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1

Machaira, Vasiliki. "Sculpture hellénistique." École pratique des hautes études. Section des sciences historiques et philologiques. Livret-Annuaire, no. 145 (September 1, 2014): 94–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/ashp.1588.

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2

Sismondo Ridgway, Brunilde. "Le Laocoon dans la sculpture hellénistique." Revue germanique internationale, no. 19 (January 15, 2003): 13–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rgi.931.

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3

Queyrel, François. "La représentation de la douleur dans la sculpture hellénistique." Pallas, no. 88 (May 15, 2012): 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/pallas.2514.

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4

Kaufmann, Thomas DaCosta. "Representation, Replication, Reproduction: The Legacy of Charles V in Sculpted Rulers' Portraits of the Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Century." Austrian History Yearbook 43 (April 2012): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237811000555.

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All rulers' portraits are, in several senses, forms of representation. In the first and most obvious instance, all portraits epitomize one of the basic functions of visual art as imitation (mimesis). Portraits represent a person by providing his or her likeness. The Renaissance sculptor Vincenzo Danti (1530–1576), a contemporary of the artists discussed here, pointed to this basic mimetic function when he defined one of the fundamental forms of artistic imitation as ritrarre, using a verb related to the Italian word for portrait, ritratto. Because they are works in three dimensions, sculpted portraits may approach this end even more directly, as seen in the sculpted heritage of Charles V that is the subject of this paper. In any case, hyperrealist works of the 1970s and wax sculpture of the past, including a small wax sculpture of Emperor Rudolf II with a favorite hound (London, Victoria and Albert Museum) (see Figure 1), demonstrate that sculpture may make the effort to portray individuals as close to life as possible.
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5

Fullerton, Mark D., and Mary-Anne Zagdoun. "La sculpture archaïsante dans l'art hellénistique et dans l'art romaine du haut-empire." American Journal of Archaeology 94, no. 3 (July 1990): 509. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505823.

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6

BOURGEOIS, Brigitte, and Philippe JOCKEY. "La dorure des marbres grecs. Nouvelle enquête sur la sculpture hellénistique de Délos." Journal des savants 2, no. 1 (2005): 253–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/jds.2005.1695.

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7

Bourgeois, Brigitte. "(Re)peindre, dorer, cirer. La thérapéia en acte dans la sculpture grecque hellénistique." Technè, no. 40 (November 26, 2014): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/techne.3651.

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8

Ramage, Nancy H., and Jane Fejfer. "The Ince Blundell Collection of Classical Sculpture 1: The Portraits; 2: The Roman Male Portraits." American Journal of Archaeology 104, no. 1 (January 2000): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506815.

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9

Vickers, M. "The Ince Blundell Collection of Classical Sculpture, I, The Portraits." Journal of the History of Collections 5, no. 1 (January 1, 1993): 104–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhc/5.1.104.

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10

Lenaghan, Julia. "The Lost shield portraits of Aphrodisias. Reflections on Style and Patronage." Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 30 (March 20, 2019): 189–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/acta.6871.

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The paper re-examines a series of lost shield portraits discovered by Paul Gaudin in Aphrodisias in 1904-1905. It focuses on three aspects of these objects: the technical details of the carving and choice of model (style), the structural specifications (manufacture), and the subject matter (iconography and theme). It endeavors to place these objects in the context of other shield portraits found more recently at Aphrodisias and to evaluate them in light of recent scholarship on late antique sculpture. It stresses the similarities between these shield portraits and others from the site and reflects on possible contexts for the Aphrodisian shield portraits, considering for the first time the possibility that all of these Aphrodisian shield portraits might have come from the same context.
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11

Machaira, Vasiliki. "Un apollon remarquable : analogies thématiques dans la sculpture hellénistique de Rhodes et de Délos." Revue archéologique 58, no. 2 (2014): 285. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/arch.142.0285.

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12

Kleiner, Diana E. E., Jane Fejfer, and Edmund Southworth. "The Ince Blundell Collection of Classical Sculpture I: The Portraits, Pt. 1: Introduction, the Female Portraits, Concordances." American Journal of Archaeology 96, no. 3 (July 1992): 568. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506085.

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13

Hermary, Antoine. "La sculpture en marbre à Chypre à l’époque hellénistique et sous l’Empire : essai de bilan." Cahiers du Centre d'Etudes Chypriotes 39, no. 1 (2009): 153–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cchyp.2009.922.

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14

Simpson, Pamela H. "Butter Sculpture: The History of an Unconventional Medium." Sculpture Review 68, no. 4 (December 2019): 40–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0747528420901917.

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With its roots in ancient food molds and table art for Renaissance banquets, butter sculpture in the United States debuted during the centennial and flourished in the first quarter of the twentieth century. As the dairy industry moved from farm to regional cooperative creameries and eventually to national brands, butter sculpture appeared at fairs and expositions. Both amateur and professional sculptors used this unusual medium for busts and portraits, dairy-related subjects, and models of buildings. The ephemeral nature of the medium and the novelty of food as art drew crowds to exhibits advertising butter as the natural, healthy alternative to oleomargarine.
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15

Honcharuk, Oleksandr. "Portrait sculpture of Lviv on the border of modernism and postmodernism." Bulletin of Lviv National Academy of Arts, no. 41 (December 26, 2019): 25–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37131/2524-0943-2019-41-03.

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Main vectors of develovpment of portrait sculpture in Lviv of 90s of the XX century in the context of the time. Changes, which occured in art, were identified; where new environment is being formed, in which portrait sculpture becomes an object of preservation and transmission of information. It’s proved that visualization of Ukrainian history is mainly due to developments in individual personification of events of prominent leaders of their time. The analysis of a number of sources related to the peculiarities of artistic and critical understanding of complex creative processes specific to Lviv sculpture of the period, was done. Portrait sculpture of Lviv of of 90s of the XX century is a complex of artistic phenomenon, which is rich in innovations and authentic artistic discoveries. Contemporary portrait sculpture is a history and culture of the people and their country, immortalized in stone and bronze. Themes of heroism, patriotism, courage, creative work, love and family prevail in works of Lviv sculptors. Most of masters are turning to the historical past of their land. In the image-structural solutions portraits influenced the previous days, and plastic language primarily focused on traditional solutions. Portrait sculpture of Lviv artists resist to platitudes, engagement, technocracy, contrasting its naturalness, sensitivity and anxiety. Gender theory, which asserts that the very fact the differences are not so important how important their socio-cultural assessment and interpretation, as well as construction of power systems based on these differences, dominated in portrait sculpture of contemporary Lviv artists.
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16

Barr-Sharrar, Beryl, Blanche R. Brown, and Dominique Svenson. "Royal Portraits in Sculpture and Coins: Pyrrhos and the Successors of Alexander the Great." American Journal of Archaeology 103, no. 2 (April 1999): 367. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506765.

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17

Honcharuk, Oleksandr. "A sculptural portrait in the work of Emmanuil Myskо: the evolution of plastic language." Bulletin of Lviv National Academy of Arts, no. 40 (July 1, 2019): 55–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37131/2524-0943-2019-40-7.

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In this article a complex analysis of visual structural features in portraits series of representatives of Ukrainian intellectuals, which was created by E. Myskо. In particular, there were identi ed the speci city of visual interpretations and conceptual foundations of that series in view of professional and personal characteristics portrayed. Except that in this article have been made comparative analysis of the essential series, which displayed the unique character and features of Emmanuil Mysko’s artistic style, his method of working with nature, and especially visual features of pictured characters which are called «living sculpture». Accordingly, the main focus was applied on the representation characteristics of formal-plastic solutions in the sculptures of artist Ivan Muzychko, І.Khoma, M. Labunkа, W. Sternyuk, J. Slipyj. In addition, in this article individualized composition, forming and psychological accents, which was made by E. Mysko in each of these portraits have been noted.
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18

Snežana, Filipova. "Notes About the Commemoration of the Powerful Menin the Medieval Art in Macedonia." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no. 1 (April 30, 2016): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i1.p68-73.

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Rulers’ portraits as symbols of the institution of monarchy were used on coins, legal acts and seals, as a guarantee of authenticity and legal effectiveness. They are usually the highest category of propaganda images. Each civilization has the praxis of representing to a certain extent real or “beatified” image or portrait of the emperor. By adding various symbols of power, like crowns, caps, beard, throne, supendium, chariot, and number of the animals driving it, we are directly observing the image of the most powerful representatives of people, nations, states, empires, era, usually blessed by or alike god(s). Roman emperors preferred to be represented in sculpture, and the copy of the ruling emperor was placed in every city of the Empire. It was roman art and sculpture where actually the portrait was invented in the 2nd century B.C. Sometimes Emperor’s portrait in Byzantium had the status of replacing the real presence of the sovereign. The early portraits of byzantine emperors in monumental art are preserved in St. Vitale in Ravena, where the emperor Justinian I and his wife with ecclesiastical and court dignitaries attend the liturgy.[2], from 1034–1042; the portrait of John II Komnenos and the empress Irene from the beginning of the 12th C.[4] Negr?u says in churches, the images of the rulers expressed the relation of monarchs with God, who gave them the power of monarchy in exchange to undertake the defense of Christian law. The images are addressed to the masses with the purpose to present monarchs as generous donors, as well as ubiquitous authorities.”[6]
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19

Snežana, Filipova. "Notes About the Commemoration of the Powerful Menin the Medieval Art in Macedonia." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 1 (April 30, 2016): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v4i1.p68-73.

