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Journal articles on the topic 'Scottish common sense philosophy'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 5 February 2022

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1

Roberts, Thomas. "Legal Positivism and Scottish Common Sense Philosophy." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 18, no. 2 (2005): 277–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s084182090000401x.

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This paper identifies a volitional theory of meaning common to speech act theory and legal positivism, represented by Hart and Kelsen. This model is compared and contrasted with the model of social operations developed by Reid, a Common Sense Enlightenment philosopher. Whereas the former subscribes to the view that meaning is generated by acts of will, the latter finds meaning to consist of the dual elements of sign and ‘directedness’.The ability of positivist theories to provide a structural account of the difference between legal rules and other rules is inextricably linked to this commitment to the volitional theory of meaning. The commitment to the volitional view however leads to problems in requiring that some kind of authority be presupposed in for plain rules to attain legal force. Such authority can only be established with recourse to further rules (thus falling into a malign infinite regress) or must be accepted as a matter of faith. Reid's criterion of direction however vitiates the need for an authority, instead accounting for social communication in general, and rules in particular, in terms of sociological factors. Although no comprehensive critique of the volitional theory is proposed, Reid's model is preferable on the grounds of explanatory richness.The core claims of the paper are that: (a) legal positivism necessarily subscribes to the volitional theory of meaning; (b) rejection of the volitional theory necessarily entails rejection of the positivist view that legal and non-legal rules can be differentiated on structural grounds (c) another counter-model exists which avoids some of the pitfalls of the volitional theory; (d) if the volitional theory is rejected then the existence of rules can only be accounted for in a 'strong' sociological sense and legal theory must accordingly accept the dominant role of sociology in conceptualising the nature of rules.
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2

Keefe, Rosaleen. "Common Sense Rhetorical Theory, Pluralism, and Protestant Natural Law." Journal of Scottish Philosophy 11, no. 2 (2013): 213–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jsp.2013.0057.

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This paper offers re-assessment of Scottish Common Sense rhetoric and its relationship to pluralist practice and philosophical method. It argues that the rhetorical texts of George Campbell, Hugh Blair, and Alexander Bain can be read as a practical application of Scottish Common Sense philosophy. This offers a novel means of examining the relationship that Scottish rhetoric has to the philosophy of David Hume and also its own innovative philosophy of language. Finally, I argue that Scottish rhetoric makes a unique contribution to rhetorical methodology's key place in the creation of social and moral consensus.
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3

Pakaluk, Michael. "A Defence of Scottish Common Sense." Philosophical Quarterly 52, no. 209 (2002): 564–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9213.00286.

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4

Bow, Charles Bradford. "Samuel Stanhope Smith and Common Sense Philosophy at Princeton." Journal of Scottish Philosophy 8, no. 2 (2010): 189–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jsp.2010.0006.

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In this article, I discuss how Samuel Stanhope Smith advanced Reidian themes in his moral philosophy and examine their reception by Presbyterian revivalists Ashbel Green, Samuel Miller, and Archibald Alexander. Smith, seventh president and moral philosophy professor of the College of New Jersey (1779–1812), has received marginal scholarly attention regarding his moral philosophy and rational theology, in comparison to his predecessor John Witherspoon. As an early American philosopher who drew on the ideals of the Scottish Enlightenment including Common Sense philosophy, Smith faced heightened scrutiny from American revivalists regarding the danger his epistemology presented to the institution of religion. The Scottish School of Common Sense was widely praised and applied in nineteenth-century American moral philosophy, but before the more general American acceptance of Common Sense, Smith already appealed to Reidian themes in his methodology and treatment of external sensations, internal sensations, intellectual powers, and active powers of the human mind. In this paper, I argue that Smith's use of Reidian themes for grooming his student's morality conflicted with the educational expectations from revivalists on Princeton's board of trustees who demanded more attention on orthodox theology. I identify Smith's notions of causation, liberty, and the moral faculty as primary reasons for this tension over Princeton's educational purpose during the first decade of the nineteenth century.
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Price, Fiona. "Democratizing Taste: Scottish Common Sense Philosophy and Elizabeth Hamilton." Romanticism 8, no. 2 (2002): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/rom.2002.8.2.179.

