Journal articles on the topic 'Sculpture, netherlands'

Stainless steel, wood, conduit, black paint, speakers, sound. Photo by Jason Mandella, courtesy Sculpture Center, New York, and the artists Lovett/Codagnone, an artist team based in New York, have worked together since 1995 using photography, performance, video, sound, and installation. Their ongoing exploration of relations of power, as manifested in explicit cultural signifiers as well as clandestine or unconscious practices, investigates the way power comes to play within social structures (relationships, family) to focus on intimacy and the construction of desire. Recent solo exhibitions: Museo Marino Marini, Florence, 2012; LA><ART, Los Angeles, 2012; September Galerie, Berlin, 2011; Sculpture Center, New York, 2010; Sara Meltzer Gallery, New York, 2009; MoMA PS1, New York, 2007–2008. Their performances have been presented at the ICA Philadelphia (2010); Judson Memorial Church, New York (2010); and the ICA Boston (2007). Their work has been shown in galleries and museums in France, Germany, Italy, and The Netherlands. Supplemental media related to this piece can be found at www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/suppl/10.1162/DRAM_a_00205

his article is devoted to analysis the theme of the “scholar’s study” in Netherland XVII century painting. The reason for the rise of this theme is closely related to the great development of science and navigation in the XVII century in Netherland. Under the economic development, the tradition of collecting prevails among scholars. People admire knowledge and work on scientific inquiry. The author analyzes Gerrit Dou’s self-portrait The Artist’s studio and the symbolic meanings of objects in the painting. The author states that his self-portrait portrays himself as a scholar, reflecting the social ethos of worshiping knowledge. The specificity of his work, the themes of the scholar’s study, the influence of science, religion, philosophy on the painting of Gerrit Dou, the symbolic meanings of objects surrounding the scientist are considered. Jan van der Hayden’s paintings Still Life with a Globe, Books, Sculpture and Other Objects reflect the wide-ranging style of the collection at that time, reflecting both the worship of religion and the abundance of Netherland foreign products under the background of the great geographical discovery in the XVII century. During this period, establishment of Netherland universities and advent of the maritime age encouraged a thriving cartography producing. A large number of globes and scientific tools appeared in the paintings. They not only have religious meaning, but also show the progress of the new era. Audience can get a glimpse of the characteristics of a typical Netherland scholar’s collection from his paintings. The purpose of this article is to analyze the scientific progress, social development of the Netherlands. This allows you to take a fresh look at the assessment of creativity on the theme of the scholar’s study. To fulfill that purpose, need to complete following tasks: to characterize the specifics of paintings in the themes of the scholar’s study, to reveal the symbolism in the paintings The Artist’s studio by Gerrit Dou, Still Life with a Globe, Books, Sculpture and Other Objects and A Corner of a Room with Curiosities by Jan van der Hayden, to show the close connection between the development of science in the 17th century and the topic of the scientist’s office. The author concludes that the theme of the “scholar’s study” in Netherland XVII century paintings reflect the collection characteristics and aesthetics in the XVII century.

AbstractThe appellation ‘Belgian black “marbles”’ usually designates dark fine-grained limestones present in the Paleozoic substrate of south Belgium. They have been extracted mostly in Frasnian (Upper Devonian) and Viséan (Lower Carboniferous) strata, in various different localities (Namur, Dinant, Theux, Basècles, Mazy-Golzinne among others). Nearly devoid of fossils and veins, they take a mirror-like polished finish, with a pure black colour. These limestones were already known during Antiquity but were only intensively exploited from the Middle Ages. Many different uses were made of these stones, for architecture, decoration or sculpture, in religious or civil contexts, following all the successive styles, Romanesque, Gothic, Renaissance, baroque and so on. All these products, architectural, decorative and sculptural, were probably manufactured close to the quarries and were first exported to neighbouring countries (France and the Netherlands), then to all of Europe (Italy, Germany, Denmark, Poland, Baltic states, etc.) and, by the beginning of the nineteenth century, worldwide. They were always considered as high value-added objects, which allowed them to travel great distances from their origin. Thousands of references document the widespread use of these exceptional natural stones. They were employed, among other famous applications, as the black background of the Pietre dure marquetry of Florence. Some other lesser uses were either for musical instruments or lithographic stones. Today only one underground quarry exploits the black ‘marble’, at Golzinne (close to Namur). This prestigious material, with its dark aura, is suitable for recognition as a Global Heritage Stone Resource.

In this paper – given as a lecture at Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study in the summer of 2003 – I survey the remarkable renaissance of museums – national and regional, public and private – in Britain in recent years, largely made possible with the financial support of the Heritage Lottery Fund. I look in detail at four non-national museum projects of particular interest: the Horniman Museum in South London, a remarkable and idiosyncratic collection of anthropological, natural history and musical material which has recently been re-housed and redisplayed; secondly, the nearby Dulwich Picture Gallery, famous for its 17th- and 18th-century Old Master paintings, a masterpiece of 19th-century architecture by Sir John Soane, which has been restored, and modern museum services provided. The third is the New Art Gallery, Walsall, where the Garman Ryan collection of early 20th-century painting and sculpture form the centrepiece of a new building with fine galleries and the forum is the Manchester Art Gallery, where the former City Art Gallery and the Athenaeum have been combined in a single building in which to display the city's rich art collections. The Ashmolean Museum in Oxford, of which I am Director, is the most important museum of art and archaeology in England outside London and the greatest University Museum in the world. Its astonishingly rich collections are introduced and the transformational plan for the museum is described. In July 2005 the Heritage Lottery Fund announced a grant of £15 million and the renovation of the Museum is now underway.

The imposing Chola-period bronze Shiva Nataraja at the Rijksmuseum is a product of the living tradition of metal casting established over a thousand years ago in the region of Tamil Nadu. Purchased in 1935 from a Parisian dealer, it is one of the highlights of the collection belonging to the Royal Asian Art Society in the Netherlands, which is exhibited at the Rijksmuseum. The interdisciplinary study presented here links an art historical investigation of ancient texts and scholarly literature with scientific analysis in an attempt to refine the art historical context and at the same time flesh out what is known about the fabrication and provenance of the Nataraja in the Rijksmuseum. The Nataraja was cast by the lost-wax method; x-ray images confirm that the Shiva is solid-cast together with the halo. X-ray fluorescence reveals an alloy consistent with other Chola-period bronzes but not necessarily a pañcaloha alloy (five metals), which seems to be a modern tradition; the front hands were apparently cast on separately as a repair, probably during casting or not long after. Further evidence gathered from the sculpture and its soil encrustations (ICP-MS lead and neodymium isotope ratios, SEM-EDX and XRD) is briefly presented, and supports earlier assumptions about the Nataraja. It appears to date from the twelfth century and was under worship for a relatively short time before it was buried at an unknown location in India. The presence of Indian earth and corrosion products typical of burial imply that it did not re-enter a temple context for worship and was not subject to major restoration before entering the art market in the early twentieth century.

Abstract This essay offers a revaluation of the materiality of early modern Netherlandish tombs, a field that has only recently attracted serious scholarly attention. Her contribution focuses on the role played by materiality as a crucial yet often overlooked aspect of these monuments. Tomb sculpture generally relied on a combination of material properties: the potential of realistic representation, durability, intrinsic value, and material splendour. Most suitable for a convincing representation of a dead body in this period was translucent alabaster with its warm flesh tone, while Italian white marble and bronze referenced antiquity and classical notions of durability. The use of specific sets of local and imported materials resulted in a unique ‘material image’ of Netherlandish tomb sculpture, which effectively contributed to the preservation of the deceased’s memoria, social status, and dynastic and personal magnificence.

The presence and circulation of Southern Netherlands’ values is a fascinating subject with a lot of possibilities for the researchers: Graphic material – printed or manuscript – books, stamps and engravings, as well as paintings, tapestries, sculptures and textiles exported from Antwerp found their way to the New World or even further, via Seville – the gateway to America. Today many examples of Southern Netherland’s books and artistic objects can still be admired in Latin American and from Goa to Manila. The shifting character of exchange in Antwerp affected also its market in luxury goods; this was booming in the 16th century with the international patterns of trade established in the city that facilitated the export of locally-made items to markets abroad. The exportation of luxury goods through Spain was orientated not only to the privileged social levels, but was now distributed on a much larger scale including the Spanish monarchy and the middle classes who displayed a strong taste for Flemish art. All these Flemish works were sold in fairs such as the one of Medina del Campo, Barcelona, Valencia and Seville, and from this great Atlantic Metropolis were sent to America or further.

Considering consequences of mass art production, we usually focus on the phenomena observed since the 19th century. However, we are aware of much earlier evidence of mass art production. An example for closer studies of this problem provides art of the Low Countries, where the system of mass art production was developed already in the Middle Ages. The most evident example of this phenomenon is Netherlandish print industry of the 16th and 17th centuries, but we will also find proofs in the field of sculpture. We observe that already in the fabrication of Netherlandish carved altarpieces, whose workshop tradition, vivified by all’antica stylistic, formed the basis for mass production of alabaster sculpture in Mechelen and Antwerp (ca. 1530–1650). The example of Netherlandish alabaster imports in Central Europe lets us notice specific perception and reception of art objects of this kind. Large number of alabaster reliefs and huisaltaartjes manufactured in Mechelen and Antwerp resulted in low prices. Their small size made transport easier and thanks to the exchange trade between Central Europe and Low Countries they were relatively easily available and could play the role of culture transfer medium. They intermediated not only in spreading of iconographical and stylistic patterns, but also caused the increase of interest for alabaster among local artists and founders. In the research area we find items that repeat alabaster modelling techniques, as well as compositions and types of imported pieces, which makes us suppose that local artists might have even copied fashionable Netherlandish works.

This article focuses on the production of plaster ornaments in the 19th century. The article concludes with a special example in the Netherlands. From the Renaissance stucco ornaments on walls and ceilings were partly cast. In the course of the 19th century, ornaments for stucco ceilings and walls are manufactured on an industrial scale. Unique in the Netherlands in a country house in Wassenaar is the figurative frieze by the sculptor-stuccoist Wilhelm Dankberg from Berlin.

Upper Cretaceous strata in the type area of the Maastrichtian Stage (SE Netherlands, NE Belgium) have yielded comparatively abundant and diverse raninid assemblages (Collins et al., 1995; Fraaye & van Bakel, 1998). To date, seven species are known: Eumorphocorystes sculptus, Pseudoraninella muelleri, Lyreidina pyriformis, Raninoides? quadrispinosus,Raniliformis chevrona, Raniliformis prebaltica and Raniliformis occlusal. These occur mainly from the upper portion of the Maastricht Formation[Emael, Nekum and Meerssen members, Belemnitella Junior and Belemnella (Neobelemnella) kazimiroviensis biozones].