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Rulers’ portraits as symbols of the institution of monarchy were used on coins, legal acts and seals, as a guarantee of authenticity and legal effectiveness. They are usually the highest category of propaganda images. Each civilization has the praxis of representing to a certain extent real or “beatified” image or portrait of the emperor. By adding various symbols of power, like crowns, caps, beard, throne, supendium, chariot, and number of the animals driving it, we are directly observing the image of the most powerful representatives of people, nations, states, empires, era, usually blessed by or alike god(s). Roman emperors preferred to be represented in sculpture, and the copy of the ruling emperor was placed in every city of the Empire. It was roman art and sculpture where actually the portrait was invented in the 2nd century B.C. Sometimes Emperor’s portrait in Byzantium had the status of replacing the real presence of the sovereign. The early portraits of byzantine emperors in monumental art are preserved in St. Vitale in Ravena, where the emperor Justinian I and his wife with ecclesiastical and court dignitaries attend the liturgy.[2], from 1034–1042; the portrait of John II Komnenos and the empress Irene from the beginning of the 12th C.[4] Negr?u says in churches, the images of the rulers expressed the relation of monarchs with God, who gave them the power of monarchy in exchange to undertake the defense of Christian law. The images are addressed to the masses with the purpose to present monarchs as generous donors, as well as ubiquitous authorities.”[6]
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20

Becker, Karin, and Geska Helena Brečević. "More Than a Portrait: Framing the Photograph as Sculpture and Video Animation." Membrana Journal of Photography, Vol. 3, no. 2 (2018): 48–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.47659/m5.048.art.

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This essay traces the resurrection of the fotoescultura, a three-dimensional photographic portrait popular in rural Mexico in the early 20th century, as interpreted in recent works by Performing Pictures, a contemporary Swedish artist duo. The early fotoesculturas were an augmented form of portraiture, commissioned by family members who supplied photographs that artisans in Mexico City converted into framed sculptural portraits for display on family altars. We compare these »traditional« photographic objects with “new” digital forms of video animation on screen and in the public space that characterize Performing Pictures work, and explore how the fotoescultura inspired new incarnations of their series Men that Fall. At the intersection between the material aspects of a “traditional” vernacular art form and “new” media art, we identify a photographic aesthetic that shifts from seeing and perceiving to physical engagement, and discuss how the frame and its parergon augment the photographic gaze. The essay is accompanied by photos and video stills from Performing Pictures’ film poem Dreaming the Memories of Now (2018), depicting their work with the fotoesculturas. Keywords: fotoesculturas, frame, parergon, vernacular photography, videoart
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21

Ashton, R. "Notice. Royal portraits in sculpture and coins: Pyrrhos and the successors of Alexander the Great. BR Brown." Classical Review 47, no. 1 (January 1, 1997): 226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/47.1.226.

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22

Soroka, A. "THE PROSOPOGRAPHICAL ANALYSIS OF MITHRIDATES VI EUPATOR’S INNER CIRCLE (BASED ON MATERIALS OF THE MONUMENT OF MITHRIDATES, DELOS)." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 136 (2018): 67–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.136.1.14.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of Pontic king Mithridates VI Eupator’s closest associates in the period of preparation for confrontation with Rome and is based on materials of the Monument of Mithridates in the sanctuary of the Samothracian Gods which was constructed in 101-102 B.C. on the island of Delos. The sculptural portraits of 12 persons and a king’s sculpture are represented at the Monument of Mithridates. However, we are able to make precise investigation of only 8 portraits and inscriptions because of destruction the other ones. At the article it is depicted the reasons of the Monument’s construction, which had based in dissemination of Pontic kingdom’s political and cultural influence in the Aegean Sea and establishment of allied connections and commemoration of the king’s power. An internal characteristics of the Monument and the history of its investigation by French School at Athens and by the modern scientists are determined. The article represents information upon narrative ancient sources, archaeological and epigraphical sources. The content of inscriptions and importance of 8 persons (childhood friends and soldiers Gaius, Dorilaus Philetaerus, Diophantus, the kings Ariarathes VII, Antiochus VIII and Mithridates ІІ, fiduciaries Asklepiodorus and Papius), whose portraits were set up in the Monument of Mithridates, in private life, domestic policy and military campaign of Mithridates VI against Roman Republic are analysed. The methodological base includes approaches of comparison, analysis, synthesis and principles of historicism, sequence, complexity.
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23

Marian, Ana. "Modeling techniques and plastic methods in the creation of Moldovan sculptural portraits." Arta 30, no. 1 (August 2021): 80–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.52603/arta.2021.30-1.12.

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“In many respects the expressiveness of sculpture depends on the correspondence between the idea and material,” wrote the great Russian sculptor S.T. Konenkov. This undeniable truth determined the nature of this research, in which we set out to trace how modeling techniques contributed to plastic methods, to what extent the idea of a sculptural work was brought to life with the help of skillfully processed material. So, regardless of the material and technique chosen by the author, a sculptural portrait presupposes the presence of classical research as a shape, volume, texture and last but not least, psychological expressiveness. Sculptural portraits are not viable without a complex psychological interpretation. Thus, the choice made by the sculptor in favor of this or that technique, this or that material becomes important. The ideas of the work and the final results are foreseen by the author since the execution of the drawing or sketch in clay or plasticine. Thus, an idea originally conceived in the form of a sketch follows a complicated and winding path until it reaches the final phase. And the skillful embodiment of the initial idea depends only on the skills of the sculptor, and there are many techniques for creating a work, from which the master chooses the best one.
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24

Saviţkaia-Baraghin, Iarîna. "5. Bessarabian in the Modern Engraving Constitution and Interference with its European Art." Review of Artistic Education 12, no. 2 (March 1, 2016): 199–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rae-2016-0024.

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Abstract Runing the new century (XX) attests in Bessarabian art, the experience of several decades of professional artistic activity (the first Evening School of Drawing appears in Chisinau in 1887 and is due scholar Academy of Arts in St. Petersburg, Terinte Zubcu). Such short experience has not met any of the neighboring countries' national schools. In Bessarabia from the beginning of the twentieth century is established the main areas of professional art – painting- with remarkable portraits, landscapes, genre paintings; sculpture with respective genres; stampa as a kind of graphics. Marked by the period and by the influences of art schools, where Bessarabians have studied, it is clear that in painting and sculpture and graphics in the first round, have dominated peredvizhnik influences their color and monochrome theme. Guidelines of Bessarabian plastic artists in the development phase of modern art, is the decisive moment of establishment of the Bessarabian engraving as a kind of professional art, marked by tendencies that have appeared in European art and Russian at the limit of nineteenth and twentieth centuries, such as Expressionism in the works of Sneer Cogan, George Ceglocof and Art 1900 in the works of Theodor Kiriacoff, Elisabeth Ivanovsky or Moissey Kogan.
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25

Smith, R. R. R. "The Public Image of Licinius I: Portrait Sculpture and Imperial Ideology in the Early Fourth Century." Journal of Roman Studies 87 (November 1997): 170–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/301374.

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Ancient history, it could be said, is composed of long and broad bands of unchanging social and political culture, punctuated in the upper levels by periods of upheaval and re-orientation. Ancient art works document and make visible both aspects: numbing continuity and static production on the one hand and sudden shifts and sharp turns in representation on the other. This paper takes as an example one of those periods of highly-charged visual re-orientation, the early fourth century A.D., and is intended as an alternative to the discussion and explanation of ancient images in this period in terms of artistic and formal processes. It aims to set an unusual and fat-faced late antique portrait (Pl. I) in its proper context alongside the thin-faced portraits of a better known figure (Pl. XII), and looks at the wider implications of this for the interpretation of imperial portrait sculpture as a significant expression of political ideology. The leanfaced man is Constantine, the other it will be argued is Licinius.
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26

Sands, Kathleen R. "Word and Sign in Elizabethan Conflicts with the Devil." Albion 31, no. 2 (1999): 238–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000062724.

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Gloriana, Britomart, Astraea, Belphoebe, the Sun in Splendor, England’s Moses, the new Deborah, the Phoenix—Elizabeth I possessed a generous wardrobe of public personas. Monarchy, chastity, divinity, and other intangibles played in the early modern mind as images, personifications, embodiments—the invisible rendered visible. As Clifford Geertz has observed, the Elizabethan imagination was “allegorical, Protestant, didactic, and pictorial; it lived on moral abstractions cast into emblems.” These emblems were culturally ubiquitous, appearing in books and broadsides, painted and carved portraits, architecture, tapestry, jewelry and clothing, armor and weapons, monumental funerary sculpture, wall and ceiling decoration. University students neglected Aristotle in favor of fashionable continental emblem books, and the taste for embellishing houses with emblems extended from the monarchy and aristocracy to the landed gentry and the rising middle class. Peter Daly stresses the psychological impact of emblems on the early modern mind when he observes that emblems were “as immediately and graphically present in this period as illustrated advertising is today.”
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27

Paulová, Eva. "Prague Spring in the Drawings of Karel Otáhal." Musicalia 8, no. 1-2 (2016): 13–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/muscz-2017-0001.

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This study reports on interesting holdings in the musical iconography collection of the Czech Museum of Music. Drawings by the sculptor Karel Otáhal (1901–1972) that are related to music and musicians were created for the most part at concerts of the Prague Spring festival between 1946 and 1969. He had already begun making portraits of musicians by the end of his studies, when he created a sculpture of Jan Kubelík. His works are a specific expression of portrait realism and of the ability to capture the typical movement and characteristics of the person depicted. He met in person with musicians, and his drawings bear valuable dedications and commemorative musical quotations by important figures of Czech and foreign music. Unlike the other creators of such drawings, he was merely an enthusiastic observer, but not a caricaturist. Otáhal’s drawings serve as a unique source on the history and dramaturgy of the Prague Spring festival, including its politicization in the 1950s.
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28

Bruyn, J. "Over het 16de en 17de-eeuwse portret in de Nederlanden als memento mori." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 105, no. 4 (1991): 244–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501791x00146.