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6

Oosterhoff, Richard. "Common Sense in the Scottish Enlightenment." Intellectual History Review 30, no. 2 (2019): 349–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17496977.2019.1626101.

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Mikhail, John. "Scottish Common Sense and Nineteenth-Century American Law: A Critical Appraisal." Law and History Review 26, no. 1 (2008): 167–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073824800000359x.

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One overriding concern I have with Susanna Blumenthal's insightful and stimulating article, “The Mind of a Moral Agent: Scottish Common Sense and the Problem of Responsibility in Nineteenth-Century American Law,” is whether there is anything sufficiently distinctive about Scottish Common Sense philosophy that justifies the role Blumenthal ascribes to it. In a representative passage, she writes:Common Sense philosophy left would-be “moral managers” with a puzzle. If rational and moral faculties were innate and universal, what explained the great conflicts among men concerning matters of belief, manners, and morals … leading some to commit acts that were … patently irrational or downright evil? And to the extent that therewasa common sense about the dictates of reason, propriety, and moral sense, why did some individuals act in defiance of them?
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8

McDermid, Douglas. "Ferrier and the Myth of Scottish Common Sense Realism." Journal of Scottish Philosophy 11, no. 1 (2013): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jsp.2013.0049.

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Once a name to conjure with, Scottish idealist James Frederick Ferrier (1808–1864) is now a largely forgotten figure, notwithstanding the fact that he penned a work of remarkable power and originality: the Institutes of Metaphysic (1854). In ‘Reid and the Philosophy and Common Sense,’ an essay of 1847 which anticipates some of the central themes of the Institutes of Metaphysic, Ferrier presents an excoriating critique of Thomas Reid's brand of common sense realism. Understanding Ferrier's critique of Reid – its content, motivations, and significance – is the task of the present essay.
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9

Macintyre, Iona. "An Exponent of Scottish Common Sense Philosophy in Revolutionary South America: José Joaquín de Mora." Journal of Scottish Historical Studies 38, no. 2 (2018): 219–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2018.0246.

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Revolutionary movements in nineteenth-century South America saw the region's historic grounding in scholasticism confronted by the ideas of the eighteenth-century French Enlightenment. This article examines a subsequent development: Spanish liberal man of letters José Joaquín de Mora's attempt to implant Scottish common sense philosophy as the dominant school in the republics that were emerging from Spanish rule and gradually forming nationally as Argentina, Bolivia, Chile and Peru. Furthering our knowledge of Scottish intellectual influence abroad, Mora's enterprise also illuminates two contentious issues of the period in Spanish America, namely how to cultivate young minds in a revolutionary context, and the place of European culture, in this case Scottish, in the immediate post-colonial period.
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Kennedy, Chloë. "“Ungovernable Feelings and Passions”: Common Sense Philosophy and Mental State Defences in Nineteenth Century Scotland." Edinburgh Law Review 20, no. 3 (2016): 285–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/elr.2016.0360.

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During the nineteenth century, changing conceptions of mental disorder had profound implications for the way that criminal responsibility was conceived. As medical writers and practitioners increasingly drew attention to the complexities of insanity, the grounds on which mentally abnormal offenders could be excused began to seem unduly restrictive. By way of a contribution to our understanding of this development, this article examines how the growing disparity unfolded in Scotland. The author argues that the requirements of the insanity defence, as set out within judicial directions, reflect core facets of Scottish Common Sense philosophical thought, including Thomas Reid's view of human agency and understanding of ‘common sense’. Building on this contention, the author suggests that Scottish Common Sense philosophy played an important role in the development of Scottish mental state defences more broadly, and can provide an original interpretation of the way the doctrines of provocation and diminished responsibility changed during this era.
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Hengstmengel, Joost. "‘I am greatly obliged to the Dutch’: James Beattie's Dutch Connection." Journal of Scottish Philosophy 18, no. 1 (2020): 67–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jsp.2020.0256.