Michele Stephen; Desire, divine and demonic; Balinese mysticism in the paintings of I Ketut Budiana and I Gusti Nyoman Mirdiana (Andrea Acri) John Lynch (ed.); Issues in Austronesian historical phonology (Alexander Adelaar) Alfred W. McCoy; The politics of heroin; CIA complicity in the global drug trade (Greg Bankoff) Anthony Reid; An Indonesian frontier; Acehnese and other histories of Sumatra (Timothy P. Barnard) John G. Butcher; The closing of the frontier; A history of the maritime fisheries of Southeast Asia c. 1850-2000 (Peter Boomgaard) Francis Loh Kok Wah, Joakim Öjendal (eds); Southeast Asian responses to globalization; Restructuring governance and deepening democracy (Alexander Claver) I Wayan Arka; Balinese morpho-syntax: a lexical-functional approach (Adrian Clynes) Zaharani Ahmad; The phonology-morphology interface in Malay; An optimality theoretic account (Abigail C. Cohn) Michael C. Ewing; Grammar and inference in conversation; Identifying clause structure in spoken Javanese (Aone van Engelenhoven) Helen Creese; Women of the kakawin world; Marriage and sexuality in the Indic courts of Java and Bali (Amrit Gomperts) Ming Govaars; Dutch colonial education; The Chinese experience in Indonesia, 1900-1942 (Kees Groeneboer) Ernst van Veen, Leonard Blussé (eds); Rivalry and conflict; European traders and Asian trading networks in the 16th and 17th centuries (Hans Hägerdal) Holger Jebens; Pathways to heaven; Contesting mainline and fundamentalist Christianity in Papua New Guinea (Menno Hekker) Ota Atsushi; Changes of regime and social dynamics in West Java; Society, state and the outer world of Banten, 1750-1830 (Mason C. Hoadley) Richard McMillan; The British occupation of Indonesia 1945-1946; Britain, the Netherlands and the Indonesian Revolution (Russell Jones) H.Th. Bussemaker; Bersiap! Opstand in het paradijs; De Bersiapperiode op Java en Sumatra 1945-1946 (Russell Jones) Michael Heppell; Limbang anak Melaka and Enyan anak Usen, Iban art; Sexual selection and severed heads: weaving, sculpture, tattooing and other arts of the Iban of Borneo (Viktor T. King) John Roosa; Pretext for mass murder; The September 30th Movement and Suharto’s coup d’état in Indonesia (Gerry van Klinken) Vladimir Braginsky; The heritage of traditional Malay literature; A historical survey of genres, writings and literary views (Dick van der Meij) Joel Robbins, Holly Wardlow (eds); The making of global and local modernities in Melanesia; Humiliation, transformation and the nature of cultural change (Toon van Meijl) Kwee Hui Kian; The political economy of Java’s northeast coast c. 1740-1800; Elite synergy (Luc Nagtegaal) Charles A. Coppel (ed.); Violent conflicts in Indonesia; Analysis, representation, resolution (Gerben Nooteboom) Tom Therik; Wehali: the female land; Traditions of a Timorese ritual centre (Dianne van Oosterhout) Patricio N. Abinales, Donna J. Amoroso; State and society in the Philippines (Portia L. Reyes) Han ten Brummelhuis; King of the waters; Homan van der Heide and the origin of modern irrigation in Siam (Jeroen Rikkerink) Hotze Lont; Juggling money; Financial self-help organizations and social security in Yogyakarta (Dirk Steinwand) Henk Maier; We are playing relatives; A survey of Malay writing (Maya Sutedja-Liem) Hjorleifur Jonsson; Mien relations; Mountain people and state control in Thailand (Nicholas Tapp) Lee Hock Guan (ed.); Civil society in Southeast Asia (Bryan S. Turner) Jan Mrázek; Phenomenology of a puppet theatre; Contemplations on the art of Javanese wayang kulit (Sarah Weiss) Janet Steele; Wars within; The story of Tempo, an independent magazine in Soeharto’s Indonesia (Robert Wessing) REVIEW ESSAY Sean Turnell; Burma today Kyaw Yin Hlaing, Robert Taylor, Tin Maung Maung Than (eds); Myanmar; Beyond politics to societal imperatives Monique Skidmore (ed.); Burma at the turn of the 21st century Mya Than; Myanmar in ASEAN In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde no. 163 (2007) no: 1, Leiden

This essay explores the development of an art project with the island as its central theme. The process is explained through a selection of background material and other considerations that have led to the work. As a starting point for this project, the author worked on the island of Ameland, The Netherlands, where she was born and raised. To experience the island from an outsider’s point of view, she also stayed for a period of time on Grímsey, North Iceland. The work that resulted from this period of experiencing and gathering information around islands, Iland / Us, consists of two sculptures that deal with borders, protection, self and community. Among selected fragments are texts from literature and science, photos and sketches, underpinned by personal experience.

ABSTRACTThis article explores the provenance of the first draft of Sebastiano Serlio’s sixth book, on dwellings, written in the 1540s. It was acquired by the Avery Library at Columbia University, New York, a century ago and published for the first time in 1978. The article proposes that the manuscript and drawings remained in the vicinity of Paris until the late seventeenth century, when they were mounted and bound into an album that may have been sold by a descendant of Jacques Androuet du Cerceau I, either in Paris or the Netherlands. It goes on to demonstrate that, in the early eighteenth century, the manuscript was owned by Francis Bird, a leading British sculptor of his day, who collaborated with leading architects including Christopher Wren, James Gibbs and, possibly, Nicholas Hawksmoor.

-Stephen J. Appold, Heidi Dahles ,Tourism and small entrepreneurs; Development, national policy, and entrepreneurial culture: Indonesian cases. Elmsford, New York: Cognizant Communication Corporation, 1999, vi + 165 pp., Karin Bras (eds) -Jean-Pascal Bassino, Peter Boothroyd ,Socioeconomic renovation in Vietnam; The origin, evolution and impact of Doi Moi. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2001, xv + 175 pp., Pham Xuan Nam (eds) -Peter Boomgaard, Patrick Vinton Kirch, The wet and the dry; Irrigation and agricultural intensification in Polynesia. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1994, xxii + 385 pp. -A.Th. Boone, Chr.G.F. de Jong, De Gereformeerde Zending in Midden-Java 1931-1975; Een bronnenpublicatie. Zoetermeer: Boekencentrum, 1997, xxiv + 890 pp. [Uitgaven van de Werkgroep voor de Geschiedenis van de Nederlandse Zending en Overzeese Kerken, Grote Reeks 6.] -Okke Braadbaart, Colin Barlow, Institutions and economic change in Southeast Asia; The context of development from the 1960s to the 1990s. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, xi + 204 pp. -Freek Colombijn, Abidin Kusno, Behind the postcolonial; Architecture, urban space, and political cultures in Indonesia. London: Routledge, 2000, xiv + 250 pp. -Raymond Corbey, Michael O'Hanlon ,Hunting the gatherers; Ethnographic collectors, agents and agency in Melanesia, 1870s -1930s. Oxford: Bergahn Books, 2000, xviii + 286 pp. [Methodology and History in Anthropology 6.], Robert L. Welsch (eds) -Olga Deshpande, Hans Penth, A brief histroy of Lan Na; Civilizations of North Thailand. Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 2000, v + 74 pp. -Aone van Engelenhoven, I Ketut Artawa, Ergativity and Balinese syntax. Jakarta: Badan Penyelenggaran Seri NUSA, Universitas Katolik Indonesia Atma Jaya, 1998, v + 169 pp (in 3 volumes). [NUSA Linguistic Studies of Indonesian and Other Languages in Indonesia 42, 43, 44.] -Rens Heringa, Jill Forshee, Between the folds; Stories of cloth, lives, and travels from Sumba. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2001, xiv + 266 pp. -Roy E. Jordaan, Marijke J. Klokke ,Fruits of inspiration; Studies in honour of Prof. J.G. de Casparis, retired Professor of the Early History and Archeology of South and Southeast Asia at the University of Leiden, the Netherlands on the occasion of his 85th birthday. Groningen: Egbert Forsten, 2001, xxiii + 566 pp. [Gonda Indological Studies 11.], Karel R. van Kooij (eds) -Gerrit Knaap, Germen Boelens ,Natuur en samenleving van de Molukken, (met medewerking van Nanneke Wigard). Utrecht: Landelijk Steunpunt Educatie Molukkers, 2001, 375 pp., Chris van Fraassen, Hans Straver (eds) -Henk Maier, Virginia Matheson Hooker, Writing a new society; Social change through the novel in Malay. Leiden: KITLV Press (in association with the Asian Studies Association of Australia), 2000, xix + 492 pp. -Niels Mulder, Penny van Esterik, Materializing Thailand. Oxford: Berg, 2000, xi + 274 pp. -Jean Robert Opgenort, Ger P. Reesink, Studies in Irian Languages; Part II. Jakarta: Badan Penyelenggara Seri NUSA, Universitas Katolik Indonesia Atma Jaya. [NUSA Linguistic Studies of Indonesian and Other Languages in Indonesia 47.] 2000, iv + 151 pp. -Gerard Termorshuizen, Kester Freriks, Geheim Indië; Het leven van Maria Dermoût, 1888-1962. Amsterdam: Querido, 2000 (herdurk 2001), 357 pp. -Donald Tuzin, Eric Kline Silverman, Masculinity, motherhood, and mockery; Psychoanalyzing culture and the naven rite in New Guinea. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2001, vi + 243 pp. -Alexander Verpoorte, Jet Bakels, Het verbond met de tijger; Visies op mensenetende dieren in Kerinci, Sumatra. Leiden: Research School of Asian, African, and Amerindian Studies (CNWS), 2000, XV + 378 pp. [CNWS Publications 93.] -Sikko Visscher, Twang Peck Yang, The Chinese business elite in Indonesia and the transition to independence, 1940-1950. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1998, xix + 372 pp. -René Vos, Gerard Termorshuizen, Journalisten en heethoofden; Een geschiedenis van de Indisch-Nederlandse dagbladpers, 1744-1905. Amsterdam: Nijgh en Van Ditmar, Leiden: KITLV Uitgeverij, 2001, 862 pp. -Edwin Wieringa, Marijke J. Klokke, Narrative sculpture and literary traditions in South and Southeast Asia. Leiden: Brill, 2000, xiv + 127 pp. [Studies in Asian Art and Archaeology (continuation of: Studies in South Asian Culture) 23.] -Catharina Williams-van Klinken, Mark Donohue, A grammar of Tukang Besi. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1999, xxvi + 576 pp. [Mouton Grammar Library 20.] -Kees Zandvliet, Thomas Suárez, Early mapping of Southeast Asia. Singapore: Periplus Editions, 1999, 280 pp. -Claudia Zingerli, Bernhard Dahm ,Vietnamese villages in transition; Background and consequences of reform policies in rural Vietnam. Passau: Department of Southeast Asian Studies, University of Passau, 1999, xiv + 224 pp. [Passau Contributions to Southeast Asian Studies 7.], Vincent J.H. Houben (eds)

Marie-Louise Berner: The Flower Painter on His Travels. I.L. Jensen’s Letter from Paris, 1823On 15 March 1823, the flower painter Johan Laurentz Jensen (1800–1856) wrote a letter from Paris to his friend the sculptor H.V. Bissen. In it, he describes his journey from Copenhagen across the Netherlands to Paris, and he relates his impressions and experiences, especially during the eight months spent in that city. He describes in detail the salon and the exhibition of contemporary art at the Musée du Luxembourg that year. He also makes a number of observations about his daily life, friends and activities, and lastly states that he is on his way to Sèvres, to paint on porcelain.In addition to publishing the letter in its entirety, this article provides an account of the painter’s background, and an analysis of the experiences related and observations made in the letter. It further provides background on the salon: its format and organizational principles, its location, opening hours, visitors, contents and catalogue. Additionally, detailed commentary is provided on Jensen’s observations on the art at the salon and at the Musée du Luxembourg, as well as on Jensen’s life in the city. The article concludes with an appraisal of the importance of the journey to Jensen and his art.

Marie-Louise Berner: The Flower Painter on His Travels. I.L. Jensen’s Letter from Paris, 1823
 On 15 March 1823, the flower painter Johan Laurentz Jensen (1800–1856) wrote a letter from Paris to his friend the sculptor H.V. Bissen. In it, he describes his journey from Copenhagen across the Netherlands to Paris, and he relates his impressions and experiences, especially during the eight months spent in that city. He describes in detail the salon and the exhibition of contemporary art at the Musée du Luxembourg that year. He also makes a number of observations about his daily life, friends and activities, and lastly states that he is on his way to Sèvres, to paint on porcelain.In addition to publishing the letter in its entirety, this article provides an account of the painter’s background, and an analysis of the experiences related and observations made in the letter. It further provides background on the salon: its format and organizational principles, its location, opening hours, visitors, contents and catalogue. Additionally, detailed commentary is provided on Jensen’s observations on the art at the salon and at the Musée du Luxembourg, as well as on Jensen’s life in the city. The article concludes with an appraisal of the importance of the journey to Jensen and his art.

Drawing as a manual discipline was long taught in the West according to specific ‘academic’ principles, culminating institutionally in the art academies of the nineteenth century. This educational process was mediated by visual images and three-dimensional objects, and relied on copying as a means to acquire manual skill along with a ‘vocabulary’ of idealized forms. During the twentieth century the roles, values and practices of art changed profoundly, and consequently methods of artistic education changed as well. As symbols of a tradition overcome, in many (modernizing) art academies, instruction books, plaster casts of sculptures and écorchés were either discarded or consigned to storage rooms and libraries. In one such art school, Minerva Art Academy in Groningen (the Netherlands), a didactic experiment was undertaken in the spring semester of 2019. Art historian Vanessa van ‘t Hoogt and artist Henrike Scholten designed and taught an elective course that investigated and reflected critically on the art academy’s history. Using a historically informed, experimental and practice-based pedagogic approach, the sixteen-week course challenged 23 undergraduate art students to engage with the material and didactic heritage of the art academy. Not in a nostalgic or neo-academic fashion, but on their own terms as contemporary art students. This project report describes some aspects of the authors’ didactic approach during the course. As an investigative and sometimes performative project, it toes the line between educational action research and object-based teaching. The aim of the course was to provide art students with new tools to engage with the history of their discipline and its processes of skill acquisition in a reflective and generative way.