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AbstractThe two sides of the current debate on the nature of 16th- and 17h-century realism are represented by an interpretation based on the recognition of familiar psychological and social factors on the one hand, and one which is averse to all empathy and endcavours to trace the intellectual process that determined function and meaning of images in the past on the other hand. This formulation of the problem also bears on portraiture, to which certain recent interpretations have assigned the significance of sociological documcnts. It is argued here that the portrait, too, had its place in the metaphorically structured and religiously orientated thought that still played a dominant role in the 17th century. Closely linked with the portrait's primary function - which is to perpetuate the memory of the sitter- is the reminder of death and transience cncountered in many (not all!) portraits. In a Family Group painted in 1661 by Jan Mytens in Dublin (fig. 1), the father points to two figurcs on the left who arc obviously deceased (as the papaver comniferum in front of them probably indicates). The piece of paper in his pointing hand is a frequent attribute of sitters in early sixteenth-century portraits, rolled up or folded (fig. 2). Seventeenth-century texts and a large number of vanitas still lifes (fig. 3) suggest that the motif was a symbol of transience: it is in this capacity that it was still being used a century ago in tomb sculpture (together with a skull) (fig. 4). The early sixteenth century saw not only the introduction of the sheet of paper but of a number of other motives which endowed the by now autonomous portrait with a religious meaning and which, together with more familiar symbols such as the skull, hourglass and carnation, alluded to the transience of earthly existcncc and the hope of eternal life. Some of them were only occasionally used, others (like the sheet of papicr) maintained their status as fixed items in the iconographic tradition. They include: - the glove (figs. 5 and 7): a frequently used motif (chiefly, but not exclusively, in male portraits) whose meaning the rejection of the false illusion of eartly existence and the search for truc life in the hereafter becomes only apparent from a relatively late printed source; - the cast shadow (fig. 7), which features in various biblical texts as an image of earthly transience and in the 16th and 17th centuries (in portraits, as well as genre scenes and still lifcs) was clearly understood as such; - musical instruments (fig. 8), which not only suggested the harmony of married life but also, due to their short lived sounds, were used as a vanitas motif in portraits and still lifes; - sumptuous architecture (fig. 8), which recalled the wealth of the rich man in Luke 12 and hence, again, the brief enjoyment of earthly possessions. Used less often, but with similar implications, were: - the butterfly (notes 42-44); - the vase of flowers (fig. 9); - the broken column (fig. 10). The meaning of the frequently occurring intact column, sometimes in combination with a curtain is still unclear. Even quite late in the 17th century a new motif was introduced in portraits to express he old vanitas idea: the waterfall, which notably in works by Jacob van Ruisdael had developed into an accepted vanitas motif (fig. 11).
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Bradley, Mark. "OBESITY, CORPULENCE AND EMACIATION IN ROMAN ART." Papers of the British School at Rome 79 (October 31, 2011): 1–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246211000018.

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This article explores the significance of sculptural and painted representations of ‘overweight’ and ‘underweight’ body types in the visual culture of Roman Italy from the fourth centurybcthrough to the late Empire, and considers the relationship of this imagery to Greek and Hellenistic precedents. In spite of the topical character of fat in 21st-century sociology, anthropology and medical science, obesity and emaciation in the ancient world remain almost completely unexplored. This article sets out to examine the relationship of fat and thin bodies to power, wealth, character and behaviour, and seeks to identify patterns and continuities in the iconography of fleshiness and slenderness across a stretch of several hundred years. Such bodies could be evaluated in a number of different ways, and this article exposes the diverse — and sometimes contradictory — responses to body fat in the art and culture of the Roman world. It first examines the significance of obesity and emaciation in language, literature and medicine, and then discusses visual representations under three headings: ‘Fertility’; ‘The marginal and the ridiculous’, examining the relationship between body fat, humour and figures at the edge of civilized society; and ‘Portraits’, exploring fat and thin in the portraiture of real-life individuals in the realms of philosophy, Hellenistic rulership, Etruscan funerary art and Roman public sculpture.
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Burrus, Sean P. "A Jewish Child’s Portrait? The Kline Sarcophagus of Monteverde and Jewish Funerary Portraiture in Rome." Images 10, no. 1 (December 14, 2017): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18718000-12340077.

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Abstract This article examines the evidence for the use of portrait sculpture on sarcophagi belonging to members of the Jewish community of Rome. The use of the “learned figure” motif, commonly employed in Roman sarcophagus portraiture and by Jewish patrons, is highlighted, and possible creative appropriations of the trope in Jewish contexts are raised. It is further argued that, among Jewish sarcophagus patrons, the decision to include funerary portraiture went hand in hand with the decision to adopt popular and conventional Roman styles and motifs, and to engage Roman cultural and visual resources. In other words, Jewish patrons who chose sarcophagi with portraits also seem to have been the readiest to make use of the visual resources of Roman funerary culture to orchestrate self-narratives on their sarcophagi. Finally, it is cautioned that while the limited examples (five) suggest a mastery of Roman culture and a correspondingly high degree of acculturation among certain Jewish patrons, we should be wary of reading such sarcophagi as evidence of certain Jews abandoning a Jewish identity in favor of a Roman one—or the Jewish community in favor of the Roman polis and its civic structures—as narratives of funerary art never capture the totality of the deceased’s identity.
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31

Welker, Lorenz. "New light on Oswald von Wolkenstein: central European traditions and Burgundian polyphony." Early Music History 7 (October 1987): 187–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127900000589.

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As a person, Oswald von Wolkenstein (1375/8–1445) is a more tangible figure than almost any of his contemporaries. The numerous extant biographical documents enable us to trace his life in minute detail. His autobiographical songs reveal him as a widely travelled knight, a liegeman of his king, but also as a poet and singer performing his own works. His travels took him not only to distant countries but also to places of political importance within the empire – to the Council at Constance, the Reichstag at Nuremberg and Ulm, the royal court at Pressburg, the Council at Basle. Four portraits and a sculpture tell us what he looked like: robust in physique, and with his right eye missing. The numerous reports of quarrels with his neighbours, bishop and duke give the impression of an irascible, pugnacious character. Nonetheless he is one of the greatest Germanic poets of the late Middle Ages (possibly even the ‘most significant lyric poet writing in German between Walther von der Vogelweide and Goethe’, as Ulrich Miiller put it). He was, moreover, a poet with an exceptional flair for combining his words with music. And something else that makes him unique in the German-speaking world is the fact that his works have been handed down as a self-contained collection, in manuscripts devoted to him alone.
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Pilson, Dana. "Margaret French Cresson at Chesterwood." Sculpture Review 70, no. 2 (June 2021): 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/07475284211025395.

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Margaret French Cresson (1889-1973) was the daughter of famed American sculptor Daniel Chester French (1850-1931), who is well-known for his Minute Man in Concord, Massachusetts, and his seated figure of Abraham Lincoln for the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, DC. Cresson was also a sculptor—she studied with her father, collaborated with him on works, and later became successful in the area of portraiture. Both father and daughter were active members of the National Sculpture Society, serving in leadership positions and contributing works to exhibitions. French and his family lived in New York City and spent their summers at Chesterwood, in Stockbridge, Massachusetts. Here, French built a modern studio and a comfortable residence, and he designed lush gardens and paths through the woods. After his death, Cresson inherited the site, and she worked to preserve her father’s legacy by preserving his Studio, amassing a collection of his works, and creating a museum at Chesterwood, now a site of the National Trust for Historic Preservation. Many of her works are in the Chesterwood collection as well. To honor Cresson’s preservation efforts and her talent as a sculptor, this season Chesterwood will exhibit some of her most successful portraits in the Studio. Next year, a full-scale exhibition of her work will be presented throughout the site.
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Смирнов, Святослав Викторович. "“TALKING HEADS”: MODES OF NARRATIVENESS OF THE ROYAL HELLENISTIC COIN PORTRAITURE." ΠΡΑΞΗMΑ. Journal of Visual Semiotics, no. 2(24) (July 27, 2020): 251–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.23951/2312-7899-2020-2-251-266.