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In the second half of the 18th century, Scottish Enlightenment philosophy spread to the Dutch Republic, where it found a favourable reception. The most popular Scottish philosopher among Dutch intellectuals arguably was James Beattie of Aberdeen. Almost all of his prose works were translated into Dutch, and the Zeeland Society of Sciences elected him a foreign honorary member. It made Beattie remark that he was ‘greatly obliged to the Dutch’, and a Dutch learned journal that he had ‘in a sense become a native’. This article discusses why precisely the Dutch got interested in Beattie and what made his common sense philosophy appealing to a Dutch audience. It argues that it was the moderate and non-speculative nature of Beattie's moral philosophy that fitted well with the eclecticism of the Dutch Enlightenment.
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Blumenthal, Susanna L. "Metaphysics, Moral Sense, and the Pragmatism of the Law." Law and History Review 26, no. 1 (2008): 177–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248000003606.

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The authors of these insightful and stimulating commentaries all express skepticism about the role I assign to the Scottish Common Sense philosophy in my historical analysis, though their reasons for doing so are strikingly at odds with each other. Sarah Seo and John Witt concede the importance of the Common Sense philosophy at a theoretical level, even as they call attention to certain “competitor theories” of human nature, noting that these darker views of the self may have proved more influential in the framing of the American constitution. However, they go on to contend that all of this philosophizing about the human mind was actually of little consequence in the everyday adjudication of civil and criminal liability, as judges found more practical means of resolving “the otherwise intractable questions of moral responsibility” left unanswered by the Scottish philosophy. John Mikhail, by contrast, appears to be far more sanguine about the tractability of these questions, from a philosophical standpoint, going so far as to suggest that they were more or less resolved by British moralists before the Scottish Common Sense school even came into being. What truly set the Common Sense philosophers apart from their predecessors, and ought to determine their place in this history of ideas, Mikhail concludes, was the manner in which they contributed to the scientific process of tracing out the inner structure and innate capacities of “the moral mind”—a topic that is currently of intense interest in the cognitive and brain sciences.
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13

Keefe, Jenny. "Common Sense in the Scottish Enlightenment ed. by Charles Bradford Bow." Journal of the History of Philosophy 57, no. 3 (2019): 560–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.2019.0067.

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14

Griffin, Nicholas J. "Possible Theological Perspectives in Thomas Reid's Common Sense Philosophy." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 41, no. 3 (1990): 425–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900075229.

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It is well known that Thomas Reid, premier exponent of the Common Sense school of Scottish philosophy, was an ordained and active minister. Less clear is the role played by theology in the deve opment ofthat philosophy as it matured slowly under his pen, particularly in me most prominent of his works, the Essays on the Intellectual Powers of Man (1785) and the Essays on the Active Powers of the Human Mind (1788), works which range widely over the field of human experience and the nature of reality. When philosophy and theology assumed more distinct and separate identities in the generations which succeeded Reid, it became common for critics of the Common Sense school to base their analyses solely on philosophical foundations and to neglect the theological underpinning which is essential to a fuller and clearer grasp of Keid s position. It would be a useful contribution to more than one discipline were Thomas Reid's philosophy linked more closely to the development and extent of his theological thinking. While his philosophical writings are strewn with theological references in the way typical of the eighteenth century, there is more substance in these references than is usually the case, when divines ofthat age wrote philosophy. That they are much more than casual, conventional embellishments becomes apparent from a careful reading of his works.
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Budge, Gavin. "Rethinking the Victorian Sage: Nineteenth-Century Prose and Scottish Common Sense Philosophy." Literature Compass 2, no. 1 (2005): **. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-4113.2005.00062.x.

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Gino, Sebastiano. "Scottish Common Sense, association of ideas and free will." Intellectual History Review 30, no. 1 (2019): 109–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17496977.2020.1687984.