AbstractIn the latter half of the 16th century a conspicuously large number of Netherlandisch artists emigrated to Cologne. The majority came from the south Netherlands after 1567, forced to leave for political and religious reasons during Alva's reign of terror. Worsening economical conditions were another reason. Cologne offered good prospects for immigrants. Most of the Dutch artists who settled there were engravers, designers and publishers of prints, professions which were much in demand. Skilled native artists were rare in Cologne, and the wealthy, art-loving patricians and prosperous burghers were eager customers. From a different point of view, though, Cologne was not the ideal place for refugees. The city was a bastion of Catholicism, and the Netherlandish emigrants were only tolerated on condition that they showed no signs of their Protestant faith. Protestants were regularly arrested and expelled. Only Lutherans were treated with a modicum of lenience; although they, too, were forbidden to practise their religion, they were eligible for citizenship. After the fall of Antwerp in 1585, when a fresh stream of emigrants descended on Cologne, things became even more difficult for non-Catholics, many of whom were forced to leave the city around 1600. Adriaan de Weert (d. ca. 1590) went to Cologne in about 1567. Despite being a Lutheran (in 1579 he was arrested during a sermon), he joined the Cologne guild of painters and was granted citizenship in 1577. De Weert's work is best known from prints after his designs engraved by his close friend Dirck Volkertsz. Coornhert (fig. 2). Coornhert, who had fled from Haarlem to the Rhineland in 1568, also invented subjects for the two friends' prints, and moreover inspired a few moral-philosophical prints after De Weert which were probably engraved by Hendrick Goltzius (figs. 3 and 4). Their prints reflect a personal, unorthodox and anti-clerical view of religion (fig. 2), and are unlikely to have been published in Catholic Cologne. Isaac Duchemin, who like De Weert came from Brussels, made prints of De Weert's more conventional designs (figs. 1 and 6). A later Duchemin print after his own design (1612; fig. 15) shows a horde of ignorant donkeys practising the arts, lampooning the situation of the arts and sciences in Cologne in a period when the last dissident artists and scientists had died or been expelled and the heyday of culture was over. Frans Hogenberg, who was banished by Alva in 1568 and sought admission to Cologne in 1570, was another active Lutheran. During the aforementioned gathering in 1579 he, too, was arrested, but let off with a fine. Hogenberg may originally have had Calvinist sympathies; a print made while he was still in Antwerp (fig. 7) depicts Predestination. He joined the Cologne painters' guild, and was a highly productive engraver and publisher until his death in 1590. Notably his town views and history prints of contemporary war activities and other political events (figs. 8 and 9) were held in high esteem. Crispijn dc Passe the Elder opted for his baptist faith after the fall of Antwerp (1585) and was compelled to leave the city. After a brief sojourn in Aachen in 1589 he moved that same year to Cologne, where he published and engraved a large number of prints. Some were his own designs (fig. i 3), but more often those of Maartcn de Vos, his wife's uncle (figs. 11-12). Despite his friendship with such well-known Protestants as Carel Utenhoven and Matthias Quad, De Passe seems to have been careful to keep out of trouble. His prints catered to the taste of a conservative, Catholic elite, and he endeavoured to gain the favour of prominent citizens of Cologne by dedicating prints to them (fig. 14). However, the city grew increasingly intolerant of the Protestant immigrants. During a campaign to flush them out, especially the baptists, De Passe was registered in 1610 and along with all the other baptists had to leave the city in 1611. He settled in Utrecht, where his prints were published from 1612 on. Catholic Dutch artists also emigrated to Cologne. The public's hostile attitude towards Willem van Tetrode's work (his recently completed high altar in Delft was destroyed in the iconoclasm of 1573) induced the sculptor to seek commissions from Cologne patricians a successful venture, as it turned out. The Catholic painter Geldorp Gortzius of Louvain became Cologne's favourite portraitist (fig. 10). He lived there from 1579 until his death in 1619), holding an administrative post and living in financial circumstances which he would never have enjoyed in the south Netherlands, where there was fierce competition among the many painters.

The magnificent gilded silver ewer Adam van Vianen made in 1614 to commemorate his brother Paulus van Vianen who had died the previous year in Prague, is the pinnacle of the kwabstijl, and of Dutch silversmithing in general. The execution of the raising and embossing is exceptional and had never seen before. Von Sandrart specifically stated in his book that Adam made the whole object out of one piece of silver. It is quite possible that Adam van Vianen applied himself to a quest that many sculptors undertook in the Renaissance: making an object under the most challenging circumstances in their area of expertise. A ewer traditionally consists of a body, foot, handle and a lid with a hinge, which are soldered or screwed together. Adam van Vianen, however, integrated all these separate parts into one dynamic, swirling form, and the absence of clearly separated parts seems to confirm that the ewer is made out of a single piece. To determine once and for all whether the ewer is made out of one piece of silver sheet, an expert team researched the ewer with the aid of X-radiography and formulated a theory as to the way the ewer’s handle was constructed. The research also covered the alloy in Adam van Vianen’s ewer and other objects by his hand in the Rijksmuseum’s collection, and outlined the background of available knowledge on silversmithing in the Netherlands in the seventeenth century, and the products available at that time. Finally, reconstructions of silver refining were carried out using two contemporary sources: Bergbuchlein und Probierbuchlein by Calbus of Freiberg (and unknown authors), Leipzig 1524, and Lazarus Ercker’s Beschreibung: Allerfürnemisten Mineralischen Ertzt, und Bergwercks arten … Prague 1574. The complete alloy research in the Rijksmuseum laboratories showed that the alloy was very different from alloys used by other Dutch silversmiths in the same period. A surprising outcome that could very well be connected to the demands Adam van Vianen made on his material.

AbstractTwo things long stood in the way of the erection of statues in public in the Northern Netherlands, on the one hand the lack of a strong central government and on the other the wrongly interpreted - Calvinist interdict on them (Note 1). The first statue of this kind, that of Erasmus in Rotterdam by De Keyser (1622), was attacked by strict Calvinists, but noted throughout Europe as an early paradigm (Note 3). Not until the 19th century did the Netherlands join in the nationalistic 'statue craze', which was just breaking out then, with two monuments to the supposed Dutch inventor of printing, Laurens Janszoon Coster. These statues of a private citizen had a predecessor in the 18th century, while a statue had already been demanded in the 17th-century eulogies of Coster. Cities had long honoured their famous inventors as important contributors to civilization and praise of the inventor was also a fundampental ingredient of the history of learning (e.g. in Pliny). In the Renaissance scientific inventions acquired a special emphasis, modern inventors being held up as evidence that the model of Antiquity could be not only equalled, but also surpassed, while both Christian civilization and the northern countries could also gain credit here (cf. Johannes Stradanus, Figs. 2, 3, Note 9, and Francis Bacon, Note 10). The significance of the invention of printing for Christianity was soon recognized, so that it was lauded above other inventions as 'divine', an attitude that was certainly also strengthened by its decisive role in the Reformation. In the Netherlands in particular, where religious and political developments were so closely interwoven, printing was regarded as an important aid to both (Notes 14, 15), while the young Dutch Republic, in which printing played such an important part, could claim the honour of counting the inventor of this important art among its citizens. This 'pious fraud' (Hellinga) is fundamental to the discussion of the history of the statues. The Coster tradition can only be traced back to about a century after the supposed invention, acquiring its definitive form at the end of the 16th century in Hadrianus Junius' Batavia Illustrata of 1598. The further enlargement on the merits of Coster also necessitated a portrait of him which, in de fault of an authentic one, had to be fabricated for the purpose, the features of the statue of Erasmus being taken over for a full-length portrait (Fig. 5), which served as a 'graphic monument'. A fictitious bust of Coster was also cited in the 17th century (Fig. 7) and this, like the early sculptural marks of honour to him (Fig. 16), belongs to the iconography of printing, the practitioners of the craft evoking their inventor. Such representations - a more or less life-size statue of Coster is still to be seen on the house of the Haarlem printer Enschedé - were not yet very public in character. The statue of Coster projected from the end of the 17th century for the garden of the Hortus Medicus in Haarlem did acquire greater publicity, however. This humanist garden of a bourgeois learned society (Note 28), reflected not only nature, but also the world of learning, as a microcosm of the arts, with sixteen busts of connoisseurs and scholars under the leadership of a full-length statue of Coster, since it was he who by his art had made the dissemination of learning possible, although he owed his place here largely to his Haarlem origins, of course. The designs made by Romeyn de Hooghe for this statue (Note 29) were only realized in 1722 in a statue by Gerrit van Heerstal, which tried to unite historical and classical features (Figs. 8-13). In the years thereafter, up to the tercentenary of the invention, the poems, medals and a weighty commemorative publication (Fig. 14, Note 35) celebrating the Haarlem inventor of printing all referred to this statue in his birthplace. Meanwhile Germany too had honoured her inventors of printing - Fust in addition to Gutenberg, initially - in 1640 and 1710 by centenary festivities often of a Protestant cast. Privileges relating to public statues may have been one of the reasons why no monuments were erected on these occasions. These privileges were, however, annulled by the French Revolution, just as the Enlightenment and political renewal furthered the cult of honouring leading civic 'geniuses'. Two Gutenberg cities under French rule took pride of pace here, but only in 1840 did Strasbourg acquire a statue of Gutenberg by David d'Angers, which illustrated his role as the enlightener of all mankind (Figs. 15-18, Note 39). In Mainz a private initiative of 1794 came to nothing (Note 40), as did a Napoleonic rebuilding plan centred on a Gutenberg Square with a statue. Not until 1829 was a semi-public statue by Joseph Stok set up there (Note 41), while in 1837 the Gutenberg monument designed by Bartel Thorwaldsen was unveiled with great ceremony (Fig. 19). The two last-mentioned statues in Mainz, like the many others erected after 1814, were the products of the nationalistic pride in the country's past history that flared up after the defeat of Napoleon. This pride in the past generally took on a nostalgic cast and served to compensate for the failure of current political ambitions: The unity of Germany long a dream, while the hoped-for great changes in the Kingdom of the Netherlands were dealt a bitter blow by the breakaway of the 'southern provinces' in 1831 (Note 44). This last event marked the start for the Northern Netherlands of a long-lasting rivalry with their Belgian neighbours, which was pursued by means of monumental art, from the statue of Rembrandt (1852) as an answer to that of Rubens (1840) to the Rijksmuseum (1885). The great importance attached to Coster in the 19th century was already manifested in 1801 by the removal of the statue in Haarlem from the Hortus Medicus to the marketplace (Note 45). National pride is abundantly evident in the prizewinning treatise published in 1816 by Jacobus Koning, who is a weighty investigation confirmed Coster's right to the invention and with it that of the Netherlands to a leading place among the civilized nations. The quatercentenary, fixed surprisingly early, in 1823, comprised every imaginable type of public entertainment and demonstration of scholarship. It is, however, striking that these expressions of national pride were still balanced by references to the elevating effect of the invention (Note 56). The most lasting mark of honour of the celebration of 1823, the abstract monument by the Haarlem sculptor D. Douglas, also looked back to the sensibilities of the 18th century in its placing on the spot where the invention had come into being in the Haarlem Wood (Fig. 23, Note 59). After this Haarlem monument of 1823 had been adduced in the discussions about the statue in Mainz before 1829, Thorwaldsen's statue, which attracted great international attention, became a greater source of annoyance to the Dutch adversaries of Gutenberg after 1829 than the statue to the Belgian inventor Dirck Martens in Aalst (Note 63) or the projected monument to William Caxton in England. Jan Jacob Frederik. Noordziek summed up this dissatisfaction in his call in 1847 to 'uphold the honour of the fatherland', in which he pleaded for a monument that would surpass the Gutenberg statue and thus serve as an argument that would establish the Dutch claim for good (Note 64). The erection of this statue was further expressly intended to be an exclusively national affair: the citizens of the Netherlands must raise the money and only Dutch artists be charged with the execution. The general discussion about the statues appears to have been less virulent than was usually the case in the preliminaries to other monuments (Note 66), Coster's merits evidently being little contested within the country itself. There were two notable critical voices, however (see Appendix). Professor M. Siegenbeek rang the changes on an old Calvinist argument in refusing a seat on the preparatory committee: in addition to the fact that there were certainly more people who deserved statues, he pointed out that the great expense involved merely evinced ostentation and that the money would be better spent on social ends. The Neo-Classicist Humbert de Superville, on the other hand, did express doubts as to Coster's right to the title, repeating aesthetic arguments which had been adduced before: statues ought, in his view, to be made in the form of durable stone herms, but he thought there was as little chance of that in this 'age of modish lay-figures' in the bronze of melted-down coins, as that the statue would be made by a Dutchman (Note 67). A typical Romantic historical controversy threw the organizers into turmoil, namely the authenticity of the representations of Coster. In particular Westreenen van Tielland unmasked the idealizing and forged portraits, arguing against the erection of a historicizing representational statue. But the defenders of Coster's honour opted for the usual historical realism (Note 68). The tenor of these polemics is found again in the conflict over the 'historical or allegorical' nature of the composition, which can be seen in the designs. Louis Royer, to whom the commission was given in 1848, wanted to show Coster walking with a winged letter A in his hand, as if on his way to show people his discovery, which was soon to wing its way round the world (cf. Fig. 22). However, this allegorical element disappeared completely in the final version, in which the choice fell on a realistic portrait, albeit Coster was still shown walking like a classical predecessor, Archimedes, who could not keep his discovery to himself (Fig. 23, Note 69). The architect H. M. Tetar van Elven was commissioned to make a base in the style of 'the last era of the Middle Ages'. The inscriptions also presented problems, but were finally agreed on in September 1855. The ceremonies, which after all manner of altercation between Royer and the main committee (Note 70) and various financial problems, were finally able to be staged from 15 to 17 July) 1856, included, in addition to the actual unveiling of the statue on the marketplace ( Van Heerstal's statue being returned to the garden again) , pageants, meetings, an exhibition and all sorts of popular entertainments. Everything was on a grander and more extensive scale than 33 years before and little remained of the motif of enlightenment through printing which had been so important then. Nalionalistic merry-making now predominated, along with expressions of devotion to the House of Orange. Less emphasis was also given to the 'darkness' of the Middle Ages, which were now beginning to be valued as part of the nation's history. The most monumental homage to this monument was a 360-page account of the events by the indefatigable Noordziek. His dream of the recognition of Coster and the nation as a whole seemed to have become a reality. But it was not to be so for long. Only fifteen years after the unveiling A. van de Linde unmasked the' 'Haarlem Coster legend' and called for the demolition of the statue, again in the interests of the nation (Note 81).

