction with the cartographic text), and the nature of digital code allows for changes to accumulate incrementally creating infinite potential for refinements (Manovich 49–63). The Subjective Mapping of Bangalore Bangalore is an interesting site for such a project given the recent and rapid evolution of its media infrastructure. As a “media city,” the first television sets appeared in Bangalore at some point in the early 1980s. The first Internet Service Provider (ISP), which served corporate clients only, commenced operating a decade later and then offered dial-up services to domestic clients in the mid-1990s. At present, however, Bangalore has the largest number of broadband Internet connections in India. With the increasing convergence of computing and telecommunications with traditional forms of media such as film and photography, Bangalore demonstrates well what Scott McQuire terms a media-architecture complex, the core infrastructure for “contact zones” (vii). Bangalore: Subjective Cartographies was a workshop initiated by French artists Benjamin Cadon and Ewen Cardonnet. It was conducted with a number of students at the Srishti School of Art, Design and Technology in November and December 2009. Using Metamap.fr (an online cartographic tool that makes it possible to add multimedia content such as texts, video, photos, sounds, links, location points, and paths to digital maps) students were asked to, in groups of two or three, collect and consult data on ‘felt’ life in Bangalore using an ethnographic, transverse geographic, thematic, or temporal approach. The objective of the project was to model a citizen driven effort to subvert dominant cartographic representations of the city. In doing so, the project and this paper posits that there is potential for such methods to be adopted to form new literacies of cartographic media and to render the cartographic imaginary politically potent. The participants’ brief outlined two themes. The first was the visible and symbolic city where participants were asked to investigate the influence of the urban environment on the behaviours and sensations of its inhabitants, and to research and collect signifiers of traditional and modern worlds. The invisible city brief asked participants to consider the latent environment and link it to human behaviour—in this case electromagnetic radiation linked to the cities telecommunications and media infrastructure was to be specifically investigated. The Visible and Symbolic City During British rule many Indian cities functioned as dual entities where flow of people and commodities circulated between localised enclaves and the centralised British-built areas. Mirroring this was the dual mode of administration where power was shared between elected Indian legislators and appointed British officials (Hoselitz 432–33). Reflecting on this diarchy leads naturally to questions about the politics of civic services such as the water supply, modes of public communication and instruction, and the nature of the city’s administration, distribution, and manufacturing functions. Workshop participants approached these issues in a variety of ways. In the subjective maps entitled Microbial Streets and Water Use and Reuse, food and water sources of street vendors are traced with the aim to map water supply sources relative to the movements of street vendors operating in the city. Images of the microorganisms are captured using hacked webcams as makeshift microscopes. The data was then converted to audio using Pure Data—a real-time graphical programming environment for the processing audio, video and graphical data. The intention of Microbial Streets is to demonstrate how mapping technologies could be used to investigate the flows of food and water from source to consumer, and uncover some of the latencies involved in things consumed unhesitatingly everyday. Typographical Lens surveys Russell Market, an older part of the city through an exploration of the aesthetic and informational transformation of the city’s shop and street signage. In Ethni City, Avenue Road is mapped from the perspective of local goldsmiths who inhabit the area. Both these maps attempt to study the convergence of the city’s dual function and how the relationship between merchants and their customers has changed during the transition from localised enclaves, catering to the sale of particular types of goods, to the development of shopping precincts, where a variety of goods and services can be sought. Two of the project’s maps take a spatiotemporal-archivist approach to the city. Bangalore 8mm 1940s uses archival Super 8 footage and places digitised copies on the map at the corresponding locations of where they were originally filmed. The film sequences, when combined with satellite or street-view images, allow for the juxtaposition of present day visions of the city with those of the 1940s pre-partition era. Chronicles of Collection focuses on the relationship between people and their possessions from the point of view of the object and its pathways through the city in space and time. Collectors were chosen for this map as the value they placed on the object goes beyond the functional and the monetary, which allowed the resultant maps to access and express spatially the layers of meaning a particular object may take on in differing contexts of place and time in the city-space. The Invisible City In the expression of power through city-spaces, and by extension city-texts, certain circuits and flows are ossified and others rendered latent. Raymond Williams in Politics and Letters writes: however dominant a social system may be, the very meaning of its domination involves a limitation or selection of the activities it covers, so that by definition it cannot exhaust all social experience, which therefore always potentially contains space for alternative acts and alternative intentions which are not yet articulated as a social institution or even project. (252) The artists’ statement puts forward this possible response, an exploration of the latent aesthetics of the city-space: In this sense then, each device that enriches our perception for possible action on the real is worthy of attention. Even if it means the use of subjective methods, that may not be considered ‘evidence’. However, we must admit that any subjective investigation, when used systematically and in parallel with the results of technical measures, could lead to new possibilities of knowledge. Electromagnetic City maps the city’s sources of electromagnetic radiation, primarily from mobile phone towers, but also as a by-product of our everyday use of technologies, televisions, mobile phones, Internet Wi-Fi computer screens, and handheld devices. This map explores issues around how the city’s inhabitants hear, see, feel, and represent things that are a part of our environment but invisible, and asks: are there ways that the intangible can be oriented spatially? The intensity of electromagnetic radiation being emitted from these sources, which are thought to negatively influence the meditation of ancient sadhus (sages) also features in this map. This data was collected by taking electromagnetic flow meters into the suburb of Yelhanka (which is also of interest because it houses the largest milk dairy in the state of Karnataka) in a Situationist-like derive and then incorporated back into Metamap. Signal to Noise looks at the struggle between residents concerned with the placement of mobile phone towers around the city. It does so from the perspectives of people who seek information about their placement concerned about mobile phone signal quality, and others concerned about the proximity of this infrastructure to their homes due to to potential negative health effects. Interview footage was taken (using a mobile phone) and manipulated using Pure Data to distort the visual and audio quality of the footage in proportion to the fidelity of the mobile phone signal in the geographic area where the footage was taken. Conclusion The “contact zone” operating in Bangalore: Subjective Cartographies, and the underlying modes of social enquiry that make it valuable, creates potential for the contestation of new forms of polity that may in turn influence urban administration and result in more representative facilities of, and for, city-spaces and their citizenry. Robert Hassan argues that: This project would mean using tactical media to produce new spaces and temporalities that are explicitly concerned with working against the unsustainable “acceleration of just about everything” that our present neoliberal configuration of the network society has generated, showing that alternatives are possible and workable—in ones job, home life, family life, showing that digital [spaces and] temporality need not mean the unerring or unbending meter of real-time [and real city-space] but that an infinite number of temporalities [and subjectivities of space-time] can exist within the network society to correspond with a diversity of local and contextual cultures, societies and polities. (174) As maps and locative motifs begin to feature more prominently in media, analyses such as the one discussed in this paper may allow for researchers to develop theoretical approaches to studying newer forms of media. References Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalisation. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1996. “Bangalore: Subjective Cartographies.” 25 July 2011 ‹http://bengaluru.labomedia.org/page/2/›. Bergson, Henri. Creative Evolution. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1911. Crampton, Jeremy W., and John Krygier. “An Introduction to Critical Cartography.” ACME: An International E-Journal for Critical Geography 4 (2006): 11–13. Chardonnet, Ewen, and Benjamin Cadon. “Semaphore.” 25 July 2011 ‹http://semaphore.blogs.com/semaphore/spectral_investigations_collective/›. Debord, Guy. “Theory of the Dérive.” 25 July 2011 ‹http://www.bopsecrets.org/SI/2.derive.htm›. Foucault, Michel. Remarks on Marx. New York: Semitotext[e], 1991.Hassan, Robert. The Chronoscopic Society: Globalization, Time and Knowledge in the Networked Economy. New York: Lang, 2003. “Historypin.” 4 Aug. 2011 ‹http://www.historypin.com/›. Hoselitz, Bert F. “A Survey of the Literature on Urbanization in India.” India’s Urban Future Ed. Roy Turner. Berkeley: U of California P, 1961. 425-43. Ibarra, Anna. “Cosmologies of the Self.” Elephant 7 (2011): 66–96. Lefebvre, Henri. The Production of Space. Oxford: Blackwell, 1991. Lovink, Geert. Dark Fibre. Cambridge: MIT Press, 2002. Manovich, Lev. The Language of New Media Cambridge: MIT Press, 2000. “Metamap.fr.” 3 Mar. 2011 ‹http://metamap.fr/›. McLuhan, Marshall, and Quentin Fiore. The Medium Is the Massage. London: Penguin, 1967. McQuire, Scott. The Media City: Media, Architecture and Urban Space. London: Sage, 2008. Pickles, John. A History of Spaces: Cartographic Reason, Mapping and the Geo-Coded World. London: Routledge, 2004. Pinder, David. “Subverting Cartography: The Situationists and Maps of the City.” Environment and Planning A 28 (1996): 405–27. “Pure Data.” 6 Aug. 2011 ‹http://puredata.info/›. Renzi, Alessandra. “The Space of Tactical Media” Digital Media and Democracy: Tactics in Hard Times. Ed. Megan Boler. Cambridge: MIT Press, 2008. 71–100. Situationist International. “A New Theatre of Operations for Culture.” 6 Aug. 2011 ‹http://www.blueprintmagazine.co.uk/index.php/urbanism/reading-the-situationist-city/›. Strom, Timothy Erik. “Space, Cyberspace and the Interface: The Trouble with Google Maps.” M/C Journal 4.3 (2011). 6 Aug. 2011 ‹http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/viewArticle/370›. Wark, McKenzie. 50 Years of Recuperation of the Situationist International, New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2008. Williams, Raymond. Politics and Letters: Interviews with New Left Review. London: New Left, 1979.

At one point in Victor Hugo’s novel, The Hunchback of Notre Dame, the archdeacon, Claude Frollo, looked up from a book on his table to the edifice of the gothic cathedral, visible from his canon’s cell in the cloister of Notre Dame: “Alas!” he said, “this will kill that” (146). Frollo’s lament, that the book would destroy the edifice, captures the medieval cleric’s anxiety about the way in which Gutenberg’s print technology would become the new universal means for recording and communicating humanity’s ideas and artistic expression, replacing the grand monuments of architecture, human engineering, and craftsmanship. For Hugo, architecture was “the great handwriting of humankind” (149). The cathedral as the material outcome of human technology was being replaced by the first great machine—the printing press. At this point in the third millennium, some people undoubtedly have similar anxieties to Frollo: is it now the book’s turn to be destroyed by yet another great machine? The inclusion of “post print” in our title is not intended to sound the death knell of the book. Rather, we contend that despite the enduring value of print, digital publishing is “present and active” and is changing the way in which research, particularly in the humanities, is being undertaken. Our approach has three related parts. First, we consider how digital technologies are changing the way in which content is constructed, customised, modified, disseminated, and accessed within a global, distributed network. This section argues that the transition from print to electronic or digital publishing means both losses and gains, particularly with respect to shifts in our approaches to textuality, information, and innovative publishing. Second, we discuss the Children’s Literature Digital Resources (CLDR) project, with which we are involved. This case study of a digitising initiative opens out the transformative possibilities and challenges of digital publishing and e-scholarship for research communities. Third, we reflect on technology’s capacity to bring about major changes in the light of the theoretical and practical issues that have arisen from our discussion. I. Digitising in a “post-print age” We are living in an era that is commonly referred to as “the late age of print” (see Kho) or the “post-print age” (see Gunkel). According to Aarseth, we have reached a point whereby nearly all of our public and personal media have become more or less digital (37). As Kho notes, web newspapers are not only becoming increasingly more popular, but they are also making rather than losing money, and paper-based newspapers are finding it difficult to recruit new readers from the younger generations (37). Not only can such online-only publications update format, content, and structure more economically than print-based publications, but their wide distribution network, speed, and flexibility attract advertising revenue. Hype and hyperbole aside, publishers are not so much discarding their legacy of print, but recognising the folly of not embracing innovative technologies that can add value by presenting information in ways that satisfy users’ needs for content to-go or for edutainment. As Kho notes: “no longer able to satisfy customer demand by producing print-only products, or even by enabling online access to semi-static content, established publishers are embracing new models for publishing, web-style” (42). Advocates of online publishing contend that the major benefits of online publishing over print technology are that it is faster, more economical, and more interactive. However, as Hovav and Gray caution, “e-publishing also involves risks, hidden costs, and trade-offs” (79). The specific focus for these authors is e-journal publishing and they contend that while cost reduction is in editing, production and distribution, if the journal is not open access, then costs relating to storage and bandwith will be transferred to the user. If we put economics aside for the moment, the transition from print to electronic text (e-text), especially with electronic literary works, brings additional considerations, particularly in their ability to make available different reading strategies to print, such as “animation, rollovers, screen design, navigation strategies, and so on” (Hayles 38). Transition from print to e-text In his book, Writing Space, David Bolter follows Victor Hugo’s lead, but does not ask if print technology will be destroyed. Rather, he argues that “the idea and ideal of the book will change: print will no longer define the organization and presentation of knowledge, as it has for the past five centuries” (2). As Hayles noted above, one significant indicator of this change, which is a consequence of the shift from analogue to digital, is the addition of graphical, audio, visual, sonic, and kinetic elements to the written word. A significant consequence of this transition is the reinvention of the book in a networked environment. Unlike the printed book, the networked book is not bound by space and time. Rather, it is an evolving entity within an ecology of readers, authors, and texts. The Web 2.0 platform has enabled more experimentation with blending of digital technology and traditional writing, particularly in the use of blogs, which have spawned blogwriting and the wikinovel. Siva Vaidhyanathan’s The Googlization of Everything: How One Company is Disrupting Culture, Commerce and Community … and Why We Should Worry is a wikinovel or blog book that was produced over a series of weeks with contributions from other bloggers (see: http://www.sivacracy.net/). Penguin Books, in collaboration with a media company, “Six Stories to Start,” have developed six stories—“We Tell Stories,” which involve different forms of interactivity from users through blog entries, Twitter text messages, an interactive google map, and other features. For example, the story titled “Fairy Tales” allows users to customise the story using their own choice of names for characters and descriptions of character traits. Each story is loosely based on a classic story and links take users to synopses of these