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В статье проводится анализ нарративного потенциала царского монетного портрета эпохи эллинизма. В отличие от портретов в скульптуре, на мозаиках и фресках, монетный портрет занимает в системе классического искусствоведения подчиненное положение и чаще служит в качестве вспомогательного средства для идентификации портретов в других изобразительных жанрах. Между тем появление и тиражирование монетного портрета, снабженного индивидуальными чертами, в период раннего эллинизма свидетельствует о переходе от коллективного (полисного) сознания к индивидуальному (монархическому). Для эллинистических государств портрет правителя на монете являлся не просто главным средством политической пропаганды, но и визуальным воплощением царской власти. Особое значение при исследовании царского монетного портрета имеет анализ эстетических и физиогномических теорий Аристотеля и перипатетиков, оказавших большое влияние на философию искусства эпохи эллинизма. Тело как единая знаковая система становится важным инструментом визуального нарратива, использовавшегося государством в целях репрезентации образа правителя и власти. Трактат «Физиогномика», написанный неизвестным последователем Аристотеля, демонстрирует яркие параллели с некоторым художественными приемами, широко использовавшимися художниками периода эллинизма: «томный» взгляд Александра, вьющиеся волосы царей, анастоле. Одним из центральных мотивов «Физиогномики» является так называемый «львиный стиль», подчеркивающий мужество и благородство. Элементы «львиного стиля» можно обнаружить в портретах Александра, а затем и в монетных изображениях многочисленных эллинистических правителей, подражавших образу Александра. Царский монетный портрет выполнялся в соответствии со строгим иконографическим каноном, где важное место занимал декорум. Так, известны несколько вариантов царского портрета (в диадеме, кавсии, шлеме, шкуре льва, лучистой короне и головном уборе в виде головы слона), каждый из которых обладал собственным символизмом. Весьма важным аспектом изучения нарративности монетного портрета является соотношение текста легенды и изображения. В монетном деле восточно-эллинистических монархий в период эллинизма происходит одновременно процесс художественной деградации портрета и увеличение текста легенды за счет включения божественных эпитетов правителя. Данный процесс демонстрирует смещение визуально-текстовых приоритетов: от имплицитного характера изобразительного нарратива к эксплицитному. Еще одним элементом художественного нарратива является изображение правителя в образе божества. Эта тенденция является отражением развивавшегося в эллинистическом мире культа правителя. Визуализированный вариант образа обожествленного монарха широко тиражировался на монетах. The present paper focuses on analysis of narrative of the Hellenistic royal portraits depicted on coins. Unlike most of the portraits in sculpture, mosaics and frescoes, coin portrait has traditionally received only an additional scholarly attention. Coin portraits were usually integrated into research as an optional means to identify portraits of other visual genres. However, the representation and replication of coin portrait with individual traits in the Early Hellenistic period shows the shift from the collective (polis) mind to the individual (monarchy). For Hellenistic kingdoms, the royal coin portrait was not only a key tool of the political propaganda, but also a visual representation of the kingship. For the study of royal coin portrait, the analysis of aesthetics and physiognomic theories of Aristotle and Peripatetics is of a great importance. The Aristotelian heritage highly influenced the Hellenistic art and was of a great importance for all artists. The body as a single sign system becomes an important means of visual narrative exploited by the power for creating positive image of the king and kingship. The ‘Physiognomy’, attributed to unknown follower of Aristotle, reveals some striking parallels with artistic devices, widely used by Hellenistic artists - ‘melting’ eye of Alexander, curly hairstyle of kings, anastole. One of the key motifs of ‘Physiognomy’ was a so-called ‘lion’ style, which indicated virtue and generosity. Some traits of this ‘lion’ style could be found in the Alexander’s portraits and then in the coin portraits of many Hellenistic kings, who to some extend imitated the image of Alexander. The royal coin portrait was made under a strict iconographic canon, where the decorum was important. Thus, it is well known some variations of royal coin portrait – in a diadem, in a helmet, in a kausia, in lion and elephant skin and in a radiate crown. Each of this headwear has its own symbolism. An important aspect of the study is a correlation between legend and image. For the Eastern Hellenistic coinage the process of artistic degradation of coin portrait and simultaneous process of growth of the legend occurs. This process shows a shift of visual and textual priorities from implicit nature of visual narrative to explicit one. Another component of the artistic narrative is a presentation of a ruler as a goddess. This tendency represents a ruler cult, which was widely developed in Hellenism. The visualized image of deified king was widely depicted on coins.
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Queyrel, François. "Iconographie hellénistique : pour une méthodologie des identifications [À propos de Marie-Louise Vollenweider, avec la collaboration de Mathilde Avisseau-Broustet, Camées et intailles, I, Les portraits grecs du Cabinet des médailles. Catalogue raisonné.]." Revue numismatique 6, no. 152 (1997): 429–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/numi.1997.2147.

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Rees, Roger. "Images and Image: a Re-Examination of Tetrarchic Iconography." Greece and Rome 40, no. 2 (October 1993): 181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500022774.

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Consideration of Tetrarchic portraiture has usually focused on the extant porphyry sculptures (plates 2, 6, 7, 9, and 10). This was perhaps inevitable, since the arresting eyes of the Cairo bust or the stubby legs of the Vatican groups are certainly curious. Few scholars have resisted the temptation to pronounce their aesthetic judgement (and why not?), but none has been as caustic as Bernard Berenson who saw in them ‘the meanest symptoms of decay’, an effect into which the sculptor had ‘simply blundered and stumbled’. Berenson's book and many of the other academic works which refer to the porphyry sculptures address the wider issue of style and, in particular, stylistic change in Late Antiquity. They cite the same art, but draw a range of conclusions: L'Orange proposes parallels between style and the structure of society; Kitzinger suggests a conscious approximation to a ‘sub-antique’ style; and Bandinelli sees the porphyry work as exceptional, specialized and short-lived. Without neglecting the porphyry sculpture, the present essay aims to consider the whole range of surviving portraits and to make sense of them within the relatively narrow field of Tetrarchic ideology. This necessarily involves the question of style and, therefore, has points of contact with the above ideas. However, the present study is primarily ‘internal’, drawing together images diverse in form and location. Patterns are soon apparent, but the Tetrarchy had to establish its ideological stability and credibility if the government were to endure. It collapsed quickly (A.D. 284–311), but in this respect, Tetrarchic portraiture offers a good example of the power of art to manipulate its audience by instilling belief.
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Zsófia, Vargyas. "Alaricustól Szent Henrik császárig. Giovanni Bonazza és műhelye szétszóródott domborműsorozata Jankovich Miklós gyűjteményéből." Művészettörténeti Értesítő 69, no. 1 (December 23, 2020): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/080.2020.00007.

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The Sculpture Collection in the Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest has been enriched in recent years with twenty-one marble portrait reliefs carved by Giovanni Bonazza (1654–1736) and his workshop. Fifteen reliefs were transferred within the institution and six were purchased from a private collection, but the identical creator and size, the uniform plaster framing and the themes of seventeen pieces – portraits of Italian rulers in the period of great migrations and the early Middle Ages – made it perfectly clear that they are pieces of a relief series scattered at an unknown date. The four “character heads” without caption, which deviate in theme from the series, are typical items of Venetian baroque sculpture.The search for the provenance of the reliefs led the author to the collector and art patron Miklós Jankovich (1773–1846), who possessed sixty-two marble reliefs (or sixty-four in later sources) which represented – to quote the collection inventories ‘Hunnish, Goth, Longobard kings and their successors who reigned in Italy after the Roman emperors’ from Alaric to emperor Saint Henry. Jankovich probably bought the series from the heirs of István Marczibányi after his death in 1810. In 1836 it passed into the National Museum as part of the first Jankovich collection. The inventorying of the paintings and sculptures in the Jankovich collection was interrupted by the great flood of Pest in spring 1838, and that must be the cause why the relief series was not included in the stock of the museum and its provenance got gradually forgotten. In 1924 the reliefs kept in the repository of the Collection of Antiquities as “insignificant items for the museum” not belonging to its collecting profile began to be sorted out. Thirty items were auctioned off in the Ernst Museum, twenty pieces were exchanged with László Mautner, an antiquities dealer in Budapest for an array of archaeological and historical objects. In the National Museum eleven portraits of kings and four character heads remained, delivered as “remnant” of the Historical Collection to the Museum of Fine Arts in 1943, from where they were transferred to the Hungarian National Gallery in 1957. The relief series from Giovanni Bonazza’s workshop once in the Jankovich collection must have been the only complete series of kings (though only known from second-hand information) which was carved after the book of engravings by the historian Emanuele Tesauro of Turin, Del regno d’Italia sotto I barbari, published in Turin in 1664. Its dispersion is an irretrievable loss.
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Zsófia, Vargyas. "Alaricustól Szent Henrik császárig. Giovanni Bonazza és műhelye szétszóródott domborműsorozata Jankovich Miklós gyűjteményéből." Művészettörténeti Értesítő 69, no. 1 (December 23, 2020): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/080.2020.00007.

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The Sculpture Collection in the Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest has been enriched in recent years with twenty-one marble portrait reliefs carved by Giovanni Bonazza (1654–1736) and his workshop. Fifteen reliefs were transferred within the institution and six were purchased from a private collection, but the identical creator and size, the uniform plaster framing and the themes of seventeen pieces – portraits of Italian rulers in the period of great migrations and the early Middle Ages – made it perfectly clear that they are pieces of a relief series scattered at an unknown date. The four “character heads” without caption, which deviate in theme from the series, are typical items of Venetian baroque sculpture.The search for the provenance of the reliefs led the author to the collector and art patron Miklós Jankovich (1773–1846), who possessed sixty-two marble reliefs (or sixty-four in later sources) which represented – to quote the collection inventories ‘Hunnish, Goth, Longobard kings and their successors who reigned in Italy after the Roman emperors’ from Alaric to emperor Saint Henry. Jankovich probably bought the series from the heirs of István Marczibányi after his death in 1810. In 1836 it passed into the National Museum as part of the first Jankovich collection. The inventorying of the paintings and sculptures in the Jankovich collection was interrupted by the great flood of Pest in spring 1838, and that must be the cause why the relief series was not included in the stock of the museum and its provenance got gradually forgotten. In 1924 the reliefs kept in the repository of the Collection of Antiquities as “insignificant items for the museum” not belonging to its collecting profile began to be sorted out. Thirty items were auctioned off in the Ernst Museum, twenty pieces were exchanged with László Mautner, an antiquities dealer in Budapest for an array of archaeological and historical objects. In the National Museum eleven portraits of kings and four character heads remained, delivered as “remnant” of the Historical Collection to the Museum of Fine Arts in 1943, from where they were transferred to the Hungarian National Gallery in 1957. The relief series from Giovanni Bonazza’s workshop once in the Jankovich collection must have been the only complete series of kings (though only known from second-hand information) which was carved after the book of engravings by the historian Emanuele Tesauro of Turin, Del regno d’Italia sotto I barbari, published in Turin in 1664. Its dispersion is an irretrievable loss.
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Kiseleva, N. A. "Deltiological Collection of Pskov Professor Yury Mukhin." Observatory of Culture 15, no. 3 (August 19, 2018): 321–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/2072-3156-2018-15-3-321-329.