AbstractThe article starts by taking stock of research into North and South Netherlandish professional embroidery in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Such embroidery, which was rarely or never signed, and much of which has been lost, has hitherto been studied largely on stylistic grounds and grouped around noted schools of painting. Classifications include 'circle of Jacob Cornelisz van Oostsanen', for instance, or 'Leiden school/influence of Lucas van Leyden'. The author advocates a more relative approach to such classification into schools. She suggests that only systematic archive research in each location can shed new light on the production of embroidery studios and that well-founded attributions hinge solely on such research. The embroidery produced in Utrecht between 1500 and 1580 is cited as an example. The invoices of Utrecht parish and collegiate churches from circa 1500 to the Reformation record not onlv commissions to painters, goldsmiths and sculptors but also many items referring to textiles, notably embroidery. Together they provide a clear and relatively complete picture of the activities of sixteenth-century Utrecht embroiderers, whose principal customers were the churches. The items in question moreover exemplify the craft of the North Netherlandish embroiderer in that period in general in terms of what was produced as well as of the method and position of these artistic craftsmen, who were less overshadowed by painters than is generally assumed. A brief introduction outlining the organization of professional Utrecht embroiderers, who became independent of the tailors' guild in 1610 and acquired their own warrant, is followed by the analysis of an order from the Buurkerk in Utrecht for crimson paraments in 1530: three copes, a chasuble and two dalmatics. The activities of all those involved in their production are recorded : the merchants who supplied the fabric, the tracers of the embroidery patterns, the embroiderer, the cutter, various silver-smiths and the maker of the chest in which the set of garments was kept. The embroiderer was the best-paid of all these specialists. It is interesting to note that some Utrecht guild-members worked free of charge on these paraments, and that the collection at the first mass at which they were worn was very generous. There were probably political reasons for this: some of the donators, Evert Zoudenbalch and Goerd van Voirde, had been mayors at the time of the guild rebellion in Utrecht, and the Buurkerk was the parish church where the guild altars stood. After this detailed example the author discusses Utrecht embroiderers known by name and their studios,comparing them with a list of major commissions carried out for churches in Utrecht (appendix I). It transpires that in each case one studio received the most important Utrecht orders. This is followed by the reconstruction of three leading figures' careers. First Jacob van Malborch, active till 1525; a contract (1510) with the Pieterskerk in Utrecht regarding blue velvet copes is cited (appendix 11). He is followed by the embroiderers Reyer Jacobs and Sebastiaen dc Laet. Among his other activities, the latter was responsible for repairing and altering the famous garments of Bishop David of Burgundy. Items on invoices arc then cited as evidence that the sleeves of two dalmatics now in the Catharijneconvent Museum, embroidered on both sides with aurifriezes donated by Bishop David, were made by Jacob van Malborch in 1504/1505. This shows that systematic scrutiny of invoices and the results of archive research concentrated on individual embroiderers in a single city, compared with preserved items of embroidery, yield information that can lead to exact attributions to an artist or a studio (figs.4a to c and 5a to c). The Catharijneconvent Museum also possesses a series of figures of saints embroidered by the same hand (fig. 14). Finally, the author points out that a group of embroidered work (previously mentioned by H. L. M. Defoer in the catalogue Schilderen met gouddraad en zyde (1987)) which historical data suggest was done in Utrecht and which was produced in the same period, are almost certain to have come from Jacob van Malborch's studio, despite the lack of archival evidence (figs. 6 to 13).

AbstractThe Altar of the Antwerp Coopers' Guild and Quinten Massy In 1938 two distinguished scholars, Max J. Friedländer and Floris Prims, one a reknowned connoisseur of Early Netherlandish painting and the other an indefatigable digger in the Antwerp archives, published articles that might well have bearing on the same picture, yet have never been connected either then or later. From the evidence collected by Prims (notes 2 to 7) it appears that the Antwerp coopers, after having separated from the joiners with whom they had shared a guild until 1497, obtained an altar of their own in Our Lady's church. A picture standing on this altar is mentioned first in 1655. It is described as representing The 'Afdoening' of Our Lord from the Cross with two doors (the term 'afdoening' being used to describe a Deposition as well as a Lamentation). An inventory of 1660 gives the same description with the addition 'made by Quinten Massys'. The altar survived until about 1680, when a new marble altar with sculpture and paintings was ordered; this was completed by 1684 and the old altar-piece was hung above the entrance door of the guild room without the doors being mentioned. It was sold in 1697 when the guild had run into financial trouble. Half a century later the painter Jacob de Wit still knew of it and described it as showing 'figures smaller than life, Christ taken from the Cross with Our Lady, St Mary Magdalen and others, (....) by Quinten Massys, the second painting he did, not quite as good as the one in the Cirumcision chapel [originally on the altar of the joiners; fig. 2]; it was sold but is still in the town' (note 3,). Friedländer, for his part, concluded that the Lamentation which was to be purchased by the National Gallery of Canada in 1949 'cannot be regarded as anything but an early work by Quentin' (note I). This attribution, which had earlier been refuted by Baldass, was then disputed by Silver (note II). This author considered the Ottawa picture a somewhat later pastiche after a lost Lamentation in Massys' mature style of which a fragment in Berlin, showing s'Lamentation in Ottawa a weeping woman (wrongly called Mary Magdalen), resembles one of the mourning women in the Ottawa Lamention (fig. 7). This theory is however contradicted by the picture's quality and seems to be prompted by a mistaken reconstruction of Massys' early development (see below). Similarities between the Lamentation and other early works that can be ascribed tot Massys (figs 3 and 17) are obvious though the course of his development prior to the great altar-pieces of 1507-1511remains in many respects unclear. When attempting to bring some light to the chronology of Massys' works from about 1491 (when he left Louvain for Antwerp at the age of 25) to 1507, one may take into account three medallions that have been attributed to him, two of them being dated 1491 and one 1495 (notes 18-24). They may be loosely associated with features that recurr in the Lamentation. An Italian-style medal of William Schevez, archbishop of St. Andrews, who stayed for a few months at Louvain in 1491, raises the question of whether the same sitter may be recognised in a painted portrait, which would then be Quinten's earliest datable picture (figs 8 and 9). The portrait of the artist himself, dated 1495 (fig 10), was in great esteem and provided the prototype for a print by Jheronimus Wierix (published by Lampsonius in 1572), where the bust was extended to a half-figure; it was also copied in an oval painting that was reproduced in a work by Frans Francken II (figs. I and IIa) and it was probably that very painting which was owned by the Antwerp guild of St. Luke and was considerd an original self-portrait when it was confiscated by the French in 1794 (and subsequently disappeared). It seems likely that the medallion's date of 1495 provides a terminus post quem for the Ottawa Lamentation. A more precise date may be inferred from the obvious borrowings from the Lamentation found in a large triptych in Lisbon (figs 13 and 14). This work may be attributed to one 'Eduwart Portuga

AbstractIn I665 Jacob van Wassenaer Obdam, admiral of the Dutch fleet, was killed while waging the Battle of Lowestoft against the English. Almost immediately after Holland's defeat, the States General decided to honour the admiral with a monument. In the light of this defeat and the harsh criticism of Van Wassenaer's leadership, the initiative may be seen as a political ploy to camouflage the debacle. A design submitted by the sculptor Rombout Verhulst was rejected in favour of one by the younger and less experienced Bartholomeus Eggers, who was given a fairly unexpected chance to submit an alternative design. Posthumous claims, recorded in various archivalia, that the originator of the design was C. Moninx, a painter of The Hague, appear to be unfounded: Moninx' heirs were probably out for financial gain, acting in the same spirit as the late painter, whose reputation was already tarnished by accusations of forgery shortly before his death. In any case, in view of Moninx' artistic achievements it seems unlikely that he would have been capable of providing such a design for the Van Wassenaer monument. Furthermore, his name does not occur in official documents of the States General pertaining to the commission, the specifications and the fee for the monument. In terms of form and iconography, the Van Wassenaer monument is exceptional. The choice of a splendid canopied monument reflects the aspiration to emulate Hendrick de Keyser's tomb for William of Orange. In opting for this form, moreover, the designer was employing the most important motif of royal exequies in I6th and I7th-century Europe: the catafalque. This architectural motif, derived from Roman burial rites, was the ephemeral focus of many royal funerals; since the death of Emperor Charles V (I558) such catafalques had been appearing all over Europe, notably for deceased Hapsburg monarchs. Illustrated descriptions of such exequies were partly responsible for making catafalque types widely known. The use of this regal funerary motif in the monument for Van Wassenaer Obdam reflects the ambition of the body that ordered it - the States General - to present itself as an able, sovereign power in the Netherlands. The iconography of the monument is exceptional in that Van Wassenaer is shown as a standing, living naval commander. Eggers may well have had in mind the series of sculpted portraits of four Stadtholders of Orange in Huis ten Bosch at The Hague, made by François Dieussart in about I646-I647. With this standing portrait form Van Wassenaer was honoured like an Antique hero, as implied by the epithet 'alter Hercules' in the inscription. The group behind the hero, consisting of Fame and an eagle with a globe and thunderbolts in its claws, may be interpreted as an image of consecratio or apotheosis in keeping with Roman tradition. Eggers or his patrons could have found a direct model for this unusual iconography in the Antique manner in Joachim Oudaen's Roomse Moogentheid of I664. States General patronage as embodied in monuments to naval heroes peaked shortly after I65o: during the Stadtholderless Period (I65I-I672) the most numerous and most important tombs for naval heros were paid for by the public purse. As well as representing the nation's tribute to the heroes who had laid down their lives for their country, these monuments could be understood as political (anti-Stadtholder) propaganda for the Republican cause. By causing public monuments to be built, the States General rendered manifest its function as a sovereign power and gave form to the 'dignity, glory and honour of the nation', concepts previously embodied by the Stadtholders of Orange. To a certain extent naval heroes, as exempla virtutis, could compensate for the loss of a Stadtholder as the personification of the nation. Their funerals were spectacles on a par with those of the Stadtholders and thus likewise some compensation for the lack of viceregal pomp. In Van Wassenaer's case there was a more compelling reason for a monument than otherwise: it enabled the States General to gloss over its admiral's defeat and its own consequent loss of face by presenting the dead commander as an Antique hero, in keeping with the finest funerary traditions, under a catafalque. That they were successful is borne out by a passage in an English tourist's travel diary of I705, in which Van Wassenaer is described as a valiant hero.