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17

Gurievskaia, L. "THE INFLUENCE OF SCOTTISH COMMON SENSE PHILOSOPHY ON THE 19-TH CENTURY AMERICAN MORAL PHILOSOPHY DEVELOPMENT." Bulletin of the Moskow State Regional University, no. 3 (2015): 89–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.18384/2310-7227-2015-3-89-94.

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18

DeLashmutt, Michael W. "Nathaniel William Taylor and Thomas Reid: Scottish common-sense philosophy's impact upon the formation of New Haven theology in Antebellum America." Scottish Journal of Theology 59, no. 1 (2005): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930605000918.

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This paper will examine the relationship between Scottish common-sense philosophy and the formation of New Haven Theology. It will be illustrated that Nathaniel William Taylor's adaptations of orthodox Calvinism (particularly the doctrines of election and predestination and total depravity) relied heavily upon the principles of common-sense philosophy found in the work of Thomas Reid. Furthermore, it will be argued that Taylor's adaptation of Calvinism was a necessary accommodation to the phenomenon of mass conversion and evangelism during the Second Great Awakening.
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TANNOCH-BLAND, JENNIFER. "Dugald Stewart on intellectual character." British Journal for the History of Science 30, no. 3 (1997): 307–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087497003105.

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Dugald Stewart (1753–1828) lectured in astronomy and political economy, held the chair of mathematics at Edinburgh University from 1775 to 1785, then the chair of moral philosophy from 1785 to 1810, and wrote extensively on metaphysics, political economy, ethics, philology, aesthetics, psychology and the history of philosophy and the experimental sciences. He is commonly regarded as the last voice of the Scottish Enlightenment, the articulate disciple of Thomas Reid, father of Scottish common sense philosophy. Recently some historians have begun to rediscover elements of the contribution Stewart made to early nineteenth-century British intellectual culture, and his Collected Works have been republished with a new introduction by Knud Haakonssen.
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20

Nisbet, H. B., and Manfred Kuehn. "Scottish Common Sense in Germany, 1768-1800: A Contribution to the History of Critical Philosophy." Modern Language Review 85, no. 1 (1990): 242. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3732893.

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21

Graham, Gordon. "Morality and Feeling in the Scottish Enlightenment." Philosophy 76, no. 2 (2001): 271–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0031819101000274.

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This paper argues that a recurrent mistake is made about Scottish moral philosophy in the 18th century with respect to its account of the relation between morality and feeling. This mistake arises because Hume is taken to be the main, as opposed to the best known, exponent of a version of moral sense theory. In fact, far from occupying common ground, the other main philosophers of the period—Hutcheson, Reid, Beattie—understood themselves to be engaged in refuting Hume. Despite striking surface similarities, closer examination reveals a deep difference between Hume's and Reid's conception of ‘the science mind’ which marked the philosophy of the period. Properly understood, this difference shows that mainstream Scottish moral philosophy, far from subscribing to Hume's dictum about morality being ‘more properly felt than judged of’, held that morality is ‘more properly judged than felt of’.
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Malter, Rudolf. "Scottish Common Sense in Germany, 1768-1800. A Contribution to the History of Critical Philosophy (review)." Journal of the History of Philosophy 27, no. 3 (1989): 486–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.1989.0055.

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23

Agnew, Lois. "The “Perplexity” of George Campbell's Rhetoric: The Epistemic Function of Common Sense." Rhetorica 18, no. 1 (2000): 79–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2000.18.1.79.