original stories and their authors and to online purchase of the texts through the Penguin Books sales website. These examples of digital stories are a small part of the digital environment, which exploits computer and online technologies’ capacity to be interactive and immersive. As Janet Murray notes, the interactive qualities of digital environments are characterised by their procedural and participatory abilities, while their immersive qualities are characterised by their spatial and encyclopedic dimensions (71–89). These immersive and interactive qualities highlight different ways of reading texts, which entail different embodied and cognitive functions from those that reading print texts requires. As Hayles argues: the advent of electronic textuality presents us with an unparalleled opportunity to reformulate fundamental ideas about texts and, in the process, to see print as well as electronic texts with fresh eyes (89–90). The transition to e-text also highlights how digitality is changing all aspects of everyday life both inside and outside the academy. Online teaching and e-research Another aspect of the commercial arm of publishing that is impacting on academe and other organisations is the digitising and indexing of print content for niche distribution. Kho offers the example of the Mark Logic Corporation, which uses its XML content platform to repurpose content, create new content, and distribute this content through multiple portals. As the promotional website video for Mark Logic explains, academics can use this service to customise their own textbooks for students by including only articles and book chapters that are relevant to their subject. These are then organised, bound, and distributed by Mark Logic for sale to students at a cost that is generally cheaper than most textbooks. A further example of how print and digital materials can form an integrated, customised source for teachers and students is eFictions (Trimmer, Jennings, & Patterson). eFictions was one of the first print and online short story anthologies that teachers of literature could customise to their own needs. Produced as both a print text collection and a website, eFictions offers popular short stories in English by well-known traditional and contemporary writers from the US, Australia, New Zealand, UK, and Europe, with summaries, notes on literary features, author biographies, and, in one instance, a YouTube movie of the story. In using the eFictions website, teachers can build a customised anthology of traditional and innovative stories to suit their teaching preferences. These examples provide useful indicators of how content is constructed, customised, modified, disseminated, and accessed within a distributed network. However, the question remains as to how to measure their impact and outcomes within teaching and learning communities. As Harley suggests in her study on the use and users of digital resources in the humanities and social sciences, several factors warrant attention, such as personal teaching style, philosophy, and specific disciplinary requirements. However, in terms of understanding the benefits of digital resources for teaching and learning, Harley notes that few providers in her sample had developed any plans to evaluate use and users in a systematic way. In addition to the problems raised in Harley’s study, another relates to how researchers can be supported to take full advantage of digital technologies for e-research. The transformation brought about by information and communication technologies extends and broadens the impact of research, by making its outputs more discoverable and usable by other researchers, and its benefits more available to industry, governments, and the wider community. Traditional repositories of knowledge and information, such as libraries, are juggling the space demands of books and computer hardware alongside increasing reader demand for anywhere, anytime, anyplace access to information. Researchers’ expectations about online access to journals, eprints, bibliographic data, and the views of others through wikis, blogs, and associated social and information networking sites such as YouTube compete with the traditional expectations of the institutions that fund libraries for paper-based archives and book repositories. While university libraries are finding it increasingly difficult to purchase all hardcover books relevant to numerous and varied disciplines, a significant proportion of their budgets goes towards digital repositories (e.g., STORS), indexes, and other resources, such as full-text electronic specialised and multidisciplinary journal databases (e.g., Project Muse and Proquest); electronic serials; e-books; and specialised information sources through fast (online) document delivery services. An area that is becoming increasingly significant for those working in the humanities is the digitising of historical and cultural texts. II. Bringing back the dead: The CLDR project The CLDR project is led by researchers and librarians at the Queensland University of Technology, in collaboration with Deakin University, University of Sydney, and members of the AustLit team at The University of Queensland. The CLDR project is a “Research Community” of the electronic bibliographic database AustLit: The Australian Literature Resource, which is working towards the goal of providing a complete bibliographic record of the nation’s literature. AustLit offers users with a single entry point to enhanced scholarly resources on Australian writers, their works, and other aspects of Australian literary culture and activities. AustLit and its Research Communities are supported by grants from the Australian Research Council and financial and in-kind contributions from a consortium of Australian universities, and by other external funding sources such as the National Collaborative Research Infrastructure Strategy. Like other more extensive digitisation projects, such as Project Gutenberg and the Rosetta Project, the CLDR project aims to provide a centralised access point for digital surrogates of early published works of Australian children’s literature, with access pathways to existing resources. The first stage of the CLDR project is to provide access to digitised, full-text, out-of-copyright Australian children’s literature from European settlement to 1945, with selected digitised critical works relevant to the field. Texts comprise a range of genres, including poetry, drama, and narrative for young readers and picture books, songs, and rhymes for infants. Currently, a selection of 75 e-texts and digital scans of original texts from Project Gutenberg and Internet Archive have been linked to the Children’s Literature Research Community. By the end of 2009, the CLDR will have digitised approximately 1000 literary texts and a significant number of critical works. Stage II and subsequent development will involve digitisation of selected texts from 1945 onwards. A precursor to the CLDR project has been undertaken by Deakin University in collaboration with the State Library of Victoria, whereby a digital bibliographic index comprising Victorian School Readers has been completed with plans for full-text digital surrogates of a selection of these texts. These texts provide valuable insights into citizenship, identity, and values formation from the 1930s onwards. At the time of writing, the CLDR is at an early stage of development. An extensive survey of out-of-copyright texts has been completed and the digitisation of these resources is about to commence. The project plans to make rich content searchable, allowing scholars from children’s literature studies and education to benefit from the many advantages of online scholarship. What digital publishing and associated digital archives, electronic texts, hypermedia, and so forth foreground is the fact that writers, readers, publishers, programmers, designers, critics, booksellers, teachers, and copyright laws operate within a context that is highly mediated by technology. In his article on large-scale digitisation projects carried out by Cornell and University of Michigan with the Making of America collection of 19th-century American serials and monographs, Hirtle notes that when special collections’ materials are available via the Web, with appropriate metadata and software, then they can “increase use of the material, contribute to new forms of research, and attract new users to the material” (44). Furthermore, Hirtle contends that despite the poor ergonomics associated with most electronic displays and e-book readers, “people will, when given the opportunity, consult an electronic text over the print original” (46). If this preference is universally accurate, especially for researchers and students, then it follows that not only will the preference for electronic surrogates of original material increase, but preference for other kinds of electronic texts will also increase. It is with this preference for electronic resources in mind that we approached the field of children’s literature in Australia and asked questions about how future generations of researchers would prefer to work. If electronic texts become the reference of choice for primary as well as secondary sources, then it seems sensible to assume that researchers would prefer to sit at the end of the keyboard than to travel considerable distances at considerable cost to access paper-based print texts in distant libraries and archives. We considered the best means for providing access to digitised primary and secondary, full text material, and digital pathways to existing online resources, particularly an extensive indexing and bibliographic database. Prior to the commencement of the CLDR project, AustLit had already indexed an extensive number of children’s literature. Challenges and dilemmas The CLDR project, even in its early stages of development, has encountered a number of challenges and dilemmas that centre on access, copyright, economic capital, and practical aspects of digitisation, and sustainability. These issues have relevance for digital publishing and e-research. A decision is yet to be made as to whether the digital texts in CLDR will be available on open or closed/tolled access. The preference is for open access. As Hayles argues, copyright is more than a legal basis for intellectual property, as it also entails ideas about authorship, creativity, and the work as an “immaterial mental construct” that goes “beyond the paper, binding, or ink” (144). Seeking copyright permission is therefore only part of the issue. Determining how the item will be accessed is a further matter, particularly as future technologies may impact upon how a digital item is used. In the case of e-journals, the issue of copyright payment structures are evolving towards a collective licensing system, pay-per-view, and other combinations of print and electronic subscription (see Hovav and Gray). For research purposes, digitisation of items for CLDR is not simply a scan and deliver process. Rather it is one that needs to ensure that the best quality is provided and that the item is both accessible and usable by researchers, and sustainable for future researchers. Sustainability is an important consideration and provides a challenge for institutions that host projects such as CLDR. Therefore, items need to be scanned to a high quality and this requires an expensive scanner and personnel costs. Files need to be in a variety of formats for preservation purposes and so that they may be manipulated to be useable in different technologies (for example, Archival Tiff, Tiff, Jpeg, PDF, HTML). Hovav and Gray warn that when technology becomes obsolete, then content becomes unreadable unless backward integration is maintained. The CLDR items will be annotatable given AustLit’s NeAt funded project: Aus-e-Lit. The Aus-e-Lit project will extend and enhance the existing AustLit web portal with data integration and search services, empirical reporting services, collaborative annotation services, and compound object authoring, editing, and publishing services. For users to be able to get the most out of a digital item, it needs to be searchable, either through double keying or OCR (optimal character recognition). The value of CLDR’s contribution The value of the CLDR project lies in its goal to provide a comprehensive, searchable body of texts (fictional and critical) to researchers across the humanities and social sciences. Other projects seem to be intent on putting up as many items as possible to be considered as a first resort for online texts. CLDR is more specific and is not interested in simply generating a presence on the Web. Rather, it is research driven both in its design and implementation, and in its focussed outcomes of assisting academics and students primarily in their e-research endeavours. To this end, we have concentrated on the following: an extensive survey of appropriate texts; best models for file location, distribution, and use; and high standards of digitising protocols. These issues that relate to data storage, digitisation, collections, management, and end-users of data are aligned with the “Development of an Australian Research Data Strategy” outlined in An Australian e-Research Strategy and Implementation Framework (2006). CLDR is not designed to simply replicate resources, as it has a distinct focus, audience, and research potential. In addition, it looks at resources that may be forgotten or are no longer available in reproduction by current publishing companies. Thus, the aim of CLDR is to preserve both the time and a period of Australian history and literary culture. It will also provide users with an accessible repository of rare and early texts written for children. III. Future directions It is now commonplace to recognize that the Web’s role as information provider has changed over the past decade. New forms of “collective intelligence” or “distributed cognition” (Oblinger and Lombardi) are emerging within and outside formal research communities. Technology’s capacity to initiate major cultural, social, educational, economic, political and commercial shifts has conditioned us to expect the “next big thing.” We have learnt to adapt swiftly to the many challenges that online technologies have presented, and we have reaped the benefits. As the examples in this discussion have highlighted, the changes in online publishing and digitisation have provided many material, network, pedagogical, and research possibilities: we teach online units providing students with access to e-journals, e-books, and customized archives of digitised materials; we communicate via various online technologies; we attend virtual conferences; and we participate in e-research through a global, digital network. In other words, technology is deeply engrained in our everyday lives. In returning to Frollo’s concern that the book would destroy architecture, Umberto Eco offers a placatory note: “in the history of culture it has never happened that something has simply killed something else. Something has profoundly changed something else” (n. pag.). Eco’s point has relevance to our discussion of digital publishing. The transition from print to digital necessitates a profound change that impacts on the ways we read, write, and research. As we have illustrated with our case study of the CLDR project, the move to creating digitised texts of print literature needs to be considered within a dynamic network of multiple causalities, emergent technological processes, and complex negotiations through which digital texts are created, stored, disseminated, and used. Technological changes in just the past five years have, in many ways, created an expectation in the minds of people that the future is no longer some distant time from the present. Rather, as our title suggests, the future is both present and active. References Aarseth, Espen. “How we became Postdigital: From Cyberstudies to Game Studies.” Critical Cyber-culture Studies. Ed. David Silver and Adrienne Massanari. New York: New York UP, 2006. 37–46. An Australian e-Research Strategy and Implementation Framework: Final Report of the e-Research Coordinating Committee. Commonwealth of Australia, 2006. Bolter, Jay David. Writing Space: The Computer, Hypertext, and the History of Writing. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum, 1991. Eco, Umberto. “The Future of the Book.” 1994. 3 June 2008 ‹http://www.themodernword.com/eco/eco_future_of_book.html>. Gunkel, David. J. “What's the Matter with Books?” Configurations 11.3 (2003): 277–303. Harley, Diane. “Use and Users of Digital Resources: A Focus on Undergraduate Education in the Humanities and Social Sciences.” Research and Occasional Papers Series. Berkeley: University of California. Centre for Studies in Higher Education. 12 June 2008 ‹http://www.themodernword.com/eco/eco_future_of_book.html>. Hayles, N. Katherine. My Mother was a Computer: Digital Subjects and Literary Texts. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2005. Hirtle, Peter B. “The Impact of Digitization on Special Collections in Libraries.” Libraries & Culture 37.1 (2002): 42–52. Hovav, Anat and Paul Gray. “Managing Academic E-journals.” Communications of the ACM 47.4 (2004): 79–82. Hugo, Victor. The Hunchback of Notre Dame (Notre-Dame de Paris). Ware, Hertfordshire: Wordsworth editions, 1993. Kho, Nancy D. “The Medium Gets the Message: Post-Print Publishing Models.” EContent 30.6 (2007): 42–48. Oblinger, Diana and Marilyn Lombardi. “Common Knowledge: Openness in Higher Education.” Opening up Education: The Collective Advancement of Education Through Open Technology, Open Content and Open Knowledge. Ed. Toru Liyoshi and M. S. Vijay Kumar. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2007. 389–400. Murray, Janet H. Hamlet on the Holodeck: The Future of Narrative in Cyberspace. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2001. Trimmer, Joseph F., Wade Jennings, and Annette Patterson. eFictions. New York: Harcourt, 2001.