AbstractIn 1625 the Monastery of St. John's in Haarlem, which housed the local Order of the Knights of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem (Hospitallers), was dissolved. The property, including a large collection of paintings, passed to the City of Haarlem, which claimed all the monasteries in the district of Haarlen as compensation for damage sustairted during the siege and rebellion against Spain. In the monastery's archives, now in the Haarlem Municipal Archives, memorial panels are menizoned fourteen times. Nine of thern occur in three inventories of 1573, one in a testament of 1574 and the rest in the Commander's accounts of 1572, 1573 and 1574. In the case of six of the thirteen items there is no description of the representation at all; one is simply said to depict a number of persons. Four of the six other items are Passion representations. Like The Last Judgment, such themes are in keeping with the functiort of a memorial panel. The description of one epitaph as 'in laudem artis musiccs' is not sufficiently clear to give an idea of the representation. More information is available as to the patrons or commemorated persons. All of them seem to have been members of the Order of St. John: four panels were memorials to commanders, three to ordinary hospitallers and one painting commemorated the founder of the monastery. All were priests. Nothing in the archives suggests that the church contained memorials to non-members of the order. This must nonetheless have been the case: a 'Liber- memoriarum' compiled in 1570 indicates that numerous memorial services were held for the laity, many of whom apparently chose St. John's as their last resting-place. It is thus highly likely that memorials for these worshippers were placed in the church. A 1572 inventory of St. John's Monastery makes no mention of memorial panels, probably because the contents of the church were not listed. After the monastery had been destroyed during the siege of Haarlem, three inventories were drawn up: one of the ruined monastery, one of the items - mainly paintings which were moved to Utrecht, and one of the property taken to the Sint Adriaansdoelen, the temporary home of the order after the destruction of the monastery. Only in these three inventories are epitaphs mentioned. The inventories of 1580 and 1606 were drawn up by order of the City, the claimant to the mortastery's propery. They make no mention of private possessions, not even those of the members of the Order. The 1625 inventory, drawn up after the death of the last inmate, only mentiorts the painting that was bought by the convent to be placed on the grave of its founder. Epitaphs which were not orderend by the convent were probably regarded as private property, and passed to the heirs prior to 1625. Exact dates cannot be ascertained. The author has identified two epitaphs and a painting coming from St. John's. It is not clear whether the small painting of Mary, her cousin Elizabeth and Commander Jan Willem Jansz. (1484-1514) (Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, Weimar) is (part of) an epitaph or a devotional painting (ill. 2). The 1572 inventory mentions a picture of Jan Willem. It is not described, but the painting in Weimar is a likely candidate because of its small size (72 x 50). The 1573 inventory of the property in the Adriaansdoelen lists a wing of the epitaph of 'Heer Jan', but again, the representation is not described. The 17thcentury genealogist Opt Straeten van der Moelen described the four family coats of arms on the painting, but said nothing about the representation or where he saw it. It was possible to identify the Hospitaller in the Weimar work because of the armorial shield hanging on a tree behind the kneeling figure. The arms correspond with what Opt Straeten van der Moelen described as the arms of the Hospitaller's father, and with a wax impression of Jan Willem Jansz.'s arms (ill. 1) on a document of 1494, now in the Haarlem Municipal Archive. The date and painter of the picture are not known. In the series of portraits of the Commanders of St. John's Monastery in Haarlem (Frans Hals Museum) is a second portrait of Jan Willem. In this, the seventeenth portrait in the series (ill. 3), he is grey-haired, in contrast to the Weimar painting, in which he is depicted with black hair. Jan Willem Jansz. was born in about 1450. In 1484 he was elected Commander of the order, a function which he held until his death in 1514. The Bowes Museum, Durham, owns a triptych of an Entombment (ills. 4 and 5). On the middle panel is a kneeling Knight Hospitaller; on each of the side panels are four persons, arranged in pairs. One of them, on the right wing, is another member of the Order. Coats of arms can be seen on the prie-dieu's behind which three of the four couples kneel, and on the back of the panels (ill. 6). Comparison of these arms with the one on the seal of Philips van Hogesteyn, Commander of the Order frorn 1571 to 1574, suggests that this is his epitaph (ill. 7). The memorial panel is mentioned in the 1573 inventory of property in the Adriaansdoelen. In 1570, before becoming prior of the monastery, Philips had a 'Liber memoriarum' compiled which contained the names of his grandparents and parents. His grandmother came from the Van Arkel family, whose arms bore two opposing embattled bars. This coal of arms facilitated identification of the couples on the left wing. The grandparents are kneeling behind the last prie-dieu - the Van Arkel arms are on the heraldic left of the shield. In front of them are Philips van Hogesteyn's parents. It is harder to establish the identity of the people on the right wing, but the couple kneeling behind the prie-dieu are very likely Philips' brother and sister-in-law. The woman behind them could be his sister. The brother and sister are mentioned in his will, which he made in 1568. However, it is not clear who the Hospitaller on this panel is. It could be an unknown member of the family, but it is also possible that Philips van Hogesteyn was depicted in the triplych twice, first simply as a member of the family on one wing and again, later on in life, on the middle panel as the most important patron. Besides this painted epitaph, an elegy on Philips van Hogesteyn, written bij Cornelys Schonaeus, headmaster of the Latin school in Haarlem, has been preserved. This poem only mentions the effigy of the late Philips in front of the 'worthy reader' - not a word about his family. The 1572 inventory lists two separate portraits of Philips. It is not known where he was buried, nor has it been possible to establish whether his epitaph, with or without the elegy, or a portrait plus an elegy were ever placed on his grave. The painter is not mentioned by name anywhere either. Philips van Hogesteyn took holy orders in 1553. Assuming that he was 17 years old when he joined the Order of St. John, he would have entered the monastery in 1544. If this assumption is correct and he is portrayed twice on the triplych, it could have been painted any time from 1544 on. The reason for the commission must remain unanswered. In the Catharijneconvent Museum in Utrechl is a triptych with a Crucifixion. On the left wing is a kneeling man in a chasuble and stole, and on the right wing a Hospitaller (ill. 8). Today the outsides of the panels are empty. In the catalogue of an exhibition of North-Netherlandish painting and sculpture before 1575, held in 1913, however, the vestiges of the armorial shields -- four on each panel - are mentioned. Apparently this is an epitaph for a member of the Oem van Wijngaarden family, brought to Utrecht in 1573. The Hospitaller is Tieleman Oem van Wijngaarden, who was living in St. John's Monastery in Haarlem at the beginning of the 16th century and died in 1518 person on the right-hand panel appears to be Dirk van Raaphorst -- also known as Dirk van Noordwijk. The Utrecht triptych is identified here as the Van Wijngaarden epitaph from St. John's Monastery despite the fact that the description of shield I on the right-hand panel does not point towards the Oem van Wijngaarden family. Thanks to the fourth shield on the same panel, still in fairly good condition in 1913, it was possible, by dint of invenstigating Tieleman's family, to establish him as the person portrayed on the right-hand panel (see Appendix II). Dirk van Raaphorst of Noordwijk was a canon of St. Pancras' Church in Leiden. He probably owed the name 'van Raaphorst of Noordwijk' to the fact that he was called after his maternal grandfather. For the same reason, the armorial shields on the back of the lefthand panel are not arranged in the usual manner but inverted, i being the mother's arms, II the father's (see also Appendix III). Dirk van Noordwijk was a nephew of Tieleman Oem van Wijngaarden (see Appendix IV). He died in 1502. In 15 18 Tieleman was buried in the same grave in the church of St. John's Monastery. This memorial panel, too, prompts several questions. It is not clear why distant relatives, whose deaths moreover were sixteen years apart, were commemorated on the same panel. Neither the painter nor the dale of the triptych is known. However, perhaps the source of Tieleman's portrait can be established (fig.9). The features in this portrait bear a marked resemblance to those in the portrait of the Hospitaller on the Van Wijngaarden epitaph in Utrecht. Despite publications on individual North-Netherlandish memorial panels, no scholarly examination of the total number of known pieces has yet been initiated. The author is preparing such an examination, which may yield more insight into the customs pertaining to the corramemoration of the dead and the place accupied by memorial panels.

Статья посвящена творчеству современного бурятского живописца, скульптора, сценографа Бато Дашицыренова, выставка работ которого состоялась в 2019 году в Художественном музее им. Ц. Сампилова (Улан-Удэ). Произведения художника были представлены на многочисленных выставках России, Франции, США, Нидерландов. Автор ставит целью исследования определить соотношение национальных и общекультурных смыслов в творческом наследии Бато Дашицыренова. Для этого в живописи, графике и скульптуре мастера отмечены образы, мотивы, сюжеты, укорененные в национальной культуре, традициях, обычаях монгольских народов, древней культуре Центральной Азии. С другой стороны, определены элементы техники, средства художественной выразительности, характерные для европейского экспрессионизма и символизма или метаисторического экспрессионизма. Почерк мастера включает и опыт театрального художника, и приверженность музыкальной тематике, и интертекстуальность, и связь знака и архетипа, и своеобразие пластики, палитры, фигуративные особенности (например, акцент на голове персонажа, где, по представлениям бурят, сосредоточен источник души человека), и свободу переходов от живописи к пластическим образам. Результаты и выводы исследования значимы в контексте изучения современных художественных процессов Республики Бурятия, России и Центральной Азии. The article is about the work of a modern Buryat painter, sculptor, stage designer Bato Dashitsyrenov. The exhibition of his artworks took place in 2019 at The Buryatia Republican Art Museum named after Ts.S. Sampilov (Ulan-Ude). The artists works were previously presented at numerous exhibitions in Russia, France, the USA, and the Netherlands. The purpose of the study is to determine the correlation of national and general cultural meanings in the creative heritage of Bato Dashitsyrenov. For this, the author notes images, motives, plots rooted in the national culture, traditions, customs of the Mongolian peoples, the ancient culture of Central Asia in the painting, graphics and sculpture of the master. On the other hand, the author defines elements of technology, means of artistic expression, characteristic of European expressionism and symbolism or metahistorical expressionism. The masters manner includes the experience of a theater artist, commitment to musical themes and intertextuality, the connection of the sign and archetype, the originality of plastics, palettes, figurative features (for example, emphasis on the characters head, where, according to Buryat ideas, the source of the human soul is concentrated), and freedom of transition from painting to plastic images. The results and conclusions of the study are significant in the context of studying contemporary art processes in the Republic of Buryatia, Russia and Central Asia.