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Abstract: George Campbell's rhetorical theory is based upon a philosophical tradition that has ancient roots—common sense philosophy. Campbell's interest in common sense emerged through his association with Scottish Enlightenment philosophers such as Thomas Reid. However, Campbell's beliefs about the relationship between individual perception and social knowledge at the same time reveal a philosophical affinity with Aristotie and the Stoics. For Campbell, as for the ancients, common sense represents both the intuitive ability that individuals use in apprehending the reality of the external world and the shared human capacity to make necessary collective judgments. Although Campbell believes that there is objective truth that is apprehended through coinmon sense, he at the same time perceives common sense as providing a foundation for making decisions about the contingent circumstances that people face from day to day. Campbell's rhetoric has frequentiy been described as managerial, but his interest in common sense creates an epistemic function for rhetoric, as it provides the means for negotiating the principles of moral evidence in order to resolve the specific questions that arise in the life of the community.
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Hatfield, Gary. "Scottish Common Sense in Germany, 1768-1800: A Contribution to the History of Critical Philosophy. Manfred Kuehn." Isis 81, no. 3 (1990): 574–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/355495.

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Grandi, Giovanni B. "Providential Naturalism and Miracles: John Fearn's Critique of Scottish Philosophy." Journal of Scottish Philosophy 13, no. 1 (2015): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jsp.2015.0082.

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According to Thomas Reid, the development of natural sciences following the model of Newton's Principia and Optics would provide further evidence for the belief in a provident God. This project was still supported by his student, Dugald Stewart, in the early nineteenth century. John Fearn (1768–1837), an early critic of the Scottish common sense school, thought that the rise of ‘infidelity’ in the wake of scientific progress had shown that the apologetic project of Reid and Stewart had failed. In reaction to Reid and Stewart, he proposed an idealist philosophy that would dispense with the existence of matter, and would thus cut at the root what he thought was the main source of modern atheism. In this paper, I consider Fearn's critique of Reid and Stewart in his main works: First Lines of the Human Mind (1820) and Manual of the Physiology of Mind (1829). I also consider Fearn's arguments against Hume and in favour of a renewed apologetics in An Essay on the Philosophy of Faith and the Economy of Revelation (1815).
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Bow, Charles Bradford. "In Defence of the Scottish Enlightenment: Dugald Stewart's role in the 1805 John Leslie Affair." Scottish Historical Review 92, no. 1 (2013): 123–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2013.0140.

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During a transitional period of Scottish history, responses to the French Revolution in the 1790s significantly affected Enlightenment intellectual culture across Scotland and, in particular, its existence in Edinburgh. The emergence of powerful counter-Enlightenment interests—championed by Henry Dundas—sought to censure the diffusion of ideas and values associated with France's revolution. In doing so, they targeted all controversial philosophical writings and liberal values for censorship and, in turn, gradually crippled the unique circumstances that had birthed the Scottish Enlightenment. Alarmed by the effect counter-Enlightenment policies had on Scottish intellectual culture, Dugald Stewart professor of moral philosophy at Edinburgh University (1785–1810) countered this threat with a system of moral education. His programme created a modern version of Thomas Reid's Common Sense philosophy whilst advancing that the best way to prevent the adoption of supposedly dangerous political and philosophical ideas was examining their errors. The tensions between counter-Enlightenment policies and Stewart's system of moral education erupted in the 1805 election of John Leslie as professor of mathematics at Edinburgh University, but the Leslie affair was not an isolated episode. This controversy embodied tensions over ecclesiastical politics in the Church of Scotland, national secular politics, and Scottish Enlightenment moral philosophy. At the same time, Stewart believed the Leslie affair would determine the fate of not only Edinburgh University but also the Scottish universities’ entwined relationship with Enlightenment. This article examines how Dugald Stewart's prominent role in the 1805 John Leslie affair pitted counter-Enlightenment interests against those of an emerging generation of the Scottish Enlightenment.
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Allen, C. Leonard. "Baconianism and the Bible in the Disciples of Christ: James S. Lamar and “The Organon of Scripture”." Church History 55, no. 1 (1986): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3165423.