“This table breeds idleness!” read the text of a handwritten message placed prominently on the table I shared with 5 of my friends many years ago in secondary school. Ours was one of several tables positioned to the side of the main teaching area of the classroom where we would gather on arrival, decant our bags to tables, gossip with our ‘group’ and then begin our school day. It was also a space where we could sit or study quietly between classes and during free periods. The note about our idleness was left only on ‘our’ table. Recognising the handwriting of our classroom teacher, Sister Celestine, we greeted her note with restrained laughter and a sense of teenage pride. Her reprimand was stern, but she had also acknowledged our specialness. We were seen as we might have wanted to be seen, recalcitrant, not too hardworking, slightly roguish, and a bit improper.That note, and its words, stayed with me for a long time. There was something wonderfully urgent about this call to reflexivity; and something pleasantly disturbing about the panicky tone of its message. It seemed a peculiar expression of both crisis and care. ‘Idleness’ was a word we rarely encountered. In fact, it seemed such an old fashioned utterance, belonging more to a past era of our nun and the vernacular of her time. What was it that moved this nun to construe our mischief and our youthful conviviality as idleness? We considered ourselves spirited and boisterous, certainly not inert, as the word seemed to imply. This was curious, but it was the word ‘breeds’ that captured me more. What precisely is the generative or reproductive power of the conjunction of our bodies and this table? The concern was clearly not just about our idleness, but also about the breeding power of this table.Idleness here speaks to us of what happens when proper things are not happening. When the table and our bodies converge in this space of idleness we are in the terrain of waste: wasting time (that could be spent on studying), wasting potential (that could advance our life prospects), wasting space (that could be used productively). The breeding of idleness is a judgement about how we are occupying this time and space. The table is a wasted space, and in turn it produces us as a waste of space. It is regulated by a circular logic. We are wasting time, which is wasting space; this in turn produces us as the wasters of that space. The space of the table might be used more purposefully, but not while it is breeding us. The nun’s note to us might have read, “You are a waste of space because you are wasting time.” Time is thus spatialised. The ‘table of idleness’ has returned to me in recent times as a partial metaphor for the paradigm of urban renewal. Contemporary urban renewal and regeneration programs in places like the UK, Europe, North America and Australia are inspired to use space more productively, and to design and develop urban space in ways that enable the production of vibrant, clean, safer places where cultural diversity might be experienced as cosmopolitan chic. Tethering modern urban design to property development and the trend to ‘lifestyle’ based local economies, urban renewal is a strategy sweeping most postindustrial economies. Suburbs ripe for these renewal, regeneration or revitalisation projects are identified in part through the presence of dormant, derelict spaces, in other words, wasted spaces from bygone eras. Typically these suburbs show the signs of neglect associated with economic change. They have become dormant as large-scale deindustrialisation and the development of large shopping malls away from urban centres sees people exiting the suburbs to work and shop. Street life diminishes and local businesses struggle or close, leaving landscapes of decaying infrastructure and urban decline. Urban renewal apprehends such idle spaces as wasted opportunities that can be designed and developed into a usefulness that provides lifestyles of comfort, vitality and urban safety. But these wasted spaces also produce shadow wastes. Much like our table of indolence and time wasting, these spaces are considered breeding grounds, not just for a sense of urban dullness and decay but, more worryingly, for generating urban sloth and danger. They become the breeding grounds for what is now commonly referred to as ‘antisocial behaviour’ or ‘urban incivility’. That is, those who ‘unproductively’ and ‘dangerously’ occupy particular urban public spaces. In the inner western Melbourne suburb of Footscray, which is currently undergoing renewal, these bodies are identified as the unruly public drinkers and drug users, black African men who have created a street café culture, and people with mental health difficulties who occupy the streets and who at times display anomalous bodily comportment and atypical civil demeanours. Many of these people are poor and sometimes engage in unconventional modalities of conviviality. A contemporary urban version of the idle schoolgirls in many ways, they sit at tables, on footpaths, in stairwells, on seats, in parks and often linger around railways stations. They are the unproductive, idle, culturally defunct bodies of the present day. It is useful to hold these bodies in mind when considering the waste products, and waste producers, of present time In the discourse of urban renewal, Footscray is depicted as a once thriving regional hub that has been ‘in decline’ since the 1980s. Decline here is code for the loss of industry and retail business alongside rising levels of poverty, cultural diversity, and public crime (predominantly drug related and property crime). A suburb in the grip of uneven gentrifying change, its dominant image of danger and diversity still sabotages its ‘lifestyle potential’. It remains a wasted space.The nexus of urban renewal and wasted space reveals a double obligation of renewal programs. The need to remove the waste, to ‘clean up’ the debris and decay of a bygone industrial and suburban era and to ‘clean out’ its progeny, the bodies borne of, and now further wasting, this wasted space. In this sense idle space as waste entails a bio-politics that produces particular bodies as a ‘waste of space’. Urban Dictionary defines waste of space thus: 1. A person devoid of any redeeming characteristics; 2. Someone who consumes valuable resources without contributing anything to society. A bum. A drain on the economy. 3. A person or occasionally an object which nobody is fond of. In fact, most people hate this person/thing and find it completely useless. 4. Completely useless people. 5. Waste of room, usually on computer hard drives, that could be used for better things. It is therefore worth considering the conceptual and historical trajectory of the link between waste and idleness as a prelude to considering in more detail some of the anxieties associated with the disorderly urban effects of idle bodies in wasted spaces. Waste as Improper UseAt its most elemental, waste is a judgment. Waste as profligate or excess consumption, or as leftover material, or as something that has deteriorated through neglect or lack of effort, is a moral reckoning. Judgments about waste signal a moral economy far more than they do a fiscal one. In his book On Garbage, John Scanlan notes that ‘waste’ in its old and middle English modes referred to a land or an environment that was unsuitable to human habitation. This reference was gradually replaced by the corresponding terms ‘wilderness’ or ‘desert’, thus marking the beginning of waste as reprimand. Bringing together modern and pre-modern language usage, Scanlan suggests that waste at its most general refers to an imbalance (22). Whether it is rubbish, junk, clutter or other extravagance excess, and squander, waste is too much, but also too little in the sense of ‘not making the best use of something’ (time, resources, opportunities). Pared right down waste refers to the proper use of something. Scanlan again: “‘waste’ carries force because of the way in which it symbolises an idea of improper use, and therefore operates within a more or less moral economy of the right, the good, the proper, their opposites and all values in between” (22 my emphasis). In the contemporary urban domain this might refer to the overuse of vast tracts of land exhausted or wrecked by industry, the abandonment or underutilisation of shops and commons, or the improper and uncivil use of the space that lingers. Scanlan traces this idea of waste as improper use back to the relation between self and natural space that inheres in seventeenth century English political philosophy. Referring to the work of John Locke in particular, waste is conceived as the original condition of the chaos of nature. For Locke selfhood became linked to freedom from this chaos and entailed the virtue, indeed the necessity, of human labour and intervention to ward off the potential ruin that nature may inflict. Locke outlines a philosophical and ethical basis for claims to property over land and natural resources such that “claims to property ownership rest on an idea of the proper use of land which entails the appropriation (through the use of one’s labour) of its previously unused potential” (Scanlan 24). Hence, “Land that is left wholly to nature, that hath no improvement of pasturage, tillage, or planting, is called, as indeed it is, waste; and we shall see the benefit of it amount to little more than nothing.” (Locke quoted in Scanlan 24). This Lockean understanding of waste has come to be associated with his theories of property rights, but, as Scanlan points out, it was also driven by the idea that any benefits derived from property were “dependent on a duty to a higher power” (26).Nature is construed as useless and chaotic (waste) in the absence of human intervention. Property and ‘land use’ were not just about use by humans, but use for humans in order to defend them against the unruliness of nature and the disorder and ruin it might issue. The danger of going to rack and ruin through the disorder of untamed waste is crucial to this understanding. To neglect nature through idleness or lack of intervention is to invite ruin. Idleness thus breeds waste. There is a link here between land and character, for doing nothing or not doing things properly corresponds with improper character. Scanlan advances that waste can best be understood here as an indeterminacy signaling the need for form and discipline. He notes that Montaigne in his essay On Idleness compares wasted land with the idle mind, which when undisciplined allows wildness of character and purpose. Reminiscent of schoolgirls at their table of idleness, the defunct bodies of urban life are seen to be without purpose or goal and to be wasteful of life itself. As a consequence they are deemed to be inviting havoc and all its destructive tendencies. This fear of the indeterminacy of waste, says Scanlan, portends the social and cultural links between “waste, imperfection, disorder and ruin” (25). While concepts of properness and proper use have multiple histories, it is not difficult to see how these seventeenth century Enlightenment associations of proper use and rights to property underpinned the period of new imperialism of the nineteenth century. We might say then that waste features prominently in the imperialist imaginary. Codes of properness, as in the proper use of things, are time and place specific, hence interrogating the meanings of ‘proper use’ entails a prior enquiry into the framing of time. It is linear time, that is, time as progress which frames imperial and colonial history. Progress is movement away from scarcity, disorder and deficiency towards enlightened reason, discipline and mastery. However, this notion of progress, which is central to ideologies of both Enlightenment and imperialism, is always dependent on a shadow other: backwardness. Anne McClintock emphasises a corresponding need to always travel backwards in time in order to apprehend the colonised spaces and people as existing in an eternally prior time, as obsolete historical subjects. According to McClintock, imperialist discourse relies on two principal tropes: panoptical time and anachronistic space. She explains that the eighteenth century historians and empiricists required “a visual paradigm […] to display evolutionary progress as a measurable spectacle.” Progress is fundamentally a visually driven process and narrative. Panoptical time is depicted as “the image of global history consumed—at a glance—in a single spectacle from the point of privileged invisibility” (37). Marginal groups are placed outside of history in the sense that they can be seen by the bourgeoisie, who itself remains unseen. In this spectacle of progress, history appears static and fixed, but this is countered through the invention of the trope of anachronistic space. This space denies the agency of the archaic subjects that exist outside and therefore threaten history as progress. McClintock explains: “the agency of women, the colonised and the industrial working class are disavowed and projected onto anachronistic space: prehistoric, atavistic and irrational, inherently out of place in the historical time of modernity” (40). If imperial panoptical time produces inferior subjects who are “hemmed in” (Fanon 29) by anterior time and anachronistic space, contemporary urban renewal projects prompt questions about their time, the time of now. How might we conceptualise the time/space of now, and are these regulatory technologies of panoptical time and anachronistic space at work in the time/space of now? In what way is urban renewal a contemporary “measurable spectacle of progress” in an age of postindustrial neoliberalism?Urban Space, Proper Use and Idle BodiesIn a recent article on sexual politics and torture, Judith Butler argues that the ways in which debates of this nature are framed “are already imbued with the problem of time, of progress in particular, and in certain notions of what it means to unfold a future of freedom in time” (1). Butler reminds us that hegemonic conceptions of progress endure, and continue to define themselves over and against a pre-modern temporality produced for self-legitimation. This narrative of progressive modernity continues to spatialise time. For her it is the framing of modernity as sexual freedom that apprehends others as outmoded and stuck in anachronistic space. The time of now in the urban setting is the time of neoliberal modernity, a time that is also driven by spectacle. The vision of freedom through lifestyle consumption similarly identifies others who are outside this time and who threaten it. Neoliberalism as the ideology of a radically free market that institutes economic deregulation, tariff reduction, public financial support for business and its shareholders, and the reduced role of government in areas of welfare and social expenditure, the effects of which are discernable at the urban scale. For Neil Brenner and Nik Theodore, “actually existing neoliberalism” is witnessed in what they call the “creative destruction” that inheres in the urbanisation of neoliberalism. In this materialisation of neoliberal time, modernity and progress continue to be driven visually. Thus this neoliberal/urban nexus depends on further sub-units of time, nominated by Brenner and Theodore as moments of (visual) “destruction and creation.” A series of examples of such creative destruction are offered by Brenner and Theodore and include the destruction of rights through the creation policing and social exclusion agendas. They argue that the mechanism of “re-regulating urban civility” entails moments of destroying notions of the liberal city in which all inhabitants are entitled to social services and political rights, and moments of creating zero tolerance policing, new forms of social surveillance and new policies to prevent social exclusion. The destructive moment of “re-representing the city” recasts the postwar image of the working class through visions of urban disorder, dangerous classes of people and of economic decline, involves the creative moment of entrepreneurial discourses about the need for revitalisation, renewal and reinvestment in urban areas (372). The ‘proper use’ of neoliberal urban space depends on the dynamic of destruction/creation through a new consumer-driven urban entrepreneurialism. Urban renewal as proper neoliberal usage is a re-ordering of space to make it fit for purpose. Proper use here follows the Lockean impulse of human intervention through planning, design and redevelopment, is now apprehended not as service to God, but capitulation to the dictates of the neoliberal agendas implemented by the combined forces of the state and capital. The moral economy of waste is at work in the moral economy of urban renewal, As Sharon Zukin elaborates: “the look and feel of cities reflect decisions about what and who should be visible and what should not, concepts of order and disorder, and on uses of aesthetic power” (7). At the crux of waste, and of urban renewal, is an anxiety about visibility, therefore the persistently visible presence of waste as idleness, has become an acute focus of contemporary urban governance and police ‘law and order’ campaigns. Modernity and progress must materialise as an urban aesthetic that is purposeful and vibrant, not idle and wasteful.The indeterminacy of waste thus becomes determined by its attribution as ‘garbage’ to be disposed of, banished, evicted, cast out. Waste converted to garbage is made into an object disconnected from the process of its production. Garbage is a noun rather than a verb, and as such, it conceals process. Creative destruction is again at play; waste is destroyed (as process) and garbage (as object) is produced. In the suburbs this conversion from process to object is narrated through the objectifying language of anti social behavior and incivility. I recently attended Maribyrnong council meeting (Maribyrnong being the local government authority for Footscray), where a discussion about cleaning up the central activity district quickly became a discussion about “those antisocial people.” This was not the terminology of council officers, but of a number of ratepayers. This anxiety about the image of the area is reflected also in the minutes of a further council meeting where differences between the stigmatised image of Footscray was compared with the changing images of other inner municipalities: “The visibility of these antisocial behaviours and the associated negative impact has significantly diminished in these [other] areas due to the gentrification of the inner-city, and the associated revitalisation of street activities. [Our municipality] is on the cusp of a similar transformation. In the meantime the social issues … continue to remain more visible” (71). These bodies are the garbage to be removed from the urban landscape so it might be made anew.The bodies at the imaginative centre of this cleansing impulse are those bodies that one might see as the waste products of neoliberalism. Loic Wacquant suggests that today’s urban policies focus on “making the dangerous and dirty classes invisible.” This, he argues is “leading to a cleansing of the urban environment and the streets from the physical and human detritus wrought by economic deregulation and welfare retrenchment” (198). Consequently, waste in urban renewal both conceals and reveals the shadow side of contemporary cultural politics. Public policy is increasingly concerned with the detritus, yet the failed and wasted bodies that litter the streets and stations, these bodies and their predicaments, as with other garbage objects, are steadfastly disconnected from the policies and processes that produced and continue to ‘breed’ them. The moral economy of urban renewal targets a cluster of wastes—idle bodies, wasted time, and improper uses of space—all fused in an endless reproduction of uselessness. This coalescence of wastes and wasters forms the spectacle of contemporary urban decay and failure. Neoliberal urban renewal begins to mimic Locke’s taming of nature, making it useful as a defense against ruin and disorder. The uncultivated bodies of urban waste are contemporary versions of Lockean wildness. Being of such poor character they have no right to occupy the property in which they idle. Through the panoptical time of neoliberalism they are cast as remarkable spectacles of failure, out of place in this time and space. They are wasting time, and are themselves a waste of space. References Brenner, Neil and Nik Theodore. “Cities and the Geographies of ‘Actually Existing Neoliberalism’.” Antipode 34.3 (July 2002): 349-79.Butler, Judith. “Sexual Politics, Torture and Secular Time.” The British Journal of Sociology 59.1 (2008): 1-23.Fanon, Frantz. Wretched of the Earth. London: Penguin, 1963.Maribyrnong City Council. Ordinary Meeting Minutes, File no: HEA-60-014, 29 April. 2010.McClintock, Anne. Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest. London: Routledge, 1995.Scanlan, John. On Garbage. London: Reaktion, 2005.Wacquant, Loic. “Relocating Gentrification: The Working Class, Science and the State in Recent Urban Research.” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 32.1 (2008): 198-205.Zukin, Sharon. The Culture of Cities. Malden, Massachusetts: Blackwell, 1995.