Fernando Casás: a note about the artist.www.fernandocasas.es Fernando Casás [Vigo, Spain, 1946], lives between Brazil – where he spent most part of his life – and Spain, where he is professor of Sculpture at the University of Vigo. He is also professor in Doctorate courses at ESAD Escola Superior Artística do Porto, Portugal. He began working and investigating with Art and Nature [Land Art, Eco Art, Earth Works] at the end of the sixties, influenced by the tropical environment. Since then he works in different, paralell and recurrent streams: a de-materialized side [like the Idiotic Projects, the capture of a fleeting moment]; the ephemeral works [like the Wanderer Project or the Earth 100 / Latex, where he makes small and intimate incursions at random in the natural environment] ; and finally what we could call the formal works, where evidenciation of the passing of time and investigation of new ways are the major concerns, and where he works with different techniques, procedures and materials, ranging from worn out raw material to new technologies, which result in works that can be seen in exhibitions, collections or public places [The Termite Cycle, Trees as Archaeology or Act / Impact]. Nowadays he is considered by art critics as a pioneer in the Art and Nature field. Among public works: Lamed Vav / The 36 Justs together with R.Morris, R.Long, Hamilton Finlay. Island of Sculptures, and Memory of the River, both in Pontevedra, Spain, 1999 and 2006.Two Stones two University Botanic Graden, Jerusalem, Israel. 2000.Amazonia / Roots. Catacumba Sculpture Park, Rio de Janeiro, Brasil. 1989.Wood. Burgo das Nacións Square, Santiago de Compostela, Spain. 1994.Big Snake. Seeff & Marks Community Center, Jerusalem, Israel. 1989.Threes as Archaeology together with R. Long, S.Armajani, U.Rükriem, D.Nash. Monegros Desert, Huesca, Spain. 2003.Ashé / The Curve of the 9 over Bayona sea, in the road that unites Galicia and Portugal. 2005.Apple trees for Carrazeda. Carrazeda de Ansiães, Portugal, 2009. Selected exhibitions:Solo Termites tunnels at Centro Cultural dos Correios. [Río de Janeiro, 2009]Intervention Blue in Tifariti Sahara Desert, during the International Encounters of Art in the Free Territories of Sahara. [Argelia, 2009].Retrospective solo exhibition in the series Great Galician Artists [Caixanova, Vigo, 2006]Naturally Artificial. [Museo Esteban Vicente, Segovia, 2006]Archaeology of the non site. [Círculo de Bellas Artes, Madrid, 2004]A wood in works: Spanish vanguards in wood. [Museo de Arte Contemporáneo Esteban Vicente, Segovia y Sala de las Alhajas, Madrid, 2000]XXIª International Beinnial of São Paulo [Säo Paulo, Brasil, 1991]Brazilian work: 1964 – 1984 [Retrospectiva en la Fundación Luís Seoane, A Coruña, 2000]Fragments of America [Convento de San Francisco de la Habana Vieja, Cuba. 1999] Possible Dimension [Museu de Arte Moderna de Säo Paulo, Brasil, 1991]Manuscripten van de Amazon Rivier [EKWC Europees Keramisch Werkcentrum, den Bosch, The Netherlands, 1994]Amazonas, Série Negra [Galería Ibeu-Copacabana y Casa de Cultura Laura Alvim, Río de Janeiro; Galeria Aquarela y Espaço Unicamp, Säo Paulo, 1988 y 1989]Camouflaged Earth [Municipal Gallery, Jerusalem, Israel y Centre Culturel Bresilien, Ginebra, Suiza, 1987]De Huid van de Witte Dame [Phillips Headquarters, Eindhoven, Holanda, 1996]Intervention for Ecology [Museu de Arte Moderna do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil, 1984). El Proyecto Errante fue llevado a Suiza, Francia, Israel, Holanda, entre otros países

Fernando Casás: a note about the artist.www.fernandocasas.es Fernando Casás [Vigo, Spain, 1946], lives between Brazil – where he spent most part of his life – and Spain, where he is professor of Sculpture at the University of Vigo. He is also professor in Doctorate courses at ESAD Escola Superior Artística do Porto, Portugal. He began working and investigating with Art and Nature [Land Art, Eco Art, Earth Works] at the end of the sixties, influenced by the tropical environment. Since then he works in different, paralell and recurrent streams: a de-materialized side [like the Idiotic Projects, the capture of a fleeting moment]; the ephemeral works [like the Wanderer Project or the Earth 100 / Latex, where he makes small and intimate incursions at random in the natural environment] ; and finally what we could call the formal works, where evidenciation of the passing of time and investigation of new ways are the major concerns, and where he works with different techniques, procedures and materials, ranging from worn out raw material to new technologies, which result in works that can be seen in exhibitions, collections or public places [The Termite Cycle, Trees as Archaeology or Act / Impact]. Nowadays he is considered by art critics as a pioneer in the Art and Nature field. Among public works: Lamed Vav / The 36 Justs together with R.Morris, R.Long, Hamilton Finlay. Island of Sculptures, and Memory of the River, both in Pontevedra, Spain, 1999 and 2006.Two Stones two University Botanic Graden, Jerusalem, Israel. 2000.Amazonia / Roots. Catacumba Sculpture Park, Rio de Janeiro, Brasil. 1989.Wood. Burgo das Nacións Square, Santiago de Compostela, Spain. 1994.Big Snake. Seeff & Marks Community Center, Jerusalem, Israel. 1989.Threes as Archaeology together with R. Long, S.Armajani, U.Rükriem, D.Nash. Monegros Desert, Huesca, Spain. 2003.Ashé / The Curve of the 9 over Bayona sea, in the road that unites Galicia and Portugal. 2005.Apple trees for Carrazeda. Carrazeda de Ansiães, Portugal, 2009. Selected exhibitions:Solo Termites tunnels at Centro Cultural dos Correios. [Río de Janeiro, 2009]Intervention Blue in Tifariti Sahara Desert, during the International Encounters of Art in the Free Territories of Sahara. [Argelia, 2009].Retrospective solo exhibition in the series Great Galician Artists [Caixanova, Vigo, 2006]Naturally Artificial. [Museo Esteban Vicente, Segovia, 2006]Archaeology of the non site. [Círculo de Bellas Artes, Madrid, 2004]A wood in works: Spanish vanguards in wood. [Museo de Arte Contemporáneo Esteban Vicente, Segovia y Sala de las Alhajas, Madrid, 2000]XXIª International Beinnial of São Paulo [Säo Paulo, Brasil, 1991]Brazilian work: 1964 – 1984 [Retrospectiva en la Fundación Luís Seoane, A Coruña, 2000]Fragments of America [Convento de San Francisco de la Habana Vieja, Cuba. 1999] Possible Dimension [Museu de Arte Moderna de Säo Paulo, Brasil, 1991]Manuscripten van de Amazon Rivier [EKWC Europees Keramisch Werkcentrum, den Bosch, The Netherlands, 1994]Amazonas, Série Negra [Galería Ibeu-Copacabana y Casa de Cultura Laura Alvim, Río de Janeiro; Galeria Aquarela y Espaço Unicamp, Säo Paulo, 1988 y 1989]Camouflaged Earth [Municipal Gallery, Jerusalem, Israel y Centre Culturel Bresilien, Ginebra, Suiza, 1987]De Huid van de Witte Dame [Phillips Headquarters, Eindhoven, Holanda, 1996]Intervention for Ecology [Museu de Arte Moderna do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil, 1984). El Proyecto Errante fue llevado a Suiza, Francia, Israel, Holanda, entre otros países. Selection of books and catalogues:Wagensberg, Jorge; A.Ruiz de Samaniego et.al.: Fernando Casás: Archaeology of the non site, Hércules de Eciciones and Círculo de Bellas Artes. Madrid, 2004.Parreño, José María; Pignatari, Décio: Fernando Casás: Retrospective at Caixanova. Vigo, 2006.Duque, Félix; Katz, Renina: Brazilian Works. Fundaçäo Luís Seoane, La Coruña, 2000.Maderuelo, Javier: Natürgeist. Diputación de Huesca, 1997.Garraud, Colette; Boël, Mickey: L’Artiste Contemporain et la Nature. Parcs et paysages européens. Éditions Hazan, Paris, 2007

Fernando Casás: a note about the artist.www.fernandocasas.es Fernando Casás [Vigo, Spain, 1946], lives between Brazil – where he spent most part of his life – and Spain, where he is professor of Sculpture at the University of Vigo. He is also professor in Doctorate courses at ESAD Escola Superior Artística do Porto, Portugal. He began working and investigating with Art and Nature [Land Art, Eco Art, Earth Works] at the end of the sixties, influenced by the tropical environment. Since then he works in different, paralell and recurrent streams: a de-materialized side [like the Idiotic Projects, the capture of a fleeting moment]; the ephemeral works [like the Wanderer Project or the Earth 100 / Latex, where he makes small and intimate incursions at random in the natural environment] ; and finally what we could call the formal works, where evidenciation of the passing of time and investigation of new ways are the major concerns, and where he works with different techniques, procedures and materials, ranging from worn out raw material to new technologies, which result in works that can be seen in exhibitions, collections or public places [The Termite Cycle, Trees as Archaeology or Act / Impact]. Nowadays he is considered by art critics as a pioneer in the Art and Nature field. Among public works: Lamed Vav / The 36 Justs together with R.Morris, R.Long, Hamilton Finlay. Island of Sculptures, and Memory of the River, both in Pontevedra, Spain, 1999 and 2006.Two Stones two University Botanic Graden, Jerusalem, Israel. 2000.Amazonia / Roots. Catacumba Sculpture Park, Rio de Janeiro, Brasil. 1989.Wood. Burgo das Nacións Square, Santiago de Compostela, Spain. 1994.Big Snake. Seeff & Marks Community Center, Jerusalem, Israel. 1989.Threes as Archaeology together with R. Long, S.Armajani, U.Rükriem, D.Nash. Monegros Desert, Huesca, Spain. 2003.Ashé / The Curve of the 9 over Bayona sea, in the road that unites Galicia and Portugal. 2005.Apple trees for Carrazeda. Carrazeda de Ansiães, Portugal, 2009. Selected exhibitions:Solo Termites tunnels at Centro Cultural dos Correios. [Río de Janeiro, 2009]Intervention Blue in Tifariti Sahara Desert, during the International Encounters of Art in the Free Territories of Sahara. [Argelia, 2009].Retrospective solo exhibition in the series Great Galician Artists [Caixanova, Vigo, 2006]Naturally Artificial. [Museo Esteban Vicente, Segovia, 2006]Archaeology of the non site. [Círculo de Bellas Artes, Madrid, 2004]A wood in works: Spanish vanguards in wood. [Museo de Arte Contemporáneo Esteban Vicente, Segovia y Sala de las Alhajas, Madrid, 2000]XXIª International Beinnial of São Paulo [Säo Paulo, Brasil, 1991]Brazilian work: 1964 – 1984 [Retrospectiva en la Fundación Luís Seoane, A Coruña, 2000]Fragments of America [Convento de San Francisco de la Habana Vieja, Cuba. 1999] Possible Dimension [Museu de Arte Moderna de Säo Paulo, Brasil, 1991]Manuscripten van de Amazon Rivier [EKWC Europees Keramisch Werkcentrum, den Bosch, The Netherlands, 1994]Amazonas, Série Negra [Galería Ibeu-Copacabana y Casa de Cultura Laura Alvim, Río de Janeiro; Galeria Aquarela y Espaço Unicamp, Säo Paulo, 1988 y 1989]Camouflaged Earth [Municipal Gallery, Jerusalem, Israel y Centre Culturel Bresilien, Ginebra, Suiza, 1987]De Huid van de Witte Dame [Phillips Headquarters, Eindhoven, Holanda, 1996]Intervention for Ecology [Museu de Arte Moderna do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil, 1984). El Proyecto Errante fue llevado a Suiza, Francia, Israel, Holanda, entre otros países. Selection of books and catalogues:Wagensberg, Jorge; A.Ruiz de Samaniego et.al.: Fernando Casás: Archaeology of the non site, Hércules de Eciciones and Círculo de Bellas Artes. Madrid, 2004.Parreño, José María; Pignatari, Décio: Fernando Casás: Retrospective at Caixanova. Vigo, 2006.Duque, Félix; Katz, Renina: Brazilian Works. Fundaçäo Luís Seoane, La Coruña, 2000.Maderuelo, Javier: Natürgeist. Diputación de Huesca, 1997.Garraud, Colette; Boël, Mickey: L’Artiste Contemporain et la Nature. Parcs et paysages européens. Éditions Hazan, Paris, 2007.