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Many scholars have observed that during the first half of the nineteenth century American philosophy, science, and education were dominated by Scottish Realism, or the philosophy of “Common Sense.” Its first significant influence has been traced to John Witherspoon, an Edinburgh-trained minister who became president of the College of New Jersey in 1769. Thereafter, especially after 1800, Realist texts were introduced gradually into American colleges, and by the I 820s generally had replaced the older texts. Through use in numerous American colleges, the works of Thomas Reid, Dugald Stewart, George Campbell, James Beattie, William Hamilton, and others exercised a pervasive influence.
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Waers, Stephen. "Common Sense Regeneration: Alexander Campbell on Regeneration, Conversion, and the Work of the Holy Spirit." Harvard Theological Review 109, no. 4 (2016): 611–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816016000304.

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Alexander Campbell (1788–1866), a controversialist and prolific writer, often addressed his theological opponents with an acid-tipped pen. Early in his career, few topics received as much attention as regeneration, conversion, and the role of the Holy Spirit. Campbell and his coreligionists on the frontier were hardly the only theologians who focused on these doctrines during the first half of the nineteenth century. Campbell's early polemics make it clear that he had substantially modified or rejected many of the major tenets of the Presbyterianism of his youth regarding these topics. His early writings find his literary resources arrayed against such doctrines as human inability and metaphysical regeneration that his Reformed opponents held. Campbell's biographer even tells us that Campbell's views of regeneration and conversion shifted. In this paper, I argue that one of the major factors driving Campbell's rejection of these widely held Reformed doctrines was his appropriation of the thought of John Locke and Scottish Common Sense Philosophy (SCSP). More specifically, I argue that Alexander Campbell's understanding of testimony, firmly rooted in the thought of Locke and SCSP, was the sine qua non of his conception of regeneration, conversion, and the work of the Holy Spirit.
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Ellingsen, Mark. "The American Republic." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 1 (1992): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199241/25.

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This article explores the often neglected impact on the American political system of Scottish Common Sense Realism and an Augustinian anthropology drawn from both this Scottish philosophy and the American culture's Puritan/Presbyterian roots. Such insights help us better understand the dynamics of the American system and its possible contribution as a paradigm or model for democratization in the communist world Significant differences between America and the communist world with respect to their distinct intellectual and cultural histories seem to preclude the applicability of the American system to post-communist nations in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, Yet theological convergences among the prevailing religious traditions of these nations and America suggest that the Augustinian anthropological realism of the American system may have relevance to communist world cultures after all.
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Ellingsen, Mark. "The American Republic." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 1 (1992): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199241/25.

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This article explores the often neglected impact on the American political system of Scottish Common Sense Realism and an Augustinian anthropology drawn from both this Scottish philosophy and the American culture's Puritan/Presbyterian roots. Such insights help us better understand the dynamics of the American system and its possible contribution as a paradigm or model for democratization in the communist world Significant differences between America and the communist world with respect to their distinct intellectual and cultural histories seem to preclude the applicability of the American system to post-communist nations in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, Yet theological convergences among the prevailing religious traditions of these nations and America suggest that the Augustinian anthropological realism of the American system may have relevance to communist world cultures after all.
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Crowe, Ben. "Fichte, Eberhard, and the Psychology of Religion." Harvard Theological Review 104, no. 1 (2010): 93–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816011000071.

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In marked contrast to much of twentieth-century psychology and philosophy, prevailing accounts of affect, emotion, and sentiment in the eighteenth century took these phenomena to be rational and, to a certain extent, cognitive.1 Because of a combination of disciplinary diffusion and general lack of physicalist assumptions, accounts of affectivity in the eighteenth century also tended to be quite flexible and nuanced. This is particularly true of an influential stream of Anglo-Scottish and German thought on morality, aesthetics, and the philosophy of religion. Following Shaftesbury, many of the most prominent philosophers of the century regarded affective states and processes as playing a crucial role in accounts of value. In most cases, this tendency was combined with a sort of anti-rationalism, that is, with a tendency to minimize the role of reason in everything from common sense perceptual knowledge to religious belief. Hutcheson's moral sense theory and his well-known and influential criticisms of moral rationalism exemplify this trend.2 It is perhaps more pronounced in Lord Kames, who followed the lead of Shaftesbury and Hutcheson in aesthetics, moral theory, philosophy of religion, anthropology, and history.3 In Germany, this stream of thought was quite well-received by philosophers both inside and outside the dominant Wolffian tradition.4 Particularly important and influential in this respect were Johann Georg Hamann, who drew upon Hutcheson, Hume, and the “Common Sense” school to defend a conception of faith as “sentiment (Empfindung),” and Johann Gottfried Herder, a polymath and philosophical pioneer whose work in psychology, anthropology, history, aesthetics, biblical criticism, and theology consistently stresses the fundamental role of passion, affect, and sensibility in every aspect of human culture.5
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Boyer, Jodie. "Religion, “Moral Insanity,” and Psychology in Nineteenth-Century America." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 24, no. 1 (2014): 70–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2014.24.1.70.