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Every year the Pskov State University hosts the International scientifi c and practical conference “Mukhin readings”, which received its name in honor of the Doctor of psychological Sciences, Honorary Professor of the Department of pedagogics and psychology Yury Mikhailovich Mukhin. He would have turned 95 on July 24, 2018. He devoted many years of his life to the search and systematization of art postcards with the images of masterpieces of world art, which he used in scientifi c and pedagogical activities. The famous collection of Y.M. Mukhin includes more than 12 500 postcards; 10 994 of them were donated by the widow of the scientist to the Pskov regional universal scientifi c library (PRUSB), where they are now kept in the Department of literature on culture and art, as well as in the Regional Center for work with rare and valuable documents of PRUSB. The article describes the content and value of this collection, the main part of which is devoted to paintings, but there are series of postcards with graphics, engravings, sculpture, jewelry, arts and crafts, book illustrations and miniatures, photos, etc. The cards represent a wide variety of pictorial genres: portraits, landscapes, still life, as well as historical, military, religious, domestic genre scenes. You can see here the paintings by famous Russian and foreign artists, as well as works of little-known and unknown authors. The presented reproductions demonstrate the values that the world’s largest galleries and museums have, covering historical periods from ancient times to the end of the 20th century, and acquaint with the paintings, on which many generations were brought up. Truly, the collection of Y.M. Mukhin is the pride of the people of Pskov and is the unique encyclopedia of art, the art world in miniature.
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Agratina, Elena E. "Jean-Honoré Fragonard: The New in the Notions of “Sketchiness” and “Completeness”." Observatory of Culture 18, no. 2 (May 31, 2021): 174–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/2072-3156-2021-18-2-174-185.

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The second half of the 18th century was a time of active changes in the perception of art, rethinking many concepts and phenomena. One of them was the pictorial sketch, which transformed from a preparatory stadium work into an independent, complete piece of art. Many art theorists and critics, as well as painters themselves had contributed to this rethinking. Many young artists, bored of historical painting and indifferent to all the academic principles, were searching for new media of expressiveness, using the sketch-like pictorial manner to give their works a new dynamism and an impression of “easy production”. The article is dedicated to J.-H. Fragonard (1732—1806), an artist in whose works the “sketchiness” became a conscious artistic method used in small-format pieces, in large-scale canvases, and even in panels. The use of such a technique in grand scale works is considered to be an extreme unconventionality, which, however, was not appreciated by Fragonard’s contemporaries and even by scholars of the next two centuries. Fragonard’s series of ‘Fantasy Portraits’ attracted enough investigators’ attention, but his series ‘Progress of Love’ has only recently begun to be recognized by researchers as an unusual and bold for that time artistic experience. Based on the analysis of the artist’s selected works, the author builds her original research, designed to highlight Fragonard’s special role in the evolution of art on the way from the Modern Period to Contemporary History. The relevance of the present article is caused by too little examination of this topic: minimal in Russia and relatively small in France. Besides consultation with research literature, this required the author to constantly directly refer to the 18th-century sources, such as treatises by art connoisseurs and scholars, art criticism, and catalogues of exhibitions arranged by the Royal Academy of Painting and Sculpture or the Académie de Saint-Luc.
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Srhoj, Vinko. "Ivan Meštrović i politika kao prostor ahistorijskog idealizma." Ars Adriatica, no. 4 (January 1, 2014): 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.509.

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Meštrović’s political activity, reflected in his sculpture and architecture, was closely tied to the idea of a political union of the South Slavs which culminated on the eve of and during the First World War. As a political idealist and a person who always emphasized that he was first and foremost an artist, Meštrović had no inclination for classic political activism which meant that he was not interested in belonging to any contemporary political faction. Since his political activism was not tied to a specific political party and since, unlike the politicians with whom he socialized, he did not have a prior political life, Meštrović cannot be defined either as a supporter Ante Starčević and an HSS man, or as a unionist Yugoslav and royalist. He was passionate about politics, especially during the time when the idea about a single South Slavic state took centre stage in politics, and he actively promoted this idea through his contacts with politicians, kings, cultural workers, and artists. He never acted as a classic politician or a political negotiator on behalf of a political party but as an artist who used his numerous local, regional and international acquaintances for the promotion of a political interest, that is, of a universal political platform of the entire Croatian nation as part of a Slavic ethno-political framework. Even within the political organization he himself founded, the Yugoslav Committee, Meštrović did not present a developed political manifesto but, being an artist and an intellectual, ‘encouraged the ideology behind the idea of unification through his activism and especially through his works’ (N. Machiedo Mladinić). The very fact that he was not a professional politician enabled him to ‘learn directly about some of the intentions of the political decision makers at informal occasions he attended as a distinguished artist, particularly in those situations when a direct involvement of political figures would have been impossible due to diplomatic concerns’ (D. Hammer Tomić). For example, he was the first to learn from the report of the French ambassador to Italy Camillo Barrera that Italy would be rewarded for joining the Entente forces by territorial expansion in Dalmatia. Equally known is Meštrović’s attitude towards the name of the committee because, unlike Trumbić and Supilo, he did not hesitate to use the word ‘Yugoslav’ in the name. He believed that a joint Yugoslav platform would render Croatian interests stronger in the international arena and that this would not happen had the committee featured ‘Croatian’ in its name and even less so if it started acting under the name of wider Serbia as Pašić suggested. Meštrović’s political disappointment in the idea of Yugoslavia went hand in hand with the distancing of Croatian and Serbian politics which followed the political unification. The increasing rift between him and the Yugoslav idea was becoming more and more obvious after the assassinations of Stjepan Radić and Aleksandar Karađorđević between the two Wars. His reserve towards the Republic of Yugoslavia, augmented by his political hatred of communism, was such that Meštrović never seriously considered going back to his native country and after his death, he did not leave his art works to the state but to the Croatian people. This article focuses on the most politicized phase in Meštrović’s work when he even changed the titles of the art works between displays at two different exhibitions: the works that bore the neutral names, such as ‘a shrine’, ‘a girl’, or ‘a hero’, at the 1910 exhibition of the Secession Group in Vienna were given the names of the heroes of the Battle of Kosovo the very next year and displayed as such in the pavilion of the Kingdom of Serbia at the exhibition in Rome. Special attention was given to the idea of the Vidovdan shrine, a secular temple to the Yugoslav idea, and the so-called Kosovo fragments intended to decorate it. The heightened controversy surrounds the sculpture and architectural projects Meštrović created during the period in which his political activism in the Yugoslav political and cultural arena was at its peak and he himself did not hide the intention to contribute to the political programme with his art works. This is why critical remarks which were expressed against or in favour of Meštrović’s sculpture during the early twentieth century are inseparable from the contrasting opinions about the political ideas from the turbulent time surrounding the First World War, and all of this, being a consequence of Meštrović’s political engagement, pulled him as a person into the political arena of the Croatian, Serbian and Yugoslav cause. The closest connection between Meštrović’s sculpture, architecture and politics occurred during his work on the Vidovdan shrine and the so-called Kosovo fragments. At the same time, there was a marked difference between Meštrović’s architecture which is eclectic and referential in its style and bears no political message, and sculpture which strongly personified the political programme based on the Battle of Kosovo and expressed in monumental athletic figures. Meštrović opposed the desire of the political establishment to depict his figures in national costumes so that they may witness ‘historical truth’ and, instead, continued with his idea of universal values and not historical and political particularism. Believing that only the passage of time could assess the historical protagonists best, he deemed that some of them would vanish while the others would remain, ‘so to speak, naked’ and acquire ‘supernatural dimensions’ (I.Meštrović). By depicting his figures as having torsos stripped of any sign of national identity, Meštrović wanted to provide them with a ‘general human meaning and not a specific one of this or that tribe’ (I.Meštrović). Aside from the Vidovdan Shrine and the Kosovo Fragments, the article discusses a number of other works onto which Meštrović grafted a political programme such as the Mausoleum of Njegoš on Mount Lovćen, the funerary chapel of Our Lady of the Angels at Cavtat, the equestrian reliefs of King Petar Karađorđević and ban Petar Berislavić, and the sculptures of the Indians at Chicago as ‘ahistorical’ pinnacles of his monumental Art Deco sculpture. The article argues that, based on the consideration of Meštrović’s ‘political’ sculpture, it can be said that the best achievements are found in the works in which political agendas and historical evocations (for example the caryatids, kings and bans, and even the portraits of Nikola Tesla and Ruđer Bošković) gave way to the naked ahistorical physis of a number of Kosovo heroes, female allegorical figures and, most of all, the pinnacle of the Art Deco equestrian sculptures of the Chicago Indians. What matters in the Chicago statues is the contraction of the muscles which accompany the movements of the Bowman and the Spearman and not the type of their weapons which are absent anyway, because this feature indicates that Meštrović focused on what he was best at: the naked human body relieved of the burden of costume, signs of civilization, and the pomp of political, ideological and historical attributes. This is why the politics of Meštrović’s sculpture is at its strongest when it is at its most general or, in other words, when it embodies an ideal and not a political pragmatism or a specific historical reality.
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Кукіль, Л. Л. "АНТРОПОМОРФНІ ОБРАЗИ МАСКАРОНІВ У ЛЬВІВСЬКІЙ АРХІТЕКТУРНО-ДЕКОРАТИВНІЙ ПЛАСТИЦІ ХІХ – ПОЧАТКУ ХХ СТОЛІТТЯ." Art and Design, no. 3 (November 13, 2020): 78–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.30857/2617-0272.2020.3.6.