Introduction It has frequently been noted that ICTs and social networking applications have blurred the once-clear boundary between work, leisure and entertainment, just as they have collapsed the distinction between public and private space. While each individual has a sense of what “home” means, both in terms of personal experience and more conceptually, the following three examples of online interaction (based on participants’ interest, or involvement, in activities traditionally associated with the home: pet care, craft and cooking) suggest that the utilisation of online communication technologies can lead to refined and extended definitions of what “home” is. These examples show how online communication can assist in meeting the basic human needs for love, companionship, shelter and food – needs traditionally supplied by the home environment. They also provide individuals with a considerably expanded range of opportunities for personal expression and emotional connection, as well as creative and commercial production, than that provided by the purely physical (and, no doubt, sometimes isolated and isolating) domestic environment. In this way, these case studies demonstrate the interplay and melding of physical and virtual “home” as domestic practices leach from the most private spaces of the physical home into the public space of the Internet (for discussion, see Gorman-Murray, Moss, and Rose). At the same time, online interaction can assert an influence on activity within the physical space of the home, through the sharing of advice about, and modeling of, domestic practices and processes. A Dog’s (Virtual) Life The first case study primarily explores the role of online communities in the formation and expression of affective values and personal identity – as traditionally happens in the domestic environment. Garber described the 1990s as “the decade of the dog” (20), citing a spate of “new anthropomorphic” (22) dog books, Internet “dog chat” sites, remakes of popular classics such as Lassie Come Home, dog friendly urban amenities, and the meteoric rise of services for pampered pets (28-9). Loving pets has become a lifestyle and culture, witnessed and commodified in Pet Superstores as well as in dog collectables and antiques boutiques, and in publications like The Bark (“the New Yorker of Dog Magazines”) and Clean Run, the international agility magazine, Website, online book store and information gateway for agility products and services. Available online resources for dog lovers have similarly increased rapidly during the decade since Garber’s book was published, with the virtual world now catering for serious hobby trainers, exhibitors and professionals as well as the home-based pet lover. At a recent survey, Yahoo Groups – a personal communication portal that facilitates social networking, in this case enabling users to set up electronic mailing lists and Internet forums – boasted just over 9,600 groups servicing dog fanciers and enthusiasts. The list Dogtalk is now an announcement only mailing list, but was a vigorous discussion forum until mid-2006. Members of Dogtalk were Australian-based “clicker-trainers”, serious hobbyist dog trainers, many of whom operated micro-businesses providing dog training or other pet-related services. They shared an online community, but could also engage in “flesh-meets” at seminars, conferences and competitive dog sport meets. An author of this paper (Rutherford) joined this group two years ago because of her interest in clicker training. Clicker training is based on an application of animal learning theory, particularly psychologist E. F. Skinner’s operant conditioning, so called because of the trademark use of a distinctive “click” sound to mark a desired behaviour that is then rewarded. Clicker trainers tend to dismiss anthropomorphic pack theory that positions the human animal as fundamentally opposed to non-human animals and, thus, foster a partnership (rather than a dominator) mode of social and learning relationships. Partnership and nurturance are common themes within the clicker community (as well as in more traditional “home” locations); as is recognising and valuing the specific otherness of other species. Typically, members regard their pets as affective equals or near-equals to the human animals that are recognised members of their kinship networks. A significant function of the episodic biographical narratives and responses posted to this list was thus to affirm and legitimate this intra-specific kinship as part of normative social relationship – a perspective that is not usually validated in the general population. One of the more interesting nexus that evolved within Dogtalk links the narrativisation of the pet in the domestic sphere with the pictorial genre of the family album. Emergent technologies, such as digital cameras together with Web-based image manipulation software and hosting (as provided by portals like Photobucket and Flickr ) democratise high quality image creation and facilitate the sharing of these images. Increasingly, the Dogtalk list linked to images uploaded to free online galleries, discussed digital image composition and aesthetics, and shared technical information about cameras and online image distribution. Much of this cultural production and circulation was concerned with digitally inscribing particular relationships with individual animals into cultural memory: a form of family group biography (for a discussion of the family photograph as a display of extended domestic space, see Rose). The other major non-training thread of the community involves the sharing and witnessing of the trauma suffered due to the illness and loss of pets. While mourning for human family members is supported in the off-line world – with social infrastructure, such as compassionate leave and/or bereavement counselling, part of professional entitlements – public mourning for pets is not similarly supported. Yet, both cultural studies (in its emphasis on cultural memory) and trauma theory have highlighted the importance of social witnessing, whereby traumatic memories must be narratively integrated into memory and legitimised by the presence of a witness in order to loosen their debilitating hold (Felman and Laub 57). Postings on the progress of a beloved animal’s illness or other misfortune and death were thus witnessed and affirmed by other Dogtalk list members – the sick or deceased pet becoming, in the process, a feature of community memory, not simply an individual loss. In terms of such biographical narratives, memory and history are not identical: “Any memories capable of being formed, retained or articulated by an individual are always a function of socially constituted forms, narratives and relations … Memory is always subject to active social manipulation and revision” (Halbwachs qtd. in Crewe 75). In this way, emergent technologies and social software provide sites, akin to that of physical homes, for family members to process individual memories into cultural memory. Dogzonline, the Australian Gateway site for purebred dog enthusiasts, has a forum entitled “Rainbow Bridge” devoted to textual and pictorial memorialisation of deceased pet dogs. Dogster hosts the For the Love of Dogs Weblog, in which images and tributes can be posted, and also provides links to other dog oriented Weblogs and Websites. An interesting combination of both therapeutic narrative and the commodification of affect is found in Lightning Strike Pet Loss Support which, while a memorial and support site, also provides links to the emerging profession of pet bereavement counselling and to suppliers of monuments and tributary urns for home or other use. loobylu and Narratives of Everyday Life The second case study focuses on online interactions between craft enthusiasts who are committed to the production of distinctive objects to decorate and provide comfort in the home, often using traditional methods. In the case of some popular craft Weblogs, online conversations about craft are interspersed with, or become secondary to, the narration of details of family life, the exploration of important life events or the recording of personal histories. As in the previous examples, the offering of advice and encouragement, and expressions of empathy and support, often characterise these interactions. The loobylu Weblog was launched in 2001 by illustrator and domestic crafts enthusiast Claire Robertson. Robertson is a toy maker and illustrator based in Melbourne, Australia, whose clients have included prominent publishing houses, magazines and the New York Public Library (Robertson “Recent Client List” online). She has achieved a measure of public recognition: her loobylu Weblog has won awards and been favourably commented upon in the Australian press (see Robertson “Press for loobylu” online). In 2005, an article in The Age placed Robertson in the context of a contemporary “craft revolution”, reporting her view that this “revolution” is in “reaction to mass consumerism” (Atkinson online). The hand-made craft objects featured in Robertson’s Weblogs certainly do suggest engagement with labour-intensive pursuits and the construction of unique objects that reject processes of mass production and consumption. In this context, loobylu is a vehicle for the display and promotion of Robertson’s work as an illustrator and as a craft practitioner. While skills-based, it also, however, promotes a family-centred lifestyle; it advocates the construction by hand of objects designed to enhance the appearance of the family home and the comfort of its inhabitants. Its specific subject matter extends to related aspects of home and family as, in addition to instructions, ideas and patterns for craft, the Weblog features information on commercially available products for home and family, recipes, child rearing advice and links to 27 other craft and other sites (including Nigella Lawson’s, discussed below). The primary member of its target community is clearly the traditional homemaker – the mother – as well as those who may aspire to this role. Robertson does not have the “celebrity” status of Lawson and Jamie Oliver (discussed below), nor has she achieved their market saturation. Indeed, Robertson’s online presence suggests a modest level of engagement that is placed firmly behind other commitments: in February 2007, she announced an indefinite suspension of her blog postings so that she could spend more time with her family (Robertson loobylu 17 February 2007). Yet, like Lawson and Oliver, Robertson has exploited forms of domestic competence traditionally associated with women and the home, and the non-traditional medium of the Internet has been central to her endeavours. The content of the loobylu blog is, unsurprisingly, embedded in, or an accessory to, a unifying running commentary on Robertson’s domestic life as a parent. Miles, who has described Weblogs as “distributed documentaries of the everyday” (66) sums this up neatly: “the weblogs’ governing discursive quality is the manner in which it is embodied within the life world of its author” (67). Landmark family events are narrated on loobylu and some attract deluges of responses: the 19 June 2006 posting announcing the birth of Robertson’s daughter Lily, for example, drew 478 responses; five days later, one describing the difficult circumstances of her birth drew 232 comments. All of these comments are pithy, with many being simple empathetic expressions or brief autobiographically based commentaries on these events. Robertson’s news of her temporary retirement from her blog elicited 176 comments that both supported her decision and also expressed a sense of loss. Frequent exclamation marks attest visually to the emotional intensity of the responses. By narrating aspects of major life events to which the target audience can relate, the postings represent a form of affective mass production and consumption: they are triggers for a collective outpouring of largely homogeneous emotional reaction (joy, in the case of Lily’s birth). As collections of texts, they can be read as auto/biographic records, arranged thematically, that operate at both the individual and the community levels. Readers of the family narratives and the affirming responses to them engage in a form of mass affirmation and consumerism of domestic experience that is easy, immediate, attractive and free of charge. These personal discourses blend fluidly with those of a commercial nature. Some three weeks after loobylu announced the birth of her daughter, Robertson shared on her Weblog news of her mastitis, Lily’s first smile and the family’s favourite television programs at the time, information that many of us would consider to be quite private details of family life. Three days later, she posted a photograph of a sleeping baby with a caption that skilfully (and negatively) links it to her daughter: “Firstly – I should mention that this is not a photo of Lily”. The accompanying text points out that it is a photo of a baby with the “Zaky Infant Sleeping Pillow” and provides a link to the online pregnancystore.com, from which it can be purchased. A quotation from the manufacturer describing the merits of the pillow follows. Robertson then makes a light-hearted comment on her experiences of baby-induced sleep-deprivation, and the possible consequences of possessing the pillow. Comments from readers also similarly alternate between the personal (sharing of experiences) to the commercial (comments on the product itself). One offshoot of loobylu suggests that the original community grew to an extent that it could support specialised groups within its boundaries. A Month of Softies began in November 2004, describing itself as “a group craft project which takes place every month” and an activity that “might give you a sense of community and kinship with other similar minded crafty types across the Internet and around the world” (Robertson A Month of Softies online). Robertson gave each month a particular theme, and readers were invited to upload a photograph of a craft object they had made that fitted the theme, with a caption. These were then included in the site’s gallery, in the order in which they were received. Added to the majority of captions was also a link to the site (often a business) of the creator of the object; another linking of the personal and the commercial in the home-based “cottage industry” sense. From July 2005, A Month of Softies operated through a Flickr site. Participants continued to submit photos of their craft objects (with captions), but also had access to a group photograph pool and public discussion board. This extension simulates (albeit in an entirely visual way) the often home-based physical meetings of craft enthusiasts that in contemporary Australia take the form of knitting, quilting, weaving or other groups. Chatting with, and about, Celebrity Chefs The previous studies have shown how the Internet has broken down many barriers between what could be understood as the separate spheres of emotional (that is, home-based private) and commercial (public) life. The online environment similarly enables the formation and development of fan communities by facilitating communication between those fans and, sometimes, between fans and the objects of their admiration. The term “fan” is used here in the broadest sense, referring to “a person with enduring involvement with some subject or object, often a celebrity, a sport, TV show, etc.” (Thorne and Bruner 52) rather