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AbstractThis article explores arguments among medico-legal experts (including Amariah Brigham, Isaac Ray, John P. Gray, and W. A. Hammond) about the social and moral ramifications of expanding the definition of insanity to include moral insanity. This is an important corrective to a standard view that sees the movement to transform the insanity defense in nineteenth-century America as a rejection of the explanatory power of human depravity in the face of an optimistic understanding of human nature as found in Scottish common sense philosophy. The debate, especially between Ray and Brigham, on the one hand, and Gray, on the other, finally led to a situation in which religious discussions of sin, the will, grace, and the shape of the human self were legally sidelined.
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Crombie, E. James. "Scottish Common Sense in Germany, 1768–1800: A Contribution to the History of Critical PhilosophyManfred Kuehn Kingston and Montréal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1987. xiv + 300 p." Dialogue 29, no. 3 (1990): 453–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300013196.

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BOW, CHARLES BRADFORD. "“JACOBINS” AT PRINCETON: STUDENT RIOTS, RELIGIOUS REVIVALISM, AND THE DECLINE OF ENLIGHTENMENT, 1800–1817." Modern Intellectual History 13, no. 1 (2015): 93–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244315000128.

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This essay considers how American Enlightenment moralists and Evangelical religious revivalists responded to “Jacobinism” at the College of New Jersey, which later became Princeton University, from 1800 through 1817. At this time, disruptive student activities exemplified alleged American “Jacobin” conspiracies against civil society. The American response to “Jacobins” brought out tensions between two different competing intellectual currents at the College of New Jersey: a revival of Christian religious principles led by Princeton trustee Reverend Ashbel Green and, in contrast, the expansion of Samuel Stanhope Smith's system of moral education during his tenure as college president from 1795 through 1812. As a moralist, Smith appealed to Scottish Common Sense philosophy in teaching the instinctive “rules of duty” as a way to correct unrestrained “passions” and moderate “Jacobin” radicalism. In doing so, Smith developed a moral quasi-relativism as an original feature of his moral philosophy and contribution to American Enlightenment intellectual culture. Green and like-minded religious revivalists saw Princeton student uprisings as Smith's failure to properly address irreligion. This essay shows the ways in which “Jacobinism” and then the emerging age of religious revivalism, known as the Second Great Awakening, arrived at the cost of Smith's “Didactic Enlightenment” at Princeton.
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Newberry, Frederick. ""The Artist of the Beautiful": Crossing the Transcendent Divide in Hawthorne's Fiction." Nineteenth-Century Literature 50, no. 1 (1995): 78–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2933874.

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To examine how the narrative structure of "The Artist of the Beautiful" leads up to the climactic moment of the butterfly's appearance is to recognize Hawthorne's endorsement not only of Owen Warland but also, more significantly, of the transcendent power of imagination over the empirical orientation of nineteenth-century America. When the tale is analyzed in relation to its contemporaneously composed counterpart, "Drowne's Wooden Image," it becomes clear that Hawthorne believes that imaginative art can make believers out of observers whose typically no-nonsense version of reality aligns them with Locke and the Scottish Common Sense philosopher. This belief extends to careful readers of Hawthorne, who can, with the help of Wolfgang Iser's work on the fictive and the imaginary, cast aside their dependence on mimesis and allow the momentous butterfly to work its magic.
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Mackinnon, K. A. B. "Giving It All Away? Thomas Reid’s Retreat from a Natural Rights Justification of Private Property." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 6, no. 2 (1993): 367–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s084182090000196x.