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The purpose of the study is to analyze the information load and plastic solutions of the anthropomorphic mascarons on the facades of Lviv buildings of the XIX – early XX centuries. Methodology. The article uses general scientific research methods: the historical and comparative method; the method of synthesis and the art history analysis. Research results. The Lviv architectural and decorative plastics of the 19th and early 20th century is characterized by a widespread typology of the mascarons on the facades of the buildings. Various types of faces of old Lviv street, paired male and female images, which represent the unity and the harmony of two beginnings (portraits of married couples), as well as the generalized artistic images, belong to the number of the anthropomorphic maskarons of Lviv of the specified period. The article analyzes the information load and the plastic-stylistic features of various anthropomorphic maskarons of the typological group under study. The authors of the various types of old Lviv street emphasized the efforts to convey the character of the depicted faces. Their artistic expression is enhanced by some personal attributes. This applies to the paired and the generic Lviv maskarons to a lesser extent. On the basis of an art historical analysis of a number of specific samples of the anthropomorphic mascarons of Lviv of the 19th and early 20th century, a species classification of the given typological group has been developed. Scientific novelty. Detected and analyzed the information load and plastic characteristics peculiarities of the mascarons in Lviv architectural and decorative sculpture of the XIX – early XX centuries. Practical ignificance. The proposed article is part of a comprehensive study of the broad typology of the Lviv maskarons of the 19th and early 20th century. The results of the work open up some opportunities for a further research of the groups and the subgroups of the Lviv mascarons and for a detailed art historical analysis of some individual original samples of relief faces of Lviv of the studied period.
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Bergmann, Marianne. "Zur Datierung und Deutung der Chlamysfiguren aus rotem Porphyr." Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 30 (March 20, 2019): 73–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/acta.6867.

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The article deals with four porphyry statues wearing late antique tunica-chlamys attire in Vienna, Berlin, Ravenna and in the Louvre. By the provenance of two of them and by deals of workmanship they are all clearly linked to the porphyry workshop that the tetrarchs had installed in Egypt. Yet they differ from the main products of this workshop not only by their new costume but also in their overall shape. Whereas the tetrarchs employed local sculptors, who specialized in working hard stone for their new porphyry workshop and the result was a fascinating mixture of imperially commissioned and strong local elements, these chlamydate follow other models of more classical taste. They attest to new imperial instructions given to the workshop. This makes it important to know when this new form of imperial representation was introduced. Suggested dates differ widely this article proposes to date the statues in Ravenna and the Louvre by means of their close typological and stylistic similarities to the statue of Oikoumenios form Aphrodisias, which itself is dated by its portrait, which is the closest known parallel to early Theodosian emperor’s portraits at Aphrodisias and Constantinople. The common link between the locally-produced honorific statues from Aphrodisias, the imperial porphyry workshop in Egypt, and the statue finds in Italy would then be Constantinople, whose sculpture workshops were heavily influenced by those of Aphrodisias. There are reasons to see the statues at Vienna and Berlin as earlier and representing a development o the new iconography. All this seems to correspond with the ideas of U. Gehn and R.R. R. Smith, who posit, that the use of late antique chlamydate and togati for honorific statues developed mainly in the later 4th century and in the east. It may have evolved during and after the reign of Valens, parallel to the intensified lawgiving concerning status marking. There should e parallels to this in the emperor’s ‘Chlamys/Dienstkostüm’. - In the end, there are some remarks on the ‘hand-on-sword’ gesture of the statues.
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Elikhina, Yu I. "Some gifts of the 13th Dalai Lama to Nicholas II in the collection of the State Hermitage." Orientalistica 4, no. 2 (July 14, 2021): 406–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2021-4-2-406-418.

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The Tibetan collection of the State Hermitage contains some of the gifts of the 13th Dalai Lama to the Russian Emperor Nicholas II. The State Archives of the Russian Federation has a document titled “A copy of the list of Tibetan gifts sent to the Winter Palace”. It consists of two lists, the first list describes 14 items, the second - 9. Almost all of these gifts were in the private rooms of Nicholas II in the Winter Palace. Of course, not all things have survived to this day. Number 1 in the first list is the chakra (wheel of teaching), the sign of the king offered to the Tibetan rulers upon accession to the throne, as a sign of goodwill (Inventory No. KO-884, Tibet, late 19th century); number 4 is a silver teapot, partially gilded (Inventory No. KO-896, Tibet, end of the 19th century); number 5 - men’s turquoise hoop earring; at number 9 - a gold reliquary gau (Tib. Ga'u), decorated with turquoise, such were worn and are worn by Tibetan women on the chest; at number 10 - women’s gold earrings decorated with turquoise. Earrings and a reliquary after the organization of the Oriental Department and the redistribution of exhibits were included in the collection of art objects of Central Asia. From the second list, presumably, there is a sculpture of Buddha Shakyamuni in the Hermitage collection. It is quite possible that enamel objects and some others have also been preserved in different collections of the Oriental Department. In addition, the collection contains two pencil portraits of the 13th Dalai Lama, painted by the Russian artist N. Ya. Kozhevnikov in 1905 in Urga (present-day Ulan Bator). The Dalai Lama was hiding in Mongolia during the British expansion into Tibet in 1903-1904. Thus, some of the gifts of the 13th Dalai Lama are presented in the Tibetan collection of the Hermitage. Some of them are masterpieces, such as the silver chakra, others are very typical ethnographic objects.
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WHEELER, ALWYNE. "THACKRAY, J.C. A catalogue of portraits, paintings, and sculpture at The Natural History Museum, London. (Historical Studies in the Life and Earth Sciences: No. 3.) Mansell, London: 1995. Pp xii, 70, illustrations. Price £60.00. ISBN 0-7201-2289-9." Archives of Natural History 24, no. 2 (June 1997): 299–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.1997.24.2.299a.

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Picón, Carlos A. "J. Feijfer, E. Southworth: The Ince Blundell Collection of Classical Sculpture, Vol. I: The Portraits, Part 1: Introduction, The Female Portraits. Concordances. Photographs by David Flower. (Corpus Signorum Imperii Romani; Vol. III, Fasc. 2.) Pp. vi+97; 25 plates, 22 figs. London: HMSO (on behalf of the Board of Trustees of the National Museums and Galleries on Merseyside), 1991. Cased, £45." Classical Review 44, no. 1 (April 1994): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x0029166x.

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Merino, Antonia, Carlos Márquez, and Ramón González. "APP 3D: el ciclo escultórico del foro de Torreparedones (Baena, Córdoba)." Virtual Archaeology Review 9, no. 19 (July 20, 2018): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/var.2018.9424.

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<p><strong>Extended Abstract:</strong></p><p>The archaeological site of Torreparedones (Baena) is one of the most outstanding Roman sites in the Province of Cordoba, due to not only the structural remains excavated in recent decades, but also the relevance through the relevance of other recovered materials. In recent years, among the recordings made during excavations and in the area of the north portico of the forum and the temple, an important sculptural group from the high imperial time was documented. The sculptural cycle consists of two dynastic groups, which are currently part of the museum exhibition of Baena. The first, found in the area of the gate, consists of a toga, a female figure, a military sculpture and a fragment ideal statue (of the type hüftmantel). The second group, from the temple or near the same area, consists of two male and female seated statues representing: Divus Augustus, Divus Claudius and Diva Augusta (Livia). The latter offers a representation of idealized types, as characters portraits were produced post-mortem once the senate decreed their deification time. Because of the importance of this second group, a three-dimensional (3D) model of each of the pieces has been created. The main objective of this research, with some results presented in this article, is further development of a mobile application that allows disseminating results and promotes the use of virtual reality in the field of heritage. In order to carry out the development of the app the following lines of action have been followed: 1) Recording by the sculptural 3D scanning cycle; and 2) the development of a 3D digital catalogue for the dissemination and study within the framework of scientific research.</p><p>Data collection of the surface was performed by using a 3D laser scanner, a tool that allows obtaining sub-millimetre resolution and accuracy. After obtaining the results, we processed and checked the quality of the acquired points, best-fit and registration of successive surface recordings, and filtering and cleaning of the point clouds. To disseminate the findings of this research we chose to carry out analyses with a free application called "Sculptural Cycle Torreparedones" available for the Android operating system. With this app, the user can access all the information available, with periodic updates as the progress of other ongoing investigations. This application allows and intuitive and easy way of navigation, see the 3D models of the sculptures, as well as access a virtual tour of Rome in 360° room of the museum of Baena.</p><p>Also, the user can access different multimedia content related to the site. As representative logo for the app, the icon of the half-head portrait of Divus Augustus was selected along with the title “3D Sculptural Cycle Torreparedones” as it is one of the largest and best known general level sculpture images. Since the app has been available since October 2017, a survey for assessing the app was conducted in order to know its impact and anticipate future necessary changes. In the course of this system, we have known the user skills in handling the application and the great interest of the youngest people in 3D.Theresults of this survey confirm that this work is an example of how this communication channel can be of service to the valorization and intelligibility of archaeological heritage. It not only allows knowing the materials recovered during the excavations of Torreparedones but also facilitates the visitor to establish a direct connection between the museum and the archaeological site. The application 3D Sculptural Cycle Torreparedones joins other works developed for 3D models digitized as a virtual catalogue, as is the Epigraphia3D app and other applications made with visits 360° as the case of the mobile application Guadiat VR -Belmez (Spain).</p>
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Соколов, Роман Александрович, and Максим Алексеевич Костыря. "HISTORICAL MEMORY ABOUT ALEXANDER NEVSKY: SCULPTURAL VISUALIZATION." ΠΡΑΞΗMΑ. Journal of Visual Semiotics, no. 1(27) (April 2, 2021): 95–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.23951/2312-7899-2021-1-95-123.