than focusing on the more obsessive and, indeed, more “fanatical” aspects of such involvement, behaviour which is, increasingly understood as a subculture of more variously constituted fandoms (Jenson 9-29). Our specific interest in fandom in relation to this discussion is how, while marketers and consumer behaviourists study online fan communities for clues on how to more successfully market consumer goods and services to these groups (see, for example, Kozinets, “I Want to Believe” 470-5; “Utopian Enterprise” 67-88; Algesheimer et al. 19-34), fans regularly subvert the efforts of those urging consumer consumption to utilise even the most profit-driven Websites for non-commercial home-based and personal activities. While it is obvious that celebrities use the media to promote themselves, a number of contemporary celebrity chefs employ the media to construct and market widely recognisable personas based on their own, often domestically based, life stories. As examples, Jamie Oliver and Nigella Lawson’s printed books and mass periodical articles, television series and other performances across a range of media continuously draw on, elaborate upon, and ultimately construct their own lives as the major theme of these works. In this, these – as many other – celebrity chefs draw upon this revelation of their private lives to lend authenticity to their cooking, to the point where their work (whether cookbook, television show, advertisement or live chat room session with their fans) could be described as “memoir-illustrated-with-recipes” (Brien and Williamson). This generic tendency influences these celebrities’ communities, to the point where a number of Websites devoted to marketing celebrity chefs as product brands also enable their fans to share their own life stories with large readerships. Oliver and Lawson’s official Websites confirm the privileging of autobiographical and biographical information, but vary in tone and approach. Each is, for instance, deliberately gendered (see Hollows’ articles for a rich exploration of gender, Oliver and Lawson). Oliver’s hip, boyish, friendly, almost frantic site includes the what are purported-to-be self-revelatory “Diary” and “About me” sections, a selection of captioned photographs of the chef, his family, friends, co-workers and sponsors, and his Weblog as well as footage streamed “live from Jamie’s phone”. This self-revelation – which includes significant details about Oliver’s childhood and his domestic life with his “lovely girls, Jools [wife Juliette Norton], Poppy and Daisy” – completely blurs the line between private life and the “Jamie Oliver” brand. While such revelation has been normalised in contemporary culture, this practice stands in great contrast to that of renowned chefs and food writers such as Elizabeth David, Julia Child, James Beard and Margaret Fulton, whose work across various media has largely concentrated on food, cooking and writing about cooking. The difference here is because Oliver’s (supposedly private) life is the brand, used to sell “Jamie Oliver restaurant owner and chef”, “Jamie Oliver cookbook author and TV star”, “Jamie Oliver advertising spokesperson for Sainsbury’s supermarket” (from which he earns an estimated £1.2 million annually) (Meller online) and “Jamie Oliver social activist” (made MBE in 2003 after his first Fifteen restaurant initiative, Oliver was named “Most inspiring political figure” in the 2006 Channel 4 Political Awards for his intervention into the provision of nutritious British school lunches) (see biographies by Hildred and Ewbank, and Smith). Lawson’s site has a more refined, feminine appearance and layout and is more mature in presentation and tone, featuring updates on her (private and public) “News” and forthcoming public appearances, a glamorous selection of photographs of herself from the past 20 years, and a series of print and audio interviews. Although Lawson’s children have featured in some of her television programs and her personal misfortunes are well known and regularly commented upon by both herself and journalists (her mother, sister and husband died of cancer) discussions of these tragedies, and other widely known aspects of her private life such as her second marriage to advertising mogul Charles Saatchi, is not as overt as on Oliver’s site, and the user must delve to find it. The use of Lawson’s personal memoir, as sales tool, is thus both present and controlled. This is in keeping with Lawson’s professional experience prior to becoming the “domestic goddess” (Lawson 2000) as an Oxford graduated journalist on the Spectator and deputy literary editor of the Sunday Times. Both Lawson’s and Oliver’s Websites offer readers various ways to interact with them “personally”. Visitors to Oliver’s site can ask him questions and can access a frequently asked question area, while Lawson holds (once monthly, now irregularly) a question and answer forum. In contrast to this information about, and access to, Oliver and Lawson’s lives, neither of their Websites includes many recipes or other food and cooking focussed information – although there is detailed information profiling their significant number of bestselling cookbooks (Oliver has published 8 cookbooks since 1998, Lawson 5 since 1999), DVDs and videos of their television series and one-off programs, and their name branded product lines of domestic kitchenware (Oliver and Lawson) and foodstuffs (Oliver). Instruction on how to purchase these items is also featured. Both these sites, like Robertson’s, provide various online discussion fora, allowing members to comment upon these chefs’ lives and work, and also to connect with each other through posted texts and images. Oliver’s discussion forum section notes “this is the place for you all to chat to each other, exchange recipe ideas and maybe even help each other out with any problems you might have in the kitchen area”. Lawson’s front page listing states: “You will also find a moderated discussion forum, called Your Page, where our registered members can swap ideas and interact with each other”. The community participants around these celebrity chefs can be, as is the case with loobylu, divided into two groups. The first is “foodie (in Robertson’s case, craft) fans” who appear to largely engage with these Websites to gain, and to share, food, cooking and craft-related information. Such fans on Oliver and Lawson’s discussion lists most frequently discuss these chefs’ television programs and books and the recipes presented therein. They test recipes at home and discuss the results achieved, any problems encountered and possible changes. They also post queries and share information about other recipes, ingredients, utensils, techniques, menus and a wide range of food and cookery-related matters. The second group consists of “celebrity fans” who are attracted to the chefs (as to Robertson as craft maker) as personalities. These fans seek and share biographical information about Oliver and Lawson, their activities and their families. These two areas of fan interest (food/cooking/craft and the personal) are not necessarily or always separated, and individuals can be active members of both types of fandoms. Less foodie-orientated users, however (like users of Dogtalk and loobylu), also frequently post their own auto/biographical narratives to these lists. These narratives, albeit often fragmented, may begin with recipes and cooking queries or issues, but veer off into personal stories that possess only minimal or no relationship to culinary matters. These members also return to the boards to discuss their own revealed life stories with others who have commented on these narratives. Although research into this aspect is in its early stages, it appears that the amount of public personal revelation either encouraged, or allowed, is in direct proportion to the “open” friendliness of these sites. More thus are located in Oliver’s and less in Lawson’s, and – as a kind of “control” in this case study, but not otherwise discussed – none in that of Australian chef Neil Perry, whose coolly sophisticated Website perfectly complements Perry’s professional persona as the epitome of the refined, sophisticated and, importantly in this case, unapproachable, high-end restaurant chef. Moreover, non-cuisine related postings are made despite clear directions to the contrary – Lawson’s site stating: “We ask that postings are restricted to topics relating to food, cooking, the kitchen and, of course, Nigella!” and Oliver making the plea, noted above, for participants to keep their discussions “in the kitchen area”. Of course, all such contemporary celebrity chefs are supported by teams of media specialists who selectively construct the lives that these celebrities share with the public and the postings about others’ lives that are allowed to remain on their discussion lists. The intersection of the findings reported above with the earlier case studies suggests, however, that even these most commercially-oriented sites can provide a fruitful data regarding their function as home-like spaces where domestic practices and processes can be refined, and emotional relationships formed and fostered. In Summary As convergence results in what Turow and Kavanaugh call “the wired homestead”, our case studies show that physically home-based domestic interests and practices – what could be called “home truths” – are also contributing to a refiguration of the private/public interplay of domestic activities through online dialogue. In the case of Dogtalk, domestic space is reconstituted through virtual spaces to include new definitions of family and memory. In the case of loobylu, the virtual interaction facilitates a development of craft-based domestic practices within the physical space of the home, thus transforming domestic routines. Jamie Oliver’s and Nigella Lawson’s sites facilitate development of both skills and gendered identities by means of a bi-directional nexus between domestic practices, sites of home labour/identity production and public media spaces. As participants modify and redefine these online communities to best suit their own needs and desires, even if this is contrary to the stated purposes for which the community was instituted, online communities can be seen to be domesticated, but, equally, these modifications demonstrate that the activities and relationships that have traditionally defined the home are not limited to the physical space of the house. While virtual communities are “passage points for collections of common beliefs and practices that united people who were physically separated” (Stone qtd in Jones 19), these interactions can lead to shared beliefs, for example, through advice about pet-keeping, craft and cooking, that can significantly modify practices and routines in the physical home. Acknowledgments An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Association of Internet Researchers’ International Conference, Brisbane, 27-30 September 2006. The authors would like to thank the referees of this article for their comments and input. Any errors are, of course, our own. References Algesheimer, R., U. Dholake, and A. Herrmann. “The Social Influence of Brand Community: Evidence from European Car Clubs”. Journal of Marketing 69 (2005): 19-34. Atkinson, Frances. “A New World of Craft”. The Age (11 July 2005). 28 May 2007 http://www.theage.com.au/articles/2005/07/10/1120934123262.html>. Brien, Donna Lee, and Rosemary Williamson. “‘Angels of the Home’ in Cyberspace: New Technologies and Biographies of Domestic Production”. Paper. Biography and New Technologies conference. Humanities Research Centre, Australian National University, Canberra, ACT. 12-14 Sep. 2006. Crewe, Jonathan. “Recalling Adamastor: Literature as Cultural Memory in ‘White’ South Africa”. In Acts of Memory: Cultural Recall in the Present, eds. Mieke Bal, Jonathan Crewe, and Leo Spitzer. Hanover, NH: Dartmouth College, 1999. 75-86. Felman, Shoshana, and Dori Laub. Testimony: Crises of Witnessing in Literature, Psychoanalysis, and History. New York: Routledge, 1992. Garber, Marjorie. Dog Love. New York: Touchstone/Simon and Schuster, 1996. Gorman-Murray, Andrew. “Homeboys: Uses of Home by Gay Australian Men”. Social and Cultural Geography 7.1 (2006): 53-69. Halbwachs, Maurice. On Collective Memory. Trans. Lewis A. Closer. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1992. Hildred, Stafford, and Tim Ewbank. Jamie Oliver: The Biography. London: Blake, 2001. Hollows, Joanne. “Feeling like a Domestic Goddess: Post-Feminism and Cooking.” European Journal of Cultural Studies 6.2 (2003): 179-202. ———. “Oliver’s Twist: Leisure, Labour and Domestic Masculinity in The Naked Chef.” International Journal of Cultural Studies 6.2 (2003): 229-248. Jenson, J. “Fandom as Pathology: The Consequences of Characterization”. The Adoring Audience; Fan Culture and Popular Media. Ed. L. A. Lewis. New York, NY: Routledge, 1992. 9-29. Jones, Steven G., ed. Cybersociety, Computer-Mediated Communication and Community. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1995. Kozinets, R.V. “‘I Want to Believe’: A Netnography of the X’Philes’ Subculture of Consumption”. Advances in Consumer Research 34 (1997): 470-5. ———. “Utopian Enterprise: Articulating the Meanings of Star Trek’s Culture of Consumption.” Journal of Consumer Research 28 (2001): 67-88. Lawson, Nigella. How to Be a Domestic Goddess: Baking and the Art of Comfort Cooking. London: Chatto and Windus, 2000. Meller, Henry. “Jamie’s Tips Spark Asparagus Shortages”. Daily Mail (17 June 2005). 21 Aug. 2007 http://www.dailymail.co.uk/pages/live/articles/health/dietfitness.html? in_article_id=352584&in_page_id=1798>. Miles, Adrian. “Weblogs: Distributed Documentaries of the Everyday.” Metro 143: 66-70. Moss, Pamela. “Negotiating Space in Home Environments: Older Women Living with Arthritis.” Social Science and Medicine 45.1 (1997): 23-33. Robertson, Claire. Claire Robertson Illustration. 2000-2004. 28 May 2007 . Robertson, Claire. loobylu. 16 Feb. 2007. 28 May 2007 http://www.loobylu.com>. Robertson, Claire. “Press for loobylu.” Claire Robertson Illustration. 2000-2004. 28 May 2007 http://www.clairetown.com/press.html>. Robertson, Claire. A Month of Softies. 28 May 2007. 21 Aug. 2007 . Robertson, Claire. “Recent Client List”. Claire Robertson Illustration. 2000-2004. 28 May 2007 http://www.clairetown.com/clients.html>. Rose, Gillian. “Family Photographs and Domestic Spacings: A Case Study.” Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers NS 28.1 (2003): 5-18. Smith, Gilly. Jamie Oliver: Turning Up the Heat. Sydney: Macmillian, 2006. Thorne, Scott, and Gordon C. Bruner. “An Exploratory Investigation of the Characteristics of Consumer Fanaticism.” Qualitative Market Research: An International Journal 9.1 (2006): 51-72. Turow, Joseph, and Andrea Kavanaugh, eds. The Wired Homestead: An MIT Press Sourcebook on the Internet and the Family. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2003. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Brien, Donna Lee, Leonie Rutherford, and Rosemary Williamson. "Hearth and Hotmail: The Domestic Sphere as Commodity and Community in Cyberspace." M/C Journal 10.4 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/10-brien.php>. APA Style Brien, D., L. Rutherford, and R. Williamson. (Aug. 2007) "Hearth and Hotmail: The Domestic Sphere as Commodity and Community in Cyberspace," M/C Journal, 10(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/10-brien.php>.