This variable describes what kind of concept of culture underlies the cultural coverage at a certain point of time or across time. The variable dissects the concept of culture into cultural forms that are being journalistically covered. It presupposes that each article predominantly focuses on one cultural genre or discipline, such as literature, music, or film, which is the case in most articles in the cultural beat that are written according to cultural journalists’ areas of specialization. By identifying the cultural forms covered, the variable delivers an answer to the question of what kind of culture has been covered, or what kind of culture has been represented. Forms of culture are sometimes also called artistic or cultural disciplines (Jaakkola, 2015) or cultural genres (Purhonen et al., 2019), and cultural classification (Janssen et al., 2011) or cultural hierarchy (Schmutz, 2009). The level of detail varies from study to study, according to the need of knowledge, with some scholars tracing forms of subculture (Schmutz et al., 2010), while others just identify the overall development of major cultural forms (Purhonen et al., 2019; Jaakkola, 2015a).
 The concepts of culture can roughly be defined as being dominated by high cultural, popular cultural, or everyday cultural forms (Kristensen, 2019). While most culture sections in newspapers are dominated by high culture, and the question is rather about which disciplines, in the operationalization it is not always easy to draw lines between high and popular forms in the postmodern cultural landscape where boundaries are being blurred. Nevertheless, the major forms of culture in the journalistic operationalization of culture are literature, classical music, theatre, and fine arts. As certain forms of culture – such as classical music and opera – are focused on classical high culture, and other forms – such as popular music and comics – represent popular forms, distribution of coverage according to cultural forms may indicate changes in the cultural concept.
 Field of application/theoretical foundation
 The question of the concept of culture is a standard question in content analyses on arts and cultural journalism in daily newspapers and cultural magazines, posed by a number of studies conducted in different geographical areas and often with a comparative intent (e.g., Szántó et al., 2004; Janssen, 1999; Reus & Harden, 2005; Janssen et al., 2008; Larsen, 2008; Kõnno et al., 2012; Jaakkola, 2015a, 2015b; Verboord & Janssen, 2015; Purhonen et al., 2019; Widholm et al., 2019). The essence of culture has been theorized in cultural studies, predominantly by Raymond Williams (e.g., 2011), and sociologists of art (Kroeber & Kluckhohn, 1952). In studying journalistic coverage of arts and culture, the concept of culture reveals the anatomy of coverage and whether the content is targeting a broader audience (inclusive concept of culture) or a narrow audience (exclusive or elitist concept of culture). A prevalent motivation to study the ontological dimension of cultural coverage is also to trace cultural change, which means that the concept of culture is longitudinally studied (Purhonen et al., 2019).
 References/combination with other methods of data collection
 Concept of culture often occurs as a variable to trace cultural change. The variable is typically coupled with other variables, mainly with representational means, i.e., the journalistic genre (Jaakkola, 2015), event type (Stegert, 1998), or author gender (Schmutz, 2009; Jaakkola, 2015b). Quantitative content analyses may also be complemented with qualitative analyses (Purhonen et al., 2019).
 Sample operationalization
 Cultural forms are separated according to the production structure (journalists and reviewers specializing in one cultural form typically indicate an increase of coverage for that cultural form). At a general level, the concept of culture can be divided into the following cultural forms: literature, music – which is, according to the newsroom specialization typically roughly categorized into classical and popular music – visual arts, theatre, dance, film, design, architecture and built environment, media, comics, cultural politics, cultural history, arts education, and other. Subcategories can be separated according to the interest and level of knowledge. The variable needs to be sensitive towards local features in journalism and culture.
 
 Example study
 Jaakkola (2015b)
 
 Information about Jaakkola, 2015
 Author: Maarit Jaakkola
 Research question/research interest: Examination of the cultural concept across time in culture sections of daily newspapers
 Object of analysis: Articles/text items on culture pages of five major daily newspapers in Finland 1978–2008 (Aamulehti, Helsingin Sanomat, Kaleva, Savon Sanomat, Turun Sanomat)
 Timeframe of analysis: 1978–2008, consecutive sample of weeks 7 and 42 in five year intervals (1978, 1983, 1988, 1993, 1998, 2003, 2008)
 
 Info about variable
 Variable name/definition: Concept of culture
 Unit of analysis: Article/text item
 Values: 
 
 
 
 
 
 Cultural form
 
 
 Description
 
 
 
 
 1. Fiction literature
 
 
 Fiction books: fictional genres such as poetry, literary novels, thrillers, detective novels, children’s literature, etc.
 
 
 
 
 2. Non-fiction literature
 
 
 
 Non-fiction books: non-fictional genres such as textbooks, memoirs, encyclopedias, etc.
 
 
 
 
 3. Classical music
 
 
 Music of more high-cultural character, such as symphonic music, chamber music, opera, etc.
 
 
 
 
 4. Popular music
 
 
 Music of more popular character, such as pop, rock, hip-hop, folk music, etc.
 
 
 
 
 5. Visual arts
 
 
 Fine arts: painting, drawing, graphical art, sculpture, media art, photography, etc.
 
 
 
 
 6. Theatre
 
 
 Scene art, including musicals (if not treated as music, i.e. in coverage of concerts and albums)
 
 
 
 
 7. Dance
 
 
 Scene art, including ballet (if not treated as music, .e. in coverage of concerts and albums)
 
 
 
 
 8. Film
 
 
 Cinema: fiction, documentary, experimental film, etc.
 
 
 
 
 9. Design
 
 
 Design of artefacts, jewelry, fashion, interiors, graphics, etc.
 
 
 
 
 10. Architecture
 
 
 Design, aesthetics, and planning of built environment
 
 
 
 
 11. Media
 
 
 Television, journalism, Internet, games, etc.
 
 
 
 
 12. Comics
 
 
 Illustrated periodicals
 
 
 
 
 13. Cultural politics
 
 
 Policies, politics, and administration concerning arts and culture in general
 
 
 
 
 14. Cultural history
 
 
 Historical issues and phenomena
 
 
 
 
 15. Education
 
 
 Educational issues concerning different cultural disciplines
 
 
 
 
 16. Other
 
 
 Miscellaneous minor categories, e.g., lifestyle issues (celebrity, gossip, everyday cultural issues), and larger categories developed from within the material can be separated into values of their own
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Scale: nominal
 Intercoder reliability: Cohen's kappa > 0.76 (two coders)
 