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Истоки поздних версий скульптурной визуализации Александра Невского были заложены еще в древности; важно, что в допетровскую эпоху иконописный канон по преимуществу предусматривал изображение князя в образе схимника, но не был единственно возможным. Установлено с высокой степенью достоверности, что первым дошедшим до нас его изображением является неатрибутированная ранее фигура, представленная на иконе «Богоматерь Тихвинская с протоевангельским циклом и святыми» (первая половина XVI в.). Изменение иконописного канона на «светскую» версию (1724) имело объективные предпосылки, поскольку и до этого Александр изображался в княжеских одеждах в монументальной живописи, миниатюрах, на житийных иконах. «Переходный» характер имеет фреска из Софийского собора в Вологде. Изготовление первой скульптуры Александра Невского («грудной статуи», 1754) связано с именем М. В. Ломоносова, из мозаичной мастерской которого происходят и два портрета князя. Указанному скульптурному произведению предшествовал барельефный портрет князя на его раке (1747–1752, ГЭ (Санкт-Петербург)). В XIX в. статуи князя установили на южных вратах Исаакиевского собора в Санкт-Петербурге (И. П. Витали, 1841–1846) и памятнике «1000-летие России» в Великом Новгороде (М. О. Микешин, И. Н. Шредер, 1862). В постреволюционную эпоху власть отказалась от использования в идеологических установках прежних символов, и герой Невской битвы оказался в забвении. Ренессанс произошел после выхода кинокартины С. М. Эйзенштейна. Это привело к появлению новой версии визуализации князя – в образе Н. К. Черкасова. В послевоенные годы эта версия была отражена и в скульптуре (памятник в Переславле-Залесском). Однако в Российской империи и Советском Союзе скульптурных изображений князя было создано все же слишком мало. На примере установки стелы в Усть-Ижоре (Архив Санкт-Петербургского Дома ученых) показано, что процесс согласования даже небольших памятных знаков был крайне сложным. С начала 1990-х годов ситуация изменилась. Памятники князю и скульптурные композиции, связанные с его именем, появились во многих городах страны, что делает актуальной задачу их типологизации. Самым ранним по времени появления является тип «часовни», представляющий собой вертикальную архитектурно-пластическую композицию, завершенную «куполом» и крестом. Сам же князь представлен в виде воина (Пушкин, Усть-Ижора, Кобылье Городище, отчасти пос. Ленинское). К этим памятникам примыкает еще один тип – «инок» (Городец). Данные скульптурные изображения можно соотнести с образцами иконописной традиции – допетровской («инок», клейма житийных икон) и петровской («святой воин»), а также с миниатюрами лицевых сводов. Остальные типы монументов представляют князя в образе воина, где атрибуты его святости, за редким исключением, играют второстепенную роль. В первую очередь это относится к конным памятникам (Псков (гора Соколиха), Санкт-Петербург (пл. Александра Невского) и др.). В статье показана связь этих произведений с отечественной и зарубежной художественными традициями. Широко распространенным типом памятников Александру Невскому является скульптура в виде одиночной фигуры (Городец, Курск, Волгоград, Владимир и др.). Несмотря на то, что в большинстве случаев связь с тенденциями визуализации, идущими из глубины веков, в этом типе сведена к минимуму, тем не менее она прослеживается, прежде всего, через элементы православной символики. И только два памятника этого типа – в Петрозаводске и Александрове – представляют Александра Невского в образе и воина, и святого. The origins of the later versions of Alexander Nevsky’s sculptural visualization were laid back in ancient times. It is important that, in the pre-Petrine era, the icon-painting canon mainly provided for the image of Nevsky as a schemamonk, but it was not the only possible one. It has been established with a high degree of certainty that the first image of Alexander that came to us is the previously non-attributed figure represented on the icon “Our Lady of Tikhvin with the Proto-Gospel Cycle and Saints” (first half of the 16th century). The change of the icon-painting canon to the “secular” version (1724) had objective prerequisites, since, before that, Alexander had been depicted in princely robes in monumental painting, miniatures, on hagiographic icons. The fresco from Saint Sophia Cathedral in Vologda has a “transitional” nature. The creation of the first sculpture of Alexander Nevsky (the “chest statue”, 1754) is associated with the name of Mikhail Lomonosov; two portraits of Nevsky also come from his mosaic workshop. This sculpture was preceded by a bas-relief portrait of Nevsky on his shrine (1747–1752, State Hermitage, St. Petersburg). In the 19th century, statues of Nevsky were erected on the southern gates of St. Isaac's Cathedral in St. Petersburg (I.P. Vitali, 1841–1846) and on the monument “1000th Anniversary of Russia” in Veliky Novgorod (M.O. Mikeshin, I.N. Schroeder, 1862). In the post-revolutionary era, the government refused to use the old symbols in ideological settings, and the hero of the Neva battle was forgotten. The renaissance occurred after the release of the film Alexander Nevsky by Sergei Eisenstein. This led to the emergence of a new version of the visualization of the prince – in the image of Nikolay Cherkasov. In the postwar years, this version was also reflected in sculpture (a monument in Pereslavl-Zalessky). However, in the Russian Empire and in the Soviet Union, too few sculptural images of the prince were created. Using the installation of a stele in Ust-Izhora (Archive of the St. Petersburg House of Scientists) as an example, it is shown that the reconciling of even small commemorative plaques was extremely difficult. Since the early 1990s, the situation has changed. Monuments to the prince and sculptural compositions associated with his name appeared in many cities of the country, which makes the task of typologizing them urgent. The earliest type is a “chapel”. It is a vertical architectural plastic composition completed with a “dome” and a cross. The prince himself is represented in the image of a warrior (Pushkin, Ust-Izhora, Kobyl’ye Gorodishche, partly the Leninskoye village). One more type adjoins these monuments – a “monk” (Gorodets). The sculptural images of this type can be correlated with samples of the icon-painting tradition, both of the pre-Petrine (“monk”, the scenes of life of hagiographic icons) and Petrine (“holy warrior”) eras, and with miniatures of illustrated chronicles. The remaining types of monuments represent Nevsky in the image of a warrior, in which the attributes of his holiness, with rare exceptions, play a secondary role. First of all, this refers to equestrian monuments (Pskov (Sokolikha Mountain), St. Petersburg (Alexander Nevsky Square), etc.). The article shows the relationship of these works with domestic and foreign artistic traditions. A widespread type of monuments to Alexander Nevsky is a sculpture in the form of a single figure (Gorodets, Kursk, Volgograd, Vladimir, etc.). Despite the fact that in most cases the connection with visualization trends that come from the depths of centuries is minimized in this type, it can still be traced, first of all, through elements of Orthodox symbolism. Only two monuments of this type – in Petrozavodsk and Alexandrov – represent Alexander Nevsky in the image of both a warrior and a saint.
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Bartman, Elizabeth. "Imaging the Roman male: Henry Blundell's collection and the Antonine princes - JANE FEJFER, THE INCE BLUNDELL COLLECTION OF CLASSICAL SCULPTURE vol. I, THE PORTRAITS, Part 2. THE ROMAN MALE PORTRAITS (Liverpool University Press 1997). Pp. xiv + 119, 116 pls. ISBN 0-85323-832-4. - KLAUS FITTSCHEN, PRINZENBILDNISSE ANTONINISCHER ZEIT (Beiträge zur Erschließung hellenistischer und kaiserzeitlicher Skulptur und Architektur Bd. 18 (Philipp von Zabern, Mainz 1999). Pp. xxviii + 156, 208 pls. ISBN 3-8053-2363-8." Journal of Roman Archaeology 14 (2001): 560–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400020195.

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Quien, Enes. "Najraniji i rani radovi kipara Rudolfa Valdeca." Ars Adriatica, no. 3 (January 1, 2013): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.469.