Introduction: At the Crossroad Well, I’ve been an important pawn [in regeneration], for instance, changing doors and windows, enlarging them, eliminating shutters and thus having big open windows, light […] Then came the florist, through a common friend, who was the second huge pawn who trusted in this […] then came the pastry shop. (Alberto, 54, shop owner). Alberto is the owner of Pleasure Factory, one of two upmarket restaurants in a gentrifying crossroads area in northern Milan. He started buying apartments and empty stores in the 1980s, later becoming property manager of the building where he still lives. He also opened two restaurants, and then set up a neighbourhood commercial organisation. Alberto’s activities, and those of people like him, have been able to reverse the image and the usage of this public crossroad. This is something of which all of the involved actors are well aware. They have “bet,” as they say, and somehow “won” by changing people’s common understanding of, and approach to, this zone. This paper argues for the necessity of a closer look at the ways that place is produced through the multiple activities of small entrepreneurs and social actors, such as Alberto. This is because these activities represent the softer side of gentrification, and can create zones of pleasure and authenticity. Whilst market forces and multiple public interventions of gentrification’s “hard” side can lead to the displacement of people and uneven development, these softer zones of authenticity and pleasure have the power to shape the general neighbourhood brand (Atkinson 1830). Speaking rhetorically, these zones act as synecdoche for the surrounding environment. Places are in part built through the “atmosphere” that consumers seek throughout their daily routines. Following Gernot Böhme’s approach to spatial aesthetics, atmosphere can be viewed as the “relation between environmental qualities and human states” (114) and this relation is worked out daily in gentrified neighbourhoods. Not only do the passer-bys, local entrepreneurs, and sociologists contribute to the local making of atmosphere, but so does the production of the environmental qualities. These are the private and public interventions aimed at refurbishing, and somehow sanitising, specific zones of central neighbourhoods in order to make them suitable for middle class tastes (Julier 875). Not all gentrification processes are similar however, because of the unique influence of each city’s scalar rearrangements. The following section therefore briefly describes the changes in Milan in recent times. The paper will then describe the making of a zone of authentic pleasure at the Isola crossroads. I will show that soft gentrification happens through the making of specific zones where supply and demand match in ways that make for pleasant living. Milan, from Global to Local and Back Milan has a peculiar role in both the Italian and European contexts. Its metropolitan area, of 7.4 million inhabitants on a 12 000 km² surface, makes it the largest in Italy and the fifth in Europe (following Ruhr, Moscow, Paris and London). The municipal power has been pushing for a long-term strategy of population growth that would make Milan the “downtown” of the overall metropolitan area (Bricocoli and Savoldi 19), and take advantage of scalar rearrangements, such as State reconfigurations and setbacks. The overall goal of the government of Milan has been to increase the tax base and the local government’s political power. Milan also demonstrates the entrepreneurial turn adopted by many global cities, evident in the amount of project-based interventions, the involvement of international architecture studios (“La città della Moda” by Cesar Pelli; “Santa Giulia” by Norman Foster; “City-Life” and “the Fair” by Zaha Hadid and David Libeskind), and the hosting of mega-events, such as the Expo 2015. The Milan growth machine works then at different scales (global, national, city-region, neighbourhood) with several organisational actors involved, enormous investments and heavy political struggles to decide which coalition of winning actors will ride the tiger of uneven development. However, when we look at those transformations through the lens of the neighbourhood what we see is the making of zones within the larger texture of its streets and squares. This zone-making is similar to leopard’s spots within a contained urban space, it works for some time in specific streets and crossroads, then moves throughout the neighbourhood, as the process of gentrification goes on. The neighbourhood, which the zone of authentic pleasure I’m describing occurs, is called Isola (Island) because of its clustered shape between a railroad on the southern border and three major roads on the others. Isola was, until the 1980s, a working-class residential space with a strong tradition of left-wing political activism, with some small manufacturing businesses and minor commercial activities. This area remained quite removed from the overall urban development that radically shifted Milan towards a service economy in the 1960s and 1970s. However, during the 1980s and 1990s, the land price impacts of private activities and public policies in surrounding neighbourhoods increasingly pushed people and activities in the direction of Isola. Alberto explains this drift through the example of his first apartment: Just look at the evolution of my apartment. I bought it [in the 1980s] for 57 million lira, I remember, then sold it in 1992 for 160, then it was sold again for 200 000 euros, then four years ago for 250 000 and you have to understand that we’re talking about 47 square metres. If you consider the last price, 250 000, I’ll tell you that when I first came to the neighbourhood you could easily buy an entire building with that money. The building at number five in this street was entirely sold for 550 millions lira—you understand now why Isola is a huge real estate investment, people like it, its central, well served by the underground—well it still has to grow from a commercial standpoint… This evolution in land prices is clear when translated into the price for square metre: 2.4 euros for square meter in 1985, 3.4 in 1992, 4.2 in 2000 and 5.3 in 2006. The ratio increase is 120% in 20 years, demonstrating both the general boost in the economy of the area and also what is at stake within uneven development. What this paper argues is that parallel to this political economy dimension, which may be called the “hard side” of gentrification, there is also a “soft side” that deserves a closer attention. Pastry shops, cafés, bars, restaurants are as strategic as real estate investments (Zukin, Landscapes 195). The spatial concept that best captures the rationale of these activities is the zone, meaning a small and localised cluster of activities. I chose to add the features of pleasure and authenticity because of the role they play in ordinary consumption practices. In order to illustrate the specific relevance of soft gentrification I will now turn to the description of the Isola crossroad, a place that has been re-created through the interventions of several actors, such as Alberto above, and also Franca and her pastry shop. A Zone of Authentic Pleasure: Franca’s Pleasure Corner We’re walking through a small residential street and arrive at a crossroad. We turn to look to the four corners, one is occupied by a public school building, the second and the third by upmarket restaurants, and the last by a “typical” Sicilian pastry shop and café. We decide to enter here, find a seat and order a coffee together with a small cassata, a cake made with sweet cheese, almonds, pistachios and candied fruit. While we are experiencing this southern Italian breakfast at some thousand miles of spatial distance from its original site, a short man enters. He’s a well renowned TV comedian, best known for his would-be-magician gags. Everybody in the café recognises him but pretends to ignore his presence, he buys some pastries and leaves. Other customers come and go. The shop owner, an Italian lady in her forties called Franca, approaches to me and declares: “as you can see for yourself, we see elegant people here.” In this kind of neighbourhood it is common to see and share space with such “elegant” and well-known people, and to feel that a pleasant atmosphere is created through this public display. Franca opened the pastry shop three years ago, a short time after the upmarket restaurants on the other corners. However, when we interviewed her she wasn’t yet satisfied with the atmosphere: “when I go downtown and come back, I feel depressed … it’s developing but still has not grown enough … Isn’t one of the classic rich places in Milan—it’s kind of a weird place.” Through these and other similar statements she expressed a feeling of delusion toward the neighbourhood—a feeling on which she’s building her tale—that emerged in contrast to the kind of environment Franca would consider more apt for her shop. Franca’s a newcomer, but knows that the neighbourhood has been “sanitised.” “It really was a criminal area” she states, using overtly derogatory terms just like they were neutral: “riffraff” for the customers of ordinary bars, “dull” for the northern part of the neighbourhood where “there even are kebab shops.” In contrast she lists her beloved customers: journalists, architects, two tenors, people working at the theatre nearby, and the local TV celebrity described earlier. When she refers to the crossroad she speaks of it as, “maybe the gem of the neighbourhood.” At some point she declares what makes her proud: A place like this regenerates the neighbourhood—to be sure, if I ever open a harbour bar I’d attract riffraff who would discredit the place. In short it’s not, to make an example, a club where you play cards, that bring in the underworld, noise, nuisance—here the customer is the typical middle class, all right people. The term “all right people” reoccurs in several of Franca’s statements. Her initial economic sacrifices, relative though if, as she says, she’s able to open another shop in a more central place (“we would like to become a chain-store”), are now compensated by the recognition she gets from her more polished clients. She also expresses a personal satisfaction in the role she has played in the changes in Isola: “until now it’s just a matter of personal satisfaction—of seeing, I’ve built this stuff.” Franca’s story demonstrates that the soft side of gentrification is also produced by individuals that have little in common with the huge capital investment that is at stake in real estate development, or the chain stores that are also opening in the neighbourhood. In one way, Franca is alone in her quest for regeneration, as most entrepreneurs are. In another way, though, she is not. Not only is she participating in the “upgrading” together with other small business owners and consumers who all agree on the direction to follow, thus building together a zone of authentic pleasure, but she can also rely on a “critical infrastructure” of architects, designers and consultants (Zukin, Landscapes 202) that knows perfectly how to do the job. With much pride in her interior design choices, Franca pointed out how her café mixes chic with classic and opposing them to a flashy and folk décor. She showed us the black-and-white pictures at the wall depicting Paris in the 1960s, the unique design coffee machine model she owns, and the flower vases conceived by a famous designer and filled by her neighbour florist. The colours chosen for the interior are orange, tied to oranges—a typical product of Sicily, whereas the brown colour relates to the land, and the gold is linked to elegance. The mixing of warm colours, Franca explained, makes the atmosphere cosy. Where did this owner get all these idea(l)s? Franca relied on an Italian interior design studio, which works at a global scale furnishing hotels, restaurants, bars, shops, bathing establishments, and airports in New York, Barcelona, Paris, and Milan. The architect with whom she dealt with let her “work together” in order to have an autonomous set of choices that match the brand’s offer. Authenticity thus becomes part of the décor in a systematic way, and the feeling of a pleasant atmosphere is constantly reproduced through the daily routines of consumption. Again, not alone in the regeneration process but feeling as if she is “on her own,” Franca struggles daily to protect the atmosphere she’s building: “My point is avoiding having kids or tramps as customers—I don’t want an indiscriminate presence, like people coming here for a glass of wine and maybe getting drunk. I mean, this is not the place to come and have a bianchino [cheap white wine]. People coming here have a spumante, and behave in a completely different fashion.” The opposition between a bianchino, the cheap white wine, and the spumante is one that clarifies the moral boundary between the targets of soft gentrification. In Italian popular culture, and especially in the past, it was a common male habit to have bianchino from late morning onwards. Bars therefore served as gendered public spaces where common people would rest from working activities and the family sphere. Franca, together with many new bars and cafes that construct zones of authentic pleasure in gentrifying neighbourhoods, is trying to update this cultural practice. The spumante adds a sparkling element to consumption and is branded as a trendy aperitif wine, which appeals to younger tastes and lifestyles. By utilising a global design studio, Franca connects to global patterns of urban development and the homogenising of local atmospheres. Furthermore, by preferencing different consumption behaviours she contributes to the social transformation of the neighbourhood by selecting customers. This tendency towards segregation, rather than mixing, is a relevant feature here, since the Franca’s favourite clientele are clearly “people like us” (Butler 2469). Zones like the one described above are thus places where uneven development shows its social, interactive and public façade. Pleasure and Authenticity in Soft Gentrification The production of “atmosphere” in a gentrifying neighbourhood goes together with customers’ taste and preferences. The supply-side of building the environmental landscape for a “pleasant” zone needs a demand-side, consumers buying, supporting, and appreciating the outcome of the activities of business people like Franca. The two are one, most of the time, because tastes and preferences are linked to class, gender, and ethnicity, which makes a sort of mutual redundancy. To put it abruptly: similar people, spending their time in the same places and in a similar way. As I have shown above, the pastry shop owner Franca went for mixing chic and classic in her interior design. That is distinctiveness and familiarity, individualisation and commonality in one unique environment. Seen from the consumer’s perspective, this leads to what has been depicted by Sharon Zukin in her account of the crisis of authenticity in New York. People, she says, are yearning for authenticity because this: reflects the separation between our experience of space and our sense of self that is so much a part of modern mentalities. Though we think authenticity refers to a neighbourhood’s innate qualities, it really expresses our own anxieties about how places change. The idea of authenticity is important because it connects our individual yearning to root ourselves in a singular time and place to a cosmic grasp or larger social forces that remake our world from many small and often invisible actions. (220) Among the “many small and invisible actions” are the ones made by Franca and the global interior design firm she hired, but also those done daily by her customers. For instance, Christian a young advertising executive who lives two blocks away from the pastry shop. He defines himself an “executive creative director” [in English, while the interview was in Italian]. Asked on cooking practices and the presentation he makes to his guests, he declares that the main effort is on: The mise en place—the mise en place with no doubt. The mise en place must be appropriate to what you’re doing. Sometimes you get the mise en place simply serving a plateau, when you correctly couple cheese and salami, even better when you couple fresh cheese with vegetables or you give a slightly creative touch with some fruit salad, like seitan with avocado, no? They become beautiful to see and the mise en place saves it, the aesthetics does its job …Do you feel there are foods, beverages or consumption occasions you consider not worth giving up at all? The only thing I wouldn’t give up is going out in the morning, and having a cappuccino down there in the tiny pastry shop and having some brioches while I’m at the bar. Those that are not frozen beforehand but cooked just in time and have a breakfast, for just two euros, two euros and ten […] cappuccino and fresh brioche, baked just then, otherwise I cannot even think—if I’m in Milan I hardly think correctly—I mean I can’t wake up really without a good cappuccino and a good brioche. Christian is one of the new residents that was attracted to this neighbourhood because of the benefits of its uneven development: relatively affordable rent prices, services, and atmosphere. Commonality is among them, but also distinctiveness. Each morning he can have his “good cappuccino and good brioche” freshly baked to suit his taste and that allows him to differentiate between other brioches, namely the industrialised ones, those “frozen beforehand.” More importantly, he can do this by simply crossing the street and entering one of the pleasure zones that are making Isola, there and now, the new gentrified Milanese neighbourhood. Zones of Authentic Pleasure In this paper I have argued that a closer attention to the softer side of gentrification can help to understand how taste and uneven development mesh together, to produce the common shape we find in gentrified neighbourhoods. These typical urban spaces are made of streets, sidewalks, squares, and walls, but also shop windows and signs, pavement cafés, planters, and the street-life that turns around all of this. Both built environment and interaction produces the atmosphere of authentic pleasure, which is offered by local entrepreneurs and sought by the people who go there. Pleasure is a central feature because of the increasing role of consumption activities in the city and the role of individual consumption practices. I f we observe closely the local scale where all of these practices take place, we can clearly distinguish one zone from another because of their localised effervescence. Neighbourhoods are not equally affected by gentrification. Internally specific zones emerge as those having the capacity to subsume the entire process. These are the ones I have described in this paper—zones of authentic pleasure, where the supply and demand for an authentic distinctive and communal atmosphere takes place. Ephemeral spaces; if one looks at the political economy of place through a macro lens. But if the aim is to understand why certain zones prove to be successful and others not, then exploring how soft gentrification is daily produced and consumed is fundamental.Acknowledgments This article draws on data produced by the research team for the CSS project ‘Middle Class and Consumption: Boundaries, Standards and Discourses’. The team comprised Marco Santoro, Roberta Sassatelli and Giovanni Semi (Coordinators), Davide Caselli, Federica Davolio, Paolo Magaudda, Chiara Marchetti, Federico Montanari and Francesca Pozzi (Research Fellows). The ethnographic data on Milan were mainly produced by Davide Caselli and by the Author. The author wishes to thank the anonymous referees for wise and kind remarks and Michelle Hall for editing and suggestions. References Atkinson, Rowland. “Domestication by Cappuccino or a Revenge on Urban Space? Control and Empowerment in the Management of Public Spaces.” Urban Studies 40.9 (2003): 1829–1843. Böhme, Gernot. “Atmosphere as the Fundamental Concept of a New Aesthetics.” Thesis Eleven 36 (1993): 113–126. Bricocoli, Massimo, and Savoldi Paola. Milano Downtown: Azione Pubblica e Luoghi dell’Abitare. Milano: et al./Edizioni, 2010. Butler, Tim. “Living in the Bubble: Gentrification and Its ‘Others’ in North London.” Urban Studies 40.12 (2003): 2469–2486. Julier, Guy. “Urban Designscapes and the Production of Aesthetic Consent.” Urban Studies 42.5/6 (2005): 869–887. Zukin, Sharon. Landscapes of Power. From Detroit to Disney World. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1991. ———. Naked City. The Death and Life of Authentic Urban Places. New York: Oxford UP, 2010.