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[P]roperty must exist wherever men exist, and…the right to such property is the necessary consequence of the natural right of men to life and liberty.Thomas Reid 1788I proceed therefore to consider in what State or Order of Society there is the least temptation to ill conduct, and I confess that to me the Utopian System of Sir Thomas More seems to have the advantage of all others in this respect. In that System, it is well known there is no private Property. All that which we call Property is under the Administration of the State for the common benefit of the whole political Family.Thomas Reid 1794The few remarks on property that are found in the Essays on the Active Powers of the Human Mind of the eighteenth century Scottish “Common Sense” philosopher, Thomas Reid, have led at least one commentator to treat him as a fairly traditional advocate of the natural right to (private) property, albeit one with a concern for the very poor. In an article on William Paley and the rights of the poor, Thomas Home remarks in passing that Reid’s (and Adam Ferguson's)major concern was to justify natural rights to property and that their interest in the poor was so little that a reader who accidentally skipped a paragraph or a page would miss all they had to say on the topic.
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37

Beiser, Frederick C., and Manfred Kuehn. "Scottish Common Sense in Germany, 1768-1800." Eighteenth-Century Studies 22, no. 4 (1989): 632. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2739099.

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38

Weber, Lina. "Bow, Common Sense in the Scottish Enlightenment." Scottish Historical Review 99, no. 1 (2020): 152–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2020.0446.

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39

Lewis, Douglas, and Lund Forguson. "Common Sense." Noûs 28, no. 2 (1994): 276. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2216057.

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Atkins, John. "Common-sense or non-sense." Philosophical Investigations 15, no. 4 (1992): 346–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9205.1992.tb00254.x.

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Campbell, Keith. "Philosophy and Common Sense." Philosophy 63, no. 244 (1988): 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0031819100043345.

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This paper raises once more the question of the relationship between philosophy on the one hand and common sense on the other. More particularly, it is concerned with the role which common sense can play in passing judgment on the rational acceptability (or otherwise) of large-scale hypotheses in natural philosophy and the cosmological part of metaphysics. There are, as I see it, three stages through which the relationship has passed in the course of the twentieth century. There is the era of G. E. Moore, the Quine–Feyerabend period, and now a new and modest vindication of common sense is emerging in the work of Jerry Fodor.
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42

Davis, William C. "The rise and fall of Scottish common sense realism." British Journal for the History of Philosophy 27, no. 6 (2019): 1254–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09608788.2018.1553772.

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Giladi, Paul. "Hegel’s Philosophy and Common Sense." European Legacy 23, no. 3 (2018): 269–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770.2017.1420285.

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Agassi, Joseph, and John Wettersten. "The philosophy of common sense." Philosophia 17, no. 4 (1987): 421–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02381063.

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Skjönsberg, Max. "Charles Bradford Bow (ed.), Common Sense in the Scottish Enlightenment." Journal of Scottish Philosophy 18, no. 1 (2020): 113–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jsp.2020.0259.

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Baxter, Donald L. M. "Continuity and Common Sense." International Studies in Philosophy 24, no. 3 (1992): 93–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil1992243107.

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Stroll, Avrum. "Foundationalism and Common Sense." Philosophical Investigations 10, no. 4 (1987): 279–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9205.1987.tb00057.x.

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Ness, Arne. "Common-sense And Truth." Theoria 4, no. 1 (2008): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1755-2567.1938.tb00438.x.

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Grange, Joseph, and Robert Cummings Neville. "Metaphysics, Semiotics, and Common Sense." Philosophy East and West 43, no. 2 (1993): 303. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1399619.

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Kline, A. David. "Berkeley’s Theory of Common Sense." International Studies in Philosophy 19, no. 3 (1987): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil198719362.

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