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The article discusses the earliest, mostly lost works known only through archival photographs, and the early preserved works by Rudolf Valdec (8 March 1872, Krapina – 1 February 1929, Zagreb) who, apart from RobertFrangeš-Mihanović, was Croatia’s first modern sculptor. These works were created upon Valdec’s return from studying at Vienna and Munich, in the period between 1896 to 1898, that is, prior to the exhibition CroatianSalon where they were displayed. The findings about his earliest, previously unknown, works have been gathered through research in archives and old journal articles which mention them. At the same time, Valdec’s early works are not only well-known but famous, for example the relief Love, the Sister of Death (Ljubav sestra smrti, 1897), Magdalena (1898) and Memento Mori (1898). These reliefs and sculptures in the round demonstrate Valdec’s skill in sculptoral modelling and provide evidence that he was a sculptor of good technical knowledge andcraftsmanship. They also show the thoroughness of his education at Vienna’s K. K. Kunstgewerbeschule des Österreichischen Museums für Kunst und Industrie where he studied under Professor August Kühne, and at the Königliche Bayerische Akademie der bildenden Künste in Munich where he was supervised by Professor Syrius Eberle. It is difficult to follow Rudolf Valdec’s continuity as a sculptor because his student works have not been preserved and neither have some of the earliest works he made when he returned to Zagreb. Only a small number of previously unknown or unpublished photographs have been found which show the works which have been irretrievably lost. These works of unknowndimensions were not signed and are therefore considered as preparatory studies for more large-scale works from the earliest phase of his career. These are the reliefs of Apollo made for the pediments of the Pavilion of the Arts (Umjetnički paviljon) at Zagreb which was designed by Floris Korb and Kálmán Giergl, the Hungarian historicist architects, to house the Croatian displays at the Millenial Exhibition at Budapest in 1896. A year later, in 1897, the iron frame of the pavilion was transported to Zagreb.The bid to carry out the work was won by the Viennese architects Herman Helmer and Ferdinand Fellner, but the actual construction was done by the Zagreb architects Leo Hönisberg and Julio Deutsch under thesupervision of the city’s engineer Milan Lenuci. Valdec was entrusted with the making of reliefs illustrating the hymn to Apollo (Apollo of Delphi, Apollo Pythoctonos, and Apollo Musagetes). These three bas-reliefs werenever affixed to the pediments of the Pavilion of the Arts because the City Council did not authorize the execution due to a lack of funds. However, they were displayed at the Millenial Exhibition at Budapest and the Croatian Salon in 1898, and contemporary critics praised them as successful works of the young Valdec. The first relief depicts the Apollo of Delphi (hymn to Apollo) holding a severed head in his raised left hand. The second relief depicts Apollo Musagetes next to a shoot of a laurel tree(the symbol of Daphne) with a lyre in his left hand. The third relief shows Apollo Pythoctonos who, in a dynamic movement, is stringing his silver bow and shooting an arrow into the gaping mouth of a fire-breathing dragon.In his youth, Valdec produced works which embodied fear, anxiety, pessimism, restlessness and bitterness, all corresponding to the general tendencies of the fin de siècle. In 1899 he made Pessimism (Pesimizam), a work only known through its mention in the press by the critic M. Nikolić. Many other youthful works from the period between 1885 to 1889 have also been lost. These were: Passion, Christ, and Love (Muka, Krist, and Ljubav, 1896-1896) which were displayed at the Millenial Exhibitionin Budapest, Altar of the Saviour (Spasiteljev žrtvenik), Lucifer, Per Aspera ad Astra, Kiss (Cjelov), Christ Salvator (Krist Salvator), Hymn to Apollo (Apolonova himna), Apollo Phoebus (Apolon Phoebus), Ridi Pagliaccio, and Jesus (Isus). Our research has yielded photographs of theworks Per Aspera ad Astra and Christ Salvator, both of 1898. All the work from his youthful phase is in the Art Nouveau style, in harmony with the dominant stylistic trends in Vienna, Munich and central Europe, which,unsurprisingly, attracted Valdec too. In his desire to express his feelings and spiritual condition, as can be seen in the works like Per Aspera ad Astra, Valdec reveals the stamp of the Art Nouveau symbolism.Although Valdec’s earliest and a number of his early works have mostly been lost, those that have been preserved are made of plaster and bronze (now at the Collection of Plaster Casts of the Croatian Academy ofArts and Sciences in Zagreb), and belong to the most significant works of Croatian modern sculpture. The works in question are the relief sculptures Love, the Sister of Death (1897), Memento Mori (1898) and Magdalena(1898). The relief Love, the Sister of Death represents the first example of symbolism and stylization which were a novelty in modern sculpture in Croatia. The relief of Magdalena is, regardless of the fierce criticism on account of its nudity published by the priest S. Korenić in Glas koncila, a master-piece not only because it represents an excellent nude but also because of the psychological and philosophical expression it radiates. It is one of the best reliefs in Croatian sculpture in general. The relief Memento Mori features the first and only example of Valdec’s self-portrait rendered in profile, in which he depicted himself as a fool. The busts of Plato (Platon) and Aristotle (Aristotel) are considered to be first portraitscommissioned by Iso Kršnjavi. They were made in 1898 and set up on the wings of the building which housed the seat of the Department of Theology and Teaching in 10 Opatička Street, at the head of which was Kršnjavi. Valdec made the busts of these two Greek philosophers in the style of Roman naturalistic portraits.
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Tulić, Damir. "Spomenik ninskom biskupu Francescu Grassiju u Chioggi: prilog najranijoj aktivnosti venecijanskog kipara Paola Callala." Ars Adriatica, no. 4 (January 1, 2014): 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.507.

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The oeuvre of the sculptor Paolo Callalo (Venice 1655-1725) is a paradigmatic example of how the oeuvres of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Venetian sculptors have been expanded, supplemented and revised during the last twenty years. Until Simone Guerriero’s ground-breaking article of 1997, Paolo Callalo was almost completely unknown. In his search for Callalo’s earliest preserved work, Simone Guerriero suggested that Callalo was responsible for the stipes of the altar of St Joseph, featuring the relief of the Flight into Egypt flanked by two putti which are almost free standing, which was made between 1679 and 1685 for San Giovanni Crisostomo at Venice. However, another significant sculpture can now be added to the catalogue of Callalo’s early works: a memorial monument to the Bishop of Nin Francesco Grassi (Chioggia, 3 October 1667 – Zadar, 29 January 1677) which is located on the left presbytery wall in the Cathedral of Santa Maria Assunta at Chioggia. As we learn from its commemorative inscription, the monument was commissioned by Paolo Grassi, the nephew of the deceased who was a prominent member of this aristocratic family from Chioggia. The Grassi (de Grassi) family produced as many as three bishops of Chioggia: Pasquale (1618-1639), Francesco (1639 -1669) and Antonio (1696-1715) who was a brother of Francesco, the Bishop of Nin, and a great-nephew of the first two. The monumental memorial to the Bishop of Nin Francesco Grassi in the presbytery of Chioggia Cathedral consists of a rectangular marble plaque topped with a semi-circular pediment with two reclining putti. Immediately below, two more putti are depicted flying and drawing a curtain in front of an oval niche containing the bishop’s bust, the commemorative inscription and the bishop’s coat of arms set in a wreath. All the elements of this excellent work point to Paolo Callalo’s hand. The bishop’s bust was most probably created posthumously by relying on one of the portraits of the bishop as a source model. It depicts him as having a somewhat square face with a lively mouth opened in a melodramatic way and as having probing eyes with emphasized pupils, all of which characterize Callalo’s sculpting technique. A direct parallel for such a physiognomy can be found in the 1686 sculpture of St Michael in San Michele in Isola at Venice. Two remarkably beautiful and skilfully modelled putti which are drawing the curtain can be connected to the putti on the stipes of the altar of St Joseph in San Giovanni Crisostomo at Venice, but also with a putto on the keystone of a niche on the 1684 altar of St Teresa in the Church of the Scalzi. The richly draped marble curtain being drawn by the two flying putti is an example of Callalo’s thorough knowledge of contemporary sculptural innovations and trends in Venice. He could have seen a similar curtain on the 1677 monument to Giorgio Morosini in San Clemente in Isola at Venice, which belongs to the oeuvre of Giusto Le Court, the most important Venetian sculptor of the second half of the seventeenth century. That Callalo was no stranger to this type of decoration is also demonstrated by one of his later works, now sadly lost, the contract for which set out the terms for the sculptural decoration of the high altar in the old Venetian church of La Pietà. In 1692 Callalo agreed to make for this high altar ‘a curtain out of yellow marble of Verona being held by putti’.The stylistic analysis of the memorial to the Bishop of Nin Francesco Grassi indicates that it was erected in a relatively short period of time after the bishop’s death in 1677. It seems highly likely that it was made in the early 1680s or around 1686 at the latest because in that year Callalo made the statue of St Michael in San Michele in Isola. The memorial to the Bishop of Nin Francesco Grassi in Chioggia Cathedral is the first monument on the left-hand side of presbytery wall which would in time become a ‘mausoleum’ of the Grassi family. Around the same time or perhaps somewhat later, the Bishop of Chioggia by the name Francesco Grassi was honoured posthumously with a memorial containing a bust portrait that can be attributed to Giuseppe Torretti (Pagnano, 1664 – Venice, 1743). This group of episcopal memorials in the presbytery of Chioggia Cathedral ends with 1715 when Alvise Tagliapietra (Venice, 1680 – 1747) made the tomb for Bishop Antonio Grassi while he was still alive.Callalo’s Dalmatian oeuvre is relatively modest and consists of the following works so far identified as his: two marble angels set next to the high altar in the Parish Church at Vodice and four music-making putti at the sides of the high altar as well as those on a side altar in the Parish Church at Sutivan on the island of Brač. However, Callalo’s hand can also be recognized in a statue from a large-scale sculptural group which adorned the altar of the Blessed Sacrament in Zadar Cathedral. The altar structure was built by Antonio Viviani in 1719 while Francesco Cabianca (Venice, 1666-1737) carved the majority of the altar’s rich sculptural decoration. At the centre of the altar is a niche with a relatively small marble statue of Our Lady of Sorrows with the dead Christ in her lap. It is difficult to find a place for this marble Pietà from Zadar in Francesco Cabianca’s catalogue especially with regard to his Pietà above a door in the cloister of the Frari Church at Venice in 1714. Compared to the Zadar Pietà, Cabianca’s Venetian Pietà displays a number of differences: a crisper chiselling technique, a certain roughness of workmanship, robust bodies as well as a different treatment of the figures’ physiognomies and drapery. However, the Pietà from Zadar can be added to the catalogue of Paolo Callalo’s works. The carefully modelled figure of Our Lady of Sorrows and the soft drapery which spreads outwards in a radial fashion around her feet can be compared to the statues of Faith and Hope on the altar of the Blessed Sacrament in Udine Cathedral, which was made after 1720. The statue of the Risen Christ on the tabernacle of the aforementioned altar from Udine provides a parallel for the modelling of Christ’s body and, in particular, his face with a restrained expression. The same can be said for the Risen Christ on the tabernacle of the Parish Church at Clauzetto, which I also attribute to Callalo, as well as for earlier, more monumental, examples such as the Christ from the 1708 altar of the Transfiguration in the Parish Church at Labin.Callalo’s memorial to the Bishop of Nin Francesco Grassi in Chioggia is an important indicator of his personal stylistic development. He transformed his stylistic expression from the robust energy of this ‘youthful work’ at Chioggia to the lyrical poetics characterized by softness which can be seen in his late work, the Pietà on the altar of the Blessed Sacrament in the Cathedral of St Anastasia at Zadar. It is likely that future research in Venice, Dalmatia and the rest of the Adriatic coast will expand Paolo Callalo’s already rich oeuvre and confirm the important place he holds in Venetian sculpture as one of its protagonists during the late Seicento and early Settecento.
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