In a recent gaming anthology, Henry Jenkins cannot help contrasting his son's cramped, urban, media-saturated existence with his own idyllic, semi-rural childhood. After describing his own Huck Finn meanderings over "the spaces of my boyhood" including the imaginary kingdoms of Jungleoca and Freedonia, Jenkins relates his version of his son's experiences: My son, Henry, now 16 has never had a backyard He has grown up in various apartment complexes, surrounded by asphalt parking lots with, perhaps, a small grass buffer from the street… Once or twice, when I became exasperated by my son's constant presence around the house I would … tell him he should go out and play. He would look at me with confusion and ask, where? … Who wouldn't want to trade in the confinement of your room for the immersion promised by today's video games? … Perhaps my son finds in his video games what I found in the woods behind the school, on my bike whizzing down the hills of suburban backstreets, or settled into my treehouse with a good adventure novel intensity of experience, escape from adult regulation; in short, "complete freedom of movement". (Jenkins 1998, 263-265) Games here are connected with a shrinking availability of domestic and public space, and a highly mediated experience of the world. Despite his best intentions, creeping into Jenkins's piece is a sense that games act as a poor substitute for the natural spaces of a "healthy" childhood. Although "Video games did not make backyard play spaces disappear", they "offer children some way to respond to domestic confinement" (Jenkins 1998, 266). They emerge, then, as a palliation for the claustrophobic circumstances of contemporary urban life, though they offer only unreal spaces, replete with "lakes of fire … cities in the clouds … [and] dazzling neon-lit Asian marketplaces" (Jenkins 1998, 263), where the work of the childish imagination is already done. Despite Jenkins's assertion that games do offer "complete freedom of movement", it is hard to shake the feeling that he considers his own childhood far richer in exploratory and imaginative opportunities: Let me be clear I am not arguing that video games are as good for kids as the physical spaces of backyard play culture. As a father, I wish that my son would come home covered in mud or with scraped knees rather than carpet burns ... The psychological and social functions of playing outside are as significant as the impact of "sunshine and good exercise" upon our physical well-being. (Jenkins 1998, 266) Throughout the piece, games are framed by a romantic, anti-urban discourse: the expanding city is imagined as engulfing space and perhaps destroying childhood itself, such that "'sacred' places are now occupied by concrete, bricks or asphalt" (Jenkins 1998, 263). Games are complicit in this alienation of space and experience. If this is not quite Paul Virilio's recent dour contention that modern mass media forms work mainly to immobilise the body of the consumer--Virilio, luckily, has managed to escape the body-snatchers--games here are produced as a feeble response to an already-effected urban imprisonment of the young. Strikingly, Jenkins seems concerned about his son's "unhealthy" confinement to private, domestic space, and his inability to imaginatively possess a slice of the world outside. Jenkins's description of his son's confinement to the world of "carpet burns" rather than the great outdoors of "scraped knees" and "mud" implicitly leaves the distinction between domestic and public, internal and external, and even the imagined passivity of the domestic sphere as against the activity of the public intact. For those of us who see games as productive activities, which generate particular, unique kinds of pleasure in their own right, rather than as anaemic replacements for lost spaces, this seems to reduce a central cultural form. For those of us who have at least some sympathy with writers on the urban environment like Raban (1974) and Young (1990), who see the city's theatrical and erotic possibilities, Jenkins's fears might seem to erase the pleasures and opportunities that city life provides. Rather than seeing gamers and children (the two groups only partially overlap) as unwitting agents in their own confinement, we can arrive at a slightly more complex view of the relationship between games and urban space. By looking at the video games arcade as it is situated in urban retail space, we can see how gameplay simultaneously acts to regulate urban space, mediates a unique kind of urban performance, and allows sophisticated representations, manipulations and appropriations of differently conceived urban spaces. Despite being a long-standing feature of the urban and retail environment, and despite also being a key site for the "exhibition" of a by-now central media form, the video game arcade has a surprisingly small literature devoted to it. Its prehistory in pinball arcades and pachinko parlours has been noted (by, for example, Steven Poole 2000) but seldom deeply explored, and its relations with a wider urban space have been given no real attention at all. The arcade's complexity, both in terms of its positioning and functions, may contribute to this. The arcade is a space of conflicting, contradictory uses and tendencies, though this is precisely what makes it as important a space as the cinema or penny theatre before it. Let me explain why I think so. The arcade is always simultaneously a part of and apart from the retail centres to which it tends to attach itself.1 If it is part of a suburban shopping mall, it is often located on the ground floor near the entrance, or is semi-detached as cinema complexes often are, so that the player has to leave the mall's main building to get there, or never enter. If it is part of a city or high street shopping area, it is often in a side street or a street parallel to the main retail thoroughfare, or requires the player to mount a set of stairs into an off-street arcade. At other times the arcade is located in a space more strongly marked as liminal in relation to the city -- the seaside resort, sideshow alley or within the fences of a theme park. Despite this, the videogame arcade's interior is usually wholly or mostly visible from the street, arcade or thoroughfare that it faces, whether this visibility is effected by means of glass walls, a front window or a fully retractable sliding door. This slight distance from the mainstream of retail activity and the visibility of the arcade's interior are in part related to the economics of the arcade industry. Arcade machines involve relatively low margins -- witness the industry's recent feting and embrace of redemption (i.e. low-level gambling) games that offer slightly higher turnovers -- and are hungry for space. At the same time, arcades are dependent on street traffic, relentless technological novelty and their de facto use as gathering space to keep the coins rolling in. A balance must be found between affordability, access and visibility, hence their positioning at a slight remove from areas of high retail traffic. The story becomes more complicated, though, when we remember that arcades are heavily marked as deviant, disreputable spaces, whether in the media, government reports or in sociological and psychological literature. As a visible, public, urban space where young people are seen to mix with one another and unfamiliar and novel technologies, the arcade is bound to give rise to adult anxieties. As John Springhall (1998) puts it: More recent youth leisure… occupies visible public space, is seen as hedonistic and presents problems within the dominant discourse of 'enlightenment' … [T]he most popular forms of entertainment among the young at any given historical moment tend also to provide the focus of the most intense social concern. A new medium with mass appeal, and with a technology best understood by the young… almost invariably attracts a desire for adult or government control (160-161, emphasis mine) Where discourses of deviant youth have also been employed in extending the surveillance and policing of retail space, it is unsurprising that spaces seen as points for the concentration of such deviance will be forced away from the main retail thoroughfares, in the process effecting a particular kind of confinement, and opportunity for surveillance. Michel Foucault writes, in Discipline and Punish, about the classical age's refinements of methods for distributing and articulating bodies, and the replacement of spectacular punishment with the crafting of "docile bodies". Though historical circumstances have changed, we can see arcades as disciplinary spaces that reflect aspects of those that Foucault describes. The efficiency of arcade games in distributing bodies in rows, and side by side demonstrates that" even if the compartments it assigns become purely ideal, the disciplinary space is always, basically, cellular" (Foucault 1977, 143). The efficiency of games from Pong (Atari:1972) to Percussion Freaks (Konami: 1999) in articulating bodies in play, in demanding specific and often spectacular bodily movements and competencies means that "over the whole surface of contact between the body and the object it handles, power is introduced, fastening them to one another. It constitutes a body weapon, body-tool, body-machine complex" (Foucault 1977,153). What is extraordinary is the extent to which the articulation of bodies proceeds only through a direct engagement with the game. Pong's instructions famously read only "avoid missing ball for high score"--a whole economy of movement, arising from this effort, is condensed into six words. The distribution and articulation of bodies also entails a confinement in the space of the arcade, away from the main areas of retail trade, and renders occupants easily observable from the exterior. We can see that games keep kids off the streets. On the other hand, the same games mediate spectacular forms of urban performance and allow particular kinds of reoccupation of urban space. Games descended or spun off from Dance Dance Revolution (Konami: 1998) require players to dance, in time with thumping (if occasionally cheesy) techno, and in accordance with on-screen instructions, in more and more complex sequences on lit footpads. These games occupy a lot of space, and the newest instalment (DDR has just issued its "7th Mix") is often installed at the front of street level arcades. When played with flair, games such as these are apt to attract a crowd of onlookers to gather, not only inside, but also on the footpath outside. Indeed games such as these have given rise to websites like http://www.dancegames.com/au which tells fans not only when and where new games are arriving, but whether or not the positioning of arcades and games within them will enable a player to attract attention to their performance. This mediation of cyborg performance and display -- where success both achieves and exceeds perfect integration with a machine in urban space -- is particularly important to Asian-Australian youth subcultures, which are often marginalised in other forums for youthful display, like competitive sport. International dance gamer websites like Jason Ho's http://www.ddrstyle.com , which is emblazoned with the slogan "Asian Pride", explicitly make the connection between Asian youth subcultures and these new kinds of public performance. Games like those in the Time Crisis series, which may seem less innocuous, might be seen as effecting important inversions in the representation of urban space. Initially Time Crisis, which puts a gun in the player's hand and requires them to shoot at human figures on screen, might even be seen to live up to the dire claims made by figures like Dave Grossman that such games effectively train perpetrators of public violence (Grossman 1995). What we need to keep in mind, though, is that first, as "cops", players are asked to restore order to a representation of urban space, and second, that that they are reacting to images of criminality. When criminality and youth are so often closely linked in public discourse (not to mention criminality and Asian ethnicity) these games stage a reversal whereby the young player is responsible for performing a reordering of the unruly city. In a context where the ideology of privacy has progressively marked public space as risky and threatening,2 games like Time Crisis allow, within urban space, a performance aimed at the resolution of risk and danger in a representation of the urban which nevertheless involves and incorporates the material spaces that it is embedded in.This is a different kind of performance to DDR, involving different kinds of image and bodily attitude, that nevertheless articulates itself on the space of the arcade, a space which suddenly looks more complex and productive. The manifest complexity of the arcade as a site in relation to the urban environment -- both regulating space and allowing spectacular and sophisticated types of public performance -- means that we need to discard simplistic stories about games providing surrogate spaces. We reify game imagery wherever we see it as a space apart from the material spaces and bodies with which gaming is always involved. We also need to adopt a more complex attitude to urban space and its possibilities than any narrative of loss can encompass. The abandonment of such narratives will contribute to a position where we can recognise the difference between the older and younger Henrys' activities, and still see them as having a similar complexity and richness. With work and luck, we might also arrive at a material organisation of society where such differing spaces of play -- seen now by some as mutually exclusive -- are more easily available as choices for everyone. NOTES 1 Given the almost total absence of any spatial study of arcades, my observations here are based on my own experience of arcades in the urban environment. Many of my comments are derived from Brisbane, regional Queensland and urban-Australian arcades this is where I live but I have observed the same tendencies in many other urban environments. Even where the range of services and technologies in the arcades are different in Madrid and Lisbon they serve espresso and alcohol (!), in Saigon they often consist of a bank of TVs equipped with pirated PlayStation games which are hired by the hour their location (slightly to one side of major retail areas) and their openness to the street are maintained. 2 See Spigel, Lynn (2001) for an account of the effects and transformations of the ideology of privacy in relation to media forms. See Furedi, Frank (1997) and Douglas, Mary (1992) for accounts of the contemporary discourse of risk and its effects. References Douglas, M. (1992) Risk and Blame: Essays in Cultural Theory. London ; New York : Routledge. Foucault, M. (1979) Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Trans. Alan Sheridan. Harmondsworth, England: Penguin,. Furedi, F.(1997) Culture of Fear: Risk-taking and the Morality of Low Expectation. London ; Washington : Cassell. Grossman, D. (1995) On Killing: The Psychological Cost of Learning to Kill in War and Society. Boston: Little, Brown. Jenkins, H. (1998) Complete freedom of movement: video games as gendered play spaces. In Jenkins, Henry and Justine Cassell (eds) From Barbie to Mortal Kombat : Gender and Computer Games. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Poole, S. (2000) Trigger Happy: The Inner Life of Videogames. London: Fourth Estate. Raban, J. (1974) Soft City. London: Hamilton. Spigel, L. (2001) Welcome to the Dreamhouse: Popular Media and the Postwar Suburbs. Durham and London: Duke University Press. Springhall, J. (1998) Youth, Popular Culture and Moral Panics : Penny Gaffs to Gangsta-rap, 1830-1996. New York: St. Martin's Press. Young, I.M. (1990) Justice and the Politics of Difference. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Websites http://www.yesterdayland.com/popopedia/s... (Time Crisis synopsis and shots) http://www.dancegames.com/au (Site for a network of fans revealing something about the culture around dancing games) http://www.ddrstyle.com (website of Jason Ho, who connects his dance game performances with pride in his Asian identity). http://www.pong-story.com (The story of Pong, the very first arcade game) Games Dance Dance Revolution, Konami: 1998. Percussion Freaks, Konami: 1999. Pong, Atari: 1972. Time Crisis, Namco: 1996. Links http://www.dancegames.com/au http://www.yesterdayland.com/popopedia/shows/arcade/ag1154.php http://www.pong-story.com http://www.ddrstyle.com Citation reference for this article MLA Style Wilson, Jason A.. "Performance, anxiety" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.2 (2002). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/performance.php>. Chicago Style Wilson, Jason A., "Performance, anxiety" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5, no. 2 (2002), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/performance.php> ([your date of access]). APA Style Wilson, Jason A.. (2002) Performance, anxiety. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5(2). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/performance.php> ([your date of access]).

In the last months of his life, 86-year-old Albert Facey became a best-selling author and revered cultural figure following the publication of his autobiography, A Fortunate Life. Released on Anzac Day 1981, it was praised for its “plain, unembellished, utterly sincere and un-self-pitying account of the privations of childhood and youth” (Semmler) and “extremely powerful description of Gallipoli” (Dutton 16). Within weeks, critic Nancy Keesing declared it an “Enduring Classic.” Within six months, it was announced as the winner of two prestigious non-fiction awards, with judges acknowledging Facey’s “extraordinary memory” and “ability to describe scenes and characters with great precision” (“NBC” 4). A Fortunate Life also transformed the fortunes of its publisher. Founded in 1976 as an independent, not-for-profit publishing house, Fremantle Arts Centre Press (FACP) might have been expected, given the Australian average, to survive for just a few years. Former managing editor Ray Coffey attributes the Press’s ongoing viability, in no small measure, to Facey’s success (King 29). Along with Wendy Jenkins, Coffey edited Facey’s manuscript through to publication; only five months after its release, with demand outstripping the capabilities, FACP licensed Penguin to take over the book’s production and distribution. Adaptations soon followed. In 1984, Kerry Packer’s PBL launched a prospectus for a mini-series, which raised a record $6.3 million (PBL 7–8). Aired in 1986 with a high-rating documentary called The Facey Phenomenon, the series became the most watched television event of the year (Lucas). Syndication of chapters to national and regional newspapers, stage and radio productions, audio- and e-books, abridged editions for young readers, and inclusion on secondary school curricula extended the range and influence of Facey’s life writing. Recently, an option was taken out for a new television series (Fraser).A hundred reprints and two million readers on from initial publication, A Fortunate Life continues to rate among the most appreciated Australian books of all time. Commenting on a reader survey in 2012, writer and critic Marieke Hardy enthused, “I really loved it [. . .] I felt like I was seeing a part of my country and my country’s history through a very human voice . . .” (First Tuesday Book Club). Registering a transformed reading, Hardy’s reference to Australian “history” is unproblematically juxtaposed with amused delight in an autobiography that invents and embellishes: not believing “half” of what Facey wrote, she insists he was foremost a yarn spinner. While the work’s status as a witness account has become less authoritative over time, it seems appreciation of the author’s imagination and literary skill has increased (Williamson). A Fortunate Life has been read more commonly as an uncomplicated, first-hand account, such that editor Wendy Jenkins felt it necessary to refute as an “utter mirage” that memoir is “transferred to the page by an act of perfect dictation.” Sidonie Smith and Julia Watson argue of life narratives that some “autobiographical claims [. . .] can be verified or discounted by recourse to documentation outside the text. But autobiographical truth is a different matter” (16). With increased access to archives, especially digitised personnel records, historians have asserted that key elements of Facey’s autobiography are incorrect or “fabricated” (Roberts), including his enlistment in 1914 and participation in the Gallipoli Landing on 25 April 1915. We have researched various sources relevant to Facey’s early years and war service, including hard-copy medical and repatriation records released in 2012, and find A Fortunate Life in a range of ways deviates from “documentation outside of the text,” revealing intriguing, layered storytelling. We agree with Smith and Watson that “autobiographical acts” are “anything but simple or transparent” (63). As “symbolic interactions in the world,” they are “culturally and historically specific” and “engaged in an argument about identity” (63). Inevitably, they are also “fractured by the play of meaning” (63). Our approach, therefore, includes textual analysis of Facey’s drafts alongside the published narrative and his medical records. We do not privilege institutional records as impartial but rather interpret them in terms of their hierarchies and organisation of knowledge. This leads us to speculate on alternative readings of A Fortunate Life as an illness narrative that variously resists and subscribes to dominant cultural plots, tropes, and attitudes. Facey set about writing in earnest in the 1970s and generated (at least) three handwritten drafts, along with a typescript based on the third draft. FACP produced its own working copy from the typescript. Our comparison of the drafts offers insights into the production of Facey’s final text and the otherwise “hidden” roles of editors as transformers and enablers (Munro 1). The notion that a working man with basic literacy could produce a highly readable book in part explains Facey’s enduring appeal. His grandson and literary executor, John Rose, observed in early interviews that Facey was a “natural storyteller” who had related details of his life at every opportunity over a period of more than six decades (McLeod). Jenkins points out that Facey belonged to a vivid oral culture within which he “told and retold stories to himself and others,” so that they eventually “rubbed down into the lines and shapes that would so memorably underpin the extended memoir that became A Fortunate Life.” A mystique was thereby established that “time” was Albert Facey’s “first editor” (Jenkins). The publisher expressly aimed to retain Facey’s voice, content, and meaning, though editing included much correcting of grammar and punctuation, eradication of internal inconsistencies and anomalies, and structural reorganisation into six sections and 68 chapters. We find across Facey’s drafts a broadly similar chronology detailing childhood abandonment, life-threatening incidents, youthful resourcefulness, physical prowess, and participation in the Gallipoli Landing. However, there are also shifts and changed details, including varying descriptions of childhood abuse at a place called Cave Rock; the introduction of (incompatible accounts of) interstate boxing tours in drafts two and three which replace shearing activities in Draft One; divergent tales of Facey as a world-standard athlete, league footballer, expert marksman, and powerful swimmer; and changing stories of enlistment and war service (see Murphy and Nile, “Wounded”; “Naked”).Jenkins edited those sections concerned with childhood and youth, while Coffey attended to Facey’s war and post-war life. Drawing on C.E.W. Bean’s official war history, Coffey introduced specificity to the draft’s otherwise vague descriptions of battle and amended errors, such as Facey’s claim to have witnessed Lord Kitchener on the beach at Gallipoli. Importantly, Coffey suggested the now famous title, “A Fortunate Life,” and encouraged the author to alter the ending. When asked to suggest a title, Facey offered “Cave Rock” (Interview)—the site of his violent abuse and humiliation as a boy. Draft One concluded with Facey’s repatriation from the war and marriage in 1916 (106); Draft Two with a brief account of continuing post-war illness and ultimate defeat: “My war injuries caught up with me again” (107). The submitted typescript concludes: “I have often thought that going to War has caused my life to be wasted” (Typescript 206). This ending differs dramatically from the redemptive vision of the published narrative: “I have lived a very good life, it has been very rich and full. I have been very fortunate and I am thrilled by it when I look back” (412).In The Wounded Storyteller, Arthur Frank argues that literary markets exist for stories of “narrative wreckage” (196) that are redeemed by reconciliation, resistance, recovery, or rehabilitation, which is precisely the shape of Facey’s published life story and a source of its popularity. Musing on his post-war experiences in A Fortunate Life, Facey focuses on his ability to transform the material world around him: “I liked the challenge of building up a place from nothing and making a success where another fellow had failed” (409). If Facey’s challenge was building up something from nothing, something he could set to work on and improve, his life-writing might reasonably be regarded as a part of this broader project and desire for transformation, so that editorial interventions helped him realise this purpose. Facey’s narrative was produced within a specific zeitgeist, which historian Joy Damousi notes was signalled by publication in 1974 of Bill Gammage’s influential, multiply-reprinted study of front-line soldiers, The Broken Years, which drew on the letters and diaries of a thousand Great War veterans, and also the release in 1981 of Peter Weir’s film Gallipoli, for which Gammage was the historical advisor. The story of Australia’s war now conceptualised fallen soldiers as “innocent victims” (Damousi 101), while survivors were left to “compose” memories consistent with their sacrifice (Thomson 237–54). Viewing Facey’s drafts reminds us that life narratives are works of imagination, that the past is not fixed and memory is created in the present. Facey’s autobiographical efforts and those of his publisher to improve the work’s intelligibility and relevance together constitute an attempt to “objectify the self—to present it as a knowable object—through a narrative that re-structures [. . .] the self as history and conclusions” (Foster 10). Yet, such histories almost invariably leave “a crucial gap” or “censored chapter.” Dennis Foster argues that conceiving of narration as confession, rather than expression, “allows us to see the pathos of the simultaneous pursuit and evasion of meaning” (10); we believe a significant lacuna in Facey’s life writing is intimated by its various transformations.In a defining episode, A Fortunate Life proposes that Facey was taken from Gallipoli on 19 August 1915 due to wounding that day from a shell blast that caused sandbags to fall on him, crush his leg, and hurt him “badly inside,” and a bullet to the shoulder (348). The typescript, however, includes an additional but narratively irreconcilable date of 28 June for the same wounding. The later date, 19 August, was settled on for publication despite the author’s compelling claim for the earlier one: “I had been blown up by a shell and some 7 or 8 sandbags had fallen on top of me, the day was the 28th of June 1915, how I remembered this date, it was the day my brother Roy had been killed by a shell burst.” He adds: “I was very ill for about six weeks after the incident but never reported it to our Battalion doctor because I was afraid he would send me away” (Typescript 205). This account accords with Facey’s first draft and his medical records but is inconsistent with other parts of the typescript that depict an uninjured Facey taking a leading role in fierce fighting throughout July and August. It appears, furthermore, that Facey was not badly wounded at any time. His war service record indicates that he was removed from Gallipoli due to “heart troubles” (Repatriation), which he also claims in his first draft. Facey’s editors did not have ready access to military files in Canberra, while medical files were not released until 2012. There existed, therefore, virtually no opportunity to corroborate the author’s version of events, while the official war history and the records of the State Library of Western Australia, which were consulted, contain no reference to Facey or his war service (Interview). As a consequence, the editors were almost entirely dependent on narrative logic and clarifications by an author whose eyesight and memory had deteriorated to such an extent he was unable to read his amended text. A Fortunate Life depicts men with “nerve sickness” who were not permitted to “stay at the Front because they would be upsetting to the others, especially those who were inclined that way themselves” (350). By cross referencing the draft manuscripts against medical records, we can now perceive that Facey was regarded as one of those nerve cases. According to Facey’s published account, his wounds “baffled” doctors in Egypt and Fremantle (353). His medical records reveal that in September 1915, while hospitalised in Egypt, his “palpitations” were diagnosed as “Tachycardia” triggered by war-induced neuroses that began on 28 June. This suggests that Facey endured seven weeks in the field in this condition, with the implication being that his debility worsened, resulting in his hospitalisation. A diagnosis of “debility,” “nerves,” and “strain” placed Facey in a medical category of “Special Invalids” (Butler 541). Major A.W. Campbell noted in the Medical Journal of Australia in 1916 that the war was creating “many cases of little understood nervous and mental affections, not only where a definite wound has been received, but in many cases where nothing of the sort appears” (323). Enlisted doctors were either physicians or surgeons and sometimes both. None had any experience of trauma on the scale of the First World War. In 1915, Campbell was one of only two Australian doctors with any pre-war experience of “mental diseases” (Lindstrom 30). On staff at the Australian Base Hospital at Heliopolis throughout the Gallipoli campaign, he claimed that at times nerve cases “almost monopolised” the wards under his charge (319). Bearing out Facey’s description, Campbell also reported that affected men “received no sympathy” and, as “carriers of psychic contagion,” were treated as a “source of danger” to themselves and others (323). Credentialed by royal colleges in London and coming under British command, Australian medical teams followed the practice of classifying men presenting “nervous or mental symptoms” as “battle casualties” only if they had also been wounded by “enemy action” (Loughran 106). By contrast, functional disability, with no accompanying physical wounds, was treated as unmanly and a “hysterical” reaction to the pressures of war. Mental debility was something to be feared in the trenches and diagnosis almost invariably invoked charges of predisposition or malingering (Tyquin 148–49). This shifted responsibility (and blame) from the war to the individual. Even as late as the 1950s, medical notes referred to Facey’s condition as being “constitutional” (Repatriation).Facey’s narrative demonstrates awareness of how harshly sufferers were treated. We believe that he defended himself against this with stories of physical injury that his doctors never fully accepted and that he may have experienced conversion disorder, where irreconcilable experience finds somatic expression. His medical diagnosis in 1915 and later life writing establish a causal link with the explosion and his partial burial on 28 June, consistent with opinion at the time that linked concussive blasts with destabilisation of the nervous system (Eager 422). Facey was also badly shaken by exposure to the violence and abjection of war, including hand-to-hand combat and retrieving for burial shattered and often decomposed bodies, and, in particular, by the death of his brother Roy, whose body was blown to pieces on 28 June. (A second brother, Joseph, was killed by multiple bayonet wounds while Facey was convalescing in Egypt.) Such experiences cast a different light on Facey’s observation of men suffering nerves on board the hospital ship: “I have seen men doze off into a light sleep and suddenly jump up shouting, ‘Here they come! Quick! Thousands of them. We’re doomed!’” (350). Facey had escaped the danger of death by explosion or bayonet but at a cost, and the war haunted him for the rest of his days. On disembarkation at Fremantle on 20 November 1915, he was admitted to hospital where he remained on and off for several months. Forty-one other sick and wounded disembarked with him (HMAT). Around one third, experiencing nerve-related illness, had been sent home for rest; while none returned to the war, some of the physically wounded did (War Service Records). During this time, Facey continued to present with “frequent attacks of palpitation and giddiness,” was often “short winded,” and had “heart trouble” (Repatriation). He was discharged from the army in June 1916 but, his drafts suggest, his war never really ended. He began a new life as a wounded Anzac. His dependent and often fractious relationship with the Repatriation Department ended only with his death 66 years later. Historian Marina Larsson persuasively argues that repatriated sick and wounded servicemen from the First World War represented a displaced presence at home. Many led liminal lives of “disenfranchised grief” (80). Stephen Garton observes a distinctive Australian use of repatriation to describe “all policies involved in returning, discharging, pensioning, assisting and training returned men and women, and continuing to assist them throughout their lives” (74). Its primary definition invokes coming home but to repatriate also implies banishment from a place that is not home, so that Facey was in this sense expelled from Gallipoli and, by extension, excluded from the myth of Anzac. Unlike his two brothers, he would not join history as one of the glorious dead; his name would appear on no roll of honour. Return home is not equivalent to restoration of his prior state and identity, for baggage from the other place perpetually weighs. Furthermore, failure to regain health and independence strains hospitality and gratitude for the soldier’s service to King and country. This might be exacerbated where there is no evident or visible injury, creating suspicion of resistance, cowardice, or malingering. Over 26 assessments between 1916 and 1958, when Facey was granted a full war pension, the Repatriation Department observed him as a “neuropathic personality” exhibiting “paroxysmal tachycardia” and “neurocirculatory asthenia.” In 1954, doctors wrote, “We consider the condition is a real handicap and hindrance to his getting employment.” They noted that after “attacks,” Facey had a “busted depressed feeling,” but continued to find “no underlying myocardial disease” (Repatriation) and no validity in Facey’s claims that he had been seriously physically wounded in the war (though A Fortunate Life suggests a happier outcome, where an independent medical panel finally locates the cause of his ongoing illness—rupture of his spleen in the war—which results in an increased war pension). Facey’s condition was, at times, a source of frustration for the doctors and, we suspect, disappointment and shame to him, though this appeared to reduce on both sides when the Repatriation Department began easing proof of disability from the 1950s (Thomson 287), and the Department of Veteran’s Affairs was created in 1976. This had the effect of shifting public and media scrutiny back onto a system that had until then deprived some “innocent victims of the compensation that was their due” (Garton 249). Such changes anticipated the introduction of Post-Traumatic Shock Disorder (PTSD) to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) in 1980. Revisions to the DSM established a “genealogy of trauma” and “panic disorders” (100, 33), so that diagnoses such as “neuropathic personality” (Echterling, Field, and Stewart 192) and “soldier’s heart,” that is, disorders considered “neurotic,” were “retrospectively reinterpreted” as a form of PTSD. However, Alberti points out that, despite such developments, war-related trauma continues to be contested (80). We propose that Albert Facey spent his adult life troubled by a sense of regret and failure because of his removal from Gallipoli and that he attempted to compensate through storytelling, which included his being an original Anzac and seriously wounded in action. By writing, Facey could shore up his rectitude, work ethic, and sense of loyalty to other servicemen, which became necessary, we believe, because repatriation doctors (and probably others) had doubted him. In 1927 and again in 1933, an examining doctor concluded: “The existence of a disability depends entirely on his own unsupported statements” (Repatriation). We argue that Facey’s Gallipoli experiences transformed his life. By his own account, he enlisted for war as a physically robust and supremely athletic young man and returned nine months later to life-long anxiety and ill-health. Publication transformed him into a national sage, earning him, in his final months, the credibility, empathy, and affirmation he had long sought. Exploring different accounts of Facey, in the shape of his drafts and institutional records, gives rise to new interpretations. In this context, we believe it is time for a new edition of A Fortunate Life that recognises it as a complex testimonial narrative and theorises Facey’s deployment of national legends and motifs in relation to his “wounded storytelling” as well as to shifting cultural and medical conceptualisations and treatments of shame and trauma. ReferencesAlberti, Fay Bound. Matters of the Heart: History, Medicine, and Emotions. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2010. Butler, A.G. Official History of the Australian Medical Services 1814-1918: Vol I Gallipoli, Palestine and New Guinea. 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