 References
 Jaakkola, M. (2015a). The contested autonomy of arts and journalism: Change and continuity in the dual professionalism of cultural journalism. Tampere: Tampere University Press.
 Jaakkola, M. (2015b). Outsourcing views, developing news: Changes of art criticism in Finnish dailies, 1978–2008. Journalism Studies, 16(3), 383–402.
 Janssen, S. (1999). Art journalism and cultural change: The coverage of the arts in Dutch newspapers 1965–1990. Poetics 26(5–6), 329–348.
 Janssen, S., Kuipers, G., & Verboord, M. (2008). Cultural globalization and arts journalism: The international orientation of arts and culture coverage in Dutch, French, German, and U.S. newspapers, 1955 to 2005. American Sociological Review, 73(5), 719–740.
 Janssen, S., Verboord, M., & Kuipers, G. (2011). Comparing cultural classification: High and popular arts in European and U.S. elite newspapers. Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie, 63(51), 139–168.
 Kõnno, A., Aljas, A., Lõhmus, M., & Kõuts, R. (2012). The centrality of culture in the 20th century Estonian press: A longitudinal study in comparison with Finland and Russia. Nordicom Review, 33(2), 103–117.
 Kristensen, N. N. (2019). Arts, culture and entertainment coverage. In T. P. Vos & F. Hanusch (Eds.), The international encyclopedia of journalism studies. Wiley-Blackwell.
 Kroeber, A. L., & Kluckhohn, C. (1952). Culture: A critical review of concepts and definitions. Meridian Books.
 Larsen, L. O. (2008). Forskyvninger. Kulturdekningen i norske dagsaviser 1964–2005 [Displacements: Cultural coverage in Norwegian dailies 1964–2005]. In K. Knapskog & L.O. Larsen (Eds.), Kulturjournalistikk: pressen og den kulturelle offentligheten (pp. 283–329). Scandinavian Academic Press.
 Purhonen, S., Heikkilä, R., Karademir Hazir, I., Lauronen, T., Rodríguez, C. F., & Gronow, J. (2019). Enter culture, exit arts? The transformation of cultural hierarchies in European newspaper culture sections, 1960–2010. Routledge.
 Reus, G., & Harden, L. (2005). Politische ”Kultur”: Eine Längsschnittanalyse des Zeitungsfeuilletons von 1983 bis 2003 [Political ‘culture’: A longitudinal analysis of culture pages, 1983–2003]. Publizistik, 50(2), 153–172.
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 Working drawings are produced, when a house is designed, to envisage an imagined building. They are a tangible representation of an object that has no tangible existence. These working drawings act as a manual for constructing the house; they represent that which is to be built. The house comes into being, therefore, via this set of drawings. This is known as documentation. However, these drawings record the house at an ideal moment in time; they capture the house in stasis. They do not represent the future life of the house, the changes and traces the inhabitants make upon a space, nor do they document the path of the person, the arc of their actions, within the space of the house. Other types of documentation of the house allow these elements to be included. Documentation that is produced after-the-event, that interprets ‘the existing’, is absent from discourses on documentation; the realm of post factum documentation is a less examined form of documentation. This paper investigates post factum documentation of the house, and the alternative ways of making, producing and, therefore, thinking about, the house that it offers. This acknowledges the body in the space of architecture, and the inhabitation of space, and as a dynamic process. This then leads to the potential of the‘model of an action’ representing the motion and temporality inherent within the house. Architecture may then be seen as that which encloses the inhabitant. The word ‘document’ refers to a record or evidence of events. It implies a chronological sequence: the document comes after-the-event, that is, it is post factum. Within architecture, however, the use of the word documentation, predominantly, refers to working drawings that are made to ‘get to’ a building, drawings being the dominant representation within architecture. Robin Evans calls this notion, of architecture being brought into existence through drawing, the principle of reversed directionality (Evans 1997, 1989). Although it may be said that these types of drawings document the idea, or document the imagined reality of the building, their main emphasis, and reading, is in getting to something. In this case, the term documentation is used, not due to the documents’ placement within a process, of coming after the subject-object, but in referring to the drawings’ role. Other architectural drawings do exist that are a record of what is seen, but these are not the dominant drawing practice within architecture. Documentation within architecture regards the act of drawing as that process upon which the object is wholly dependent for its coming into existence. Drawing is defined as the pre-eminent methodology for generation of the building; drawings are considered the necessary initial step towards the creation of the 1:1 scale object. During the designing phase, the drawings are primary, setting out an intention. Drawings, therefore, are regarded as having a prescriptive endpoint rather than being part of an open-ended improvisation. Drawings, in getting to a building, draw out something, the act of drawing searches for and uncovers the latent design, drawing it into existence. They are seen as getting to the core of the design. Drawings display a technique of making and are influenced by their medium. Models, in getting to a building, may be described in the same way. The act of modelling, of making manifest two-dimensional sketches into a three-dimensional object, operates similarly in possessing a certain power in assisting the design process to unfurl. Drawing, as recording, alters the object. This act of drawing is used to resolve, and to edit, by excluding and omitting, as much as by including, within its page. Models similarly made after-the-fact are interpretive and consciously aware of their intentions. In encapsulating the subject-object, the model as documentation is equally drawing out meaning. This type of documentation is not neutral, but rather involves interpretation and reflection through representational editing. Working drawings record the house at an ideal moment in time: at the moment the builders leave the site and the owners unlock the front door. These drawings capture the house in stasis. There is often the notion that until the owners of a new house move in, the house has been empty, unlived in. But the life of the house cannot be fixed to any one starting point; rather it has different phases of life from conception to ruin. With working drawings being the dominant representation of the house, they exclude much; both the life of the house before this act of inhabitation, and the life that occurs after it. The transformations that occur at each phase of construction are never shown in a set of working drawings. When a house is built, it separates itself from the space it resides within: the domain of the house is marked off from the rest of the site. The house has a skin of a periphery, that inherently creates an outside and an inside (Kreiser 88). As construction continues, there is a freedom in the structure which closes down; potential becomes prescriptive as choices are made and embodied in material. The undesignedness of the site, that exists before the house is planned, becomes lost once the surveyors’ pegs are in place (Wakely 92). Next, the skeletal frame of open volumes becomes roofed, and then becomes walled, and walking through the frame becomes walking through doorways. One day an interior is created. The interior and exterior of the house are now two different things, and the house has definite edges (Casey 290). At some point, the house becomes lockable, its security assured through this act of sealing. It is this moment that working drawings capture. Photographs comprise the usual documentation of houses once they are built, and yet they show no lived-in-ness, no palimpsest of occupancy. They do not observe the changes and traces the inhabitants make upon a space, nor do they document the path of the person, the arc of their actions, within the space of the house. American architects and artists Elizabeth Diller and Ricardo Scofidio have written of these traces of the everyday that punctuate floor and wall surfaces: the intersecting rings left by coffee glasses on a tabletop, the dust under a bed that becomes its plan analog when the bed is moved, the swing etched into the floor by a sagging door. (Diller & Scofidio 99) It is these marks, these traces, that are omitted from the conventional documentation of a built house. To examine an alternative way of documenting, and to redress these omissions, a redefinition of the house is needed. A space can be delineated by its form, its edges, or it can be defined by the actions that are performed, and the connections between people that occur, within it. To define the house by what it encapsulates, rather than being seen as an object in space, allows a different type of documentation to be employed. By defining a space as that which accommodates actions, rooms may be delineated by the reach of a person, carved out by the actions of a person, as though they are leaving a trace as they move, a windscreen wiper of living, through the repetition of an act. Reverse directional documentation does not directly show the actions that take place within a house; we must infer these from the rooms’ fittings and fixtures, and the names on the plan. In a similar way, Italo Calvino, in Invisible Cities, defines a city by the relationships between its inhabitants, rather than by its buildings: in Ersilia, to establish the relationships that sustain the city’s life, the inhabitants stretch strings from the corners of the houses, white or black or grey or black-and-white according to whether they mark a relationship of blood, of trade, authority, agency. When the strings become so numerous that you can no longer pass among them, the inhabitants leave: the houses are dismantled; only the strings and their supports remain … Thus, when travelling in the territory of Ersilia, you come upon the ruins of the abandoned cities without the walls which do not last, without the bones of the dead which the wind rolls away: spiderwebs of intricate relationships seeking a form. (Calvino 62) By defining architecture by that which it encapsulates, form or materiality may be given to the ‘spiderwebs of intricate relationships’. Modelling the actions that are performed in the space of architecture, therefore, models the architecture. This is referred to as a model of an action. In examining the model of an action, the possibilities of post factum documentation of the house may be seen. The Shinkenchiku competition The Plan-Less House (2006), explored these ideas of representing a house without using the conventional plan to do so. A suggested alternative was to map the use of the house by its inhabitants, similar to the idea of the model of an action. The house could be described by a technique of scanning: those areas that came into contact with the body would be mapped. Therefore, the representation of the house is not connected with spatial division, that is, by marking the location of walls, but rather with its use by its inhabitants. The work of Diller and Scofidio and Allan Wexler and others explores this realm. One inquiry they share is the modelling of the body in the space of architecture: to them, the body is inseparable from the conception of space. By looking at their work, and that of others, three different ways of representing this inhabitation of space are seen. These are: to represent the objects involved in a particular action, or patterns of movement, that occurs in the space, in a way that highlights the action; to document the action itself; or to document the result of the action. These can all be defined as the model of an action. The first way, the examination of the body in a space via an action’s objects, is explored by American artist Allan Wexler, who defines architecture as ‘choreography without a choreographer, structuring its inhabitant’s movements’ (Galfetti 22). In his project ‘Crate House’ (1981), Wexler examines the notion of the body in a space via an action’s objects. He divided the house into its basic activities: bedroom, bathroom, kitchen and living room. Each of these is then defined by their artefacts, contained in their own crate on wheels, which is rolled out when needed. At any point in time, the entire house becomes the activity due to its crate: when a room such as the kitchen is needed, that crate is rolled in through one of the door openings. When the occupant is tired, the entire house becomes a bedroom, and when the occupant is hungry, it becomes a kitchen … I view each crate as if it is a diorama in a natural history museum — the pillow, the spoon, the flashlight, the pot, the nail, the salt. We lose sight of everyday things. These things I isolate, making them sculpture: their use being theatre. (Galfetti 42–6) The work of Andrea Zittel explores similar ideas. ‘A–Z Comfort Unit’ (1994), is made up of five segments, the centrepiece being a couch/bed, which is surrounded by four ancillary units on castors. These offer a library, kitchen, home office and vanity unit. The structure allows the lodger never to need to leave the cocoon-like bed, as all desires are an arm’s reach away. The ritual of eating a meal is examined in Wexler’s ‘Scaffold Furniture’ (1988). This project isolates the components of the dining table without the structure of the table. Instead, the chair, plate, cup, glass, napkin, knife, fork, spoon and lamp are suspended by scaffolding. Their connection, rather than being that of objects sharing a tabletop, is seen to be the (absent) hand that uses them during a meal; the act of eating is highlighted. In these examples, the actions performed within a space are represented by the objects involved in the action. A second way of representing the patterns of movement within a space is to represent the action itself. The Japanese tea ceremony breaks the act of drinking into many parts, separating and dissecting the whole as a way of then reassembling it as though it is one continuous action. Wexler likens this to an Eadweard Muybridge film of a human in motion (Galfetti 31). This one action is then housed in a particular building, so that when devoid of people, the action itself still has a presence. Another way of documenting the inhabitation of architecture, by drawing the actions within the space, is time and motion studies, such as those of Rene W.P. Leanhardt (Diller & Scofidio 40–1). In one series of photographs, lights were attached to a housewife’s wrists, to demonstrate the difference in time and effort required in the preparation of a dinner prepared entirely from scratch in ninety minutes, and a pre-cooked, pre-packaged dinner of the same dish, which took only twelve minutes. These studies are lines of light, recorded as line drawings on a photograph of the kitchen. They record the movement of the person in the room of the action they perform, but they also draw the kitchen in a way conventional documentation does not. A recent example of the documentation of an action was undertaken by Asymptote and the students at Columbia University Graduate School of Architecture in their exhibition at the Venice Biennale of Architecture in 2000. A gymnast moving through the interior space of the pavilion was recorded using a process of digitisation and augmentation. Using modelling procedures, the spatial information was then reconstructed to become a full-scale architectural re-enactment of the gymnast’s trajectory through the room (Feireiss 40). This is similar to a recent performance by Australian contemporary dance company Chunky Move, called ‘Glow’. Infra-red video tracking took a picture of the dancer twenty-five times a second. This was used to generate shapes and images based on the movements of a solo dancer, which were projected onto the floor and the dancer herself. In the past, when the company has used DVDs or videos, the dancer has had to match what they were doing to the projection. This shifts the technology to following the dancer (Bibby 3). A third way of representing the inhabitation of architecture is to document the result of an action. Raoul Bunschoten writes of the marks of a knife being the manifestation of the act of cutting, as an analogy: incisions imply the use of a cutting tool. Together, cuts and cutting tool embrace a special condition. The actual movement of the incision is fleeting, the cut or mark stays behind, the knife moves on, creating an apparent discontinuity … The space of the cut is a reminder of the knife, its shape and its movements: the preparation, the swoop through the air, the cutting, withdrawal, the moving away. These movements remain implicitly connected with the cut as its imaginary cause, as a mnemonic programme about a hand holding a knife, incising a surface, severing skin. (Bunschoten 40) As a method of documenting actions, the paintings of Jackson Pollack can be seen as a manifestation of an act. In the late 1940s, Pollack began to drip paint onto a canvas laid flat on the floor; his tools were sticks and old caked brushes. This process clarified his work, allowing him to walk around it and work from all four sides. Robert Hughes describes it as ‘painting “from the hip” … swinging paintstick in flourishes and frisks that required an almost dancelike movement of the body’ (Hughes 154). These paintings made manifest Pollack’s gestures. As his arm swung in space, the dripping paint followed that arc, to be preserved on a flat plane as pictorial space (Hughes 262). Wexler, in another study, recorded the manifestation of an action. He placed a chair in a one-room building. It was attached to lengths of timber that extended outdoors through slots in the walls of the building. As the chair moved inside the building, its projections carved grooves in the ground outside. As the chair moved in a particular pattern, deeper grooves were created: ‘Eventually, the occupant of the chair has no choice in his movement; the architecture moves him.’ (Galfetti 14) The pattern of movement creates a result, which in turn influences the movement. By redefining architecture by what it encapsulates rather than by the enclosure itself, allows architecture to be documented by the post factum model of an action that occurs in that space. This leads to the exploration of architecture, formed by the body within it, since the documentation and representation of architecture starts to affect the reading of architecture. Architecture may then be seen as that which encloses the inhabitant. The documentation of the body and the space it makes concerns the work of the Hungarian architect Imre Makovecz. His exploration is of the body and the space it makes. Makovecz, and a circle of like-minded architects and artists, embarked on a series of experiments analysing the patterns of human motion and subsequently set up a competition based around the search for a minimum existential space. This consisted of mapping human motion in certain spatial conditions and situations. Small light bulbs were attached to points on the limbs and joints and photographed, creating a series of curves and forms. This led to a competition called ‘Minimal Space’ (1971–2), in which architects, artists and designers were invited to consider a minimal space for containing the human body, a new notion of personal containment. Makovecz’s own response took the form of a bell-like capsule composed of a double shell expressing its presence and location in both time and space (Heathcote 120). Vito Acconci, an artist turned architect by virtue of his installation work, explored this notion of enclosure in his work (Feireiss 38). In 1980 Acconci began his series of ‘self-erecting architectures’, vehicles or instruments involving one or more viewers whose operation erected simple buildings (Acconci & Linker 114). In his project ‘Instant House’ (1980), a set of walls lies flat on the floor, forming an open cruciform shape. By sitting in the swing in the centre of this configuration, the visitor activates an apparatus of cables and pulleys causing walls to rise and form a box-like house. It is a work that explores the idea of enclosing, of a space being something that has to be constructed, in the same way for example one builds up meaning (Reed 247–8). This documentation of architecture directly references the inhabitation of architecture. The post factum model of architecture is closely linked to the body in space and the actions it performs. Examining the actions and movement patterns within a space allows the inhabitation process to be seen as a dynamic process. David Owen describes the biological process of ‘ecopoiesis’: the process of a system making a home for itself. He describes the building and its occupants jointly as the new system, in a system of shaping and reshaping themselves until there is a tolerable fit (Brand 164). The definition of architecture as being that which encloses us, interests Edward S. Casey: in standing in my home, I stand here and yet feel surrounded (sheltered, challenged, drawn out, etc.) by the building’s boundaries over there. A person in this situation is not simply in time or simply in space but experiences an event in all its engaging and unpredictable power. In Derrida’s words, ‘this outside engages us in the very thing we are’, and we find ourselves subjected to architecture rather than being the controlling subject that plans or owns, uses or enjoys it; in short architecture ‘comprehends us’. (Casey 314) This shift in relationship between the inhabitant and architecture shifts the documentation and reading of the exhibition of architecture. Casey’s notion of architecture comprehending the inhabitant opens the possibility for an alternate exhibition of architecture, the documentation of that which is beyond the inhabitant’s direction. Conventional documentation shows a quiescence to the house. Rather than attempting to capture the flurry — the palimpsest of occupancy — within the house, it is presented as stilled, inert and dormant. In representing the house this way, a lull is provided, fostering a steadiness of gaze: a pause is created, within which to examine the house. However, the house is then seen as object, rather than that which encapsulates motion and temporality. Defining, and thus documenting, the space of architecture by its actions, extends the perimeter of architecture. No longer is the house bounded by its doors and walls, but rather by the extent of its patterns of movement. Post factum documentation allows this altering of the definition of architecture, as it includes the notion of the model of an action. By appropriating, clarifying and reshaping situations that are relevant to the investigation of post factum documentation, the notion of the inhabitation of the house as a definition of architecture may be examined. This further examines the relationship between architectural representation, the architectural image, and the image of architecture. References Acconci, V., and K. Linker. Vito Acconci. New York: Rizzoli, 1994. Bibby, P. “Dancer in the Dark Is Light Years Ahead.” Sydney Morning Herald 22 March 2007: 3. Brand, S. How Buildings Learn: What Happens after They’re Built. London: Phoenix Illustrated, 1997. Bunschoten, R. “Cutting the Horizon: Two Theses on Architecture.” Forum (Nov. 1992): 40–9. Calvino, I. Invisible Cities. London: Picador, 1979. Casey, E.S. The Fate of Place. California: U of California P, 1998. Diller, E., and R. Scofidio. Flesh: Architectural Probes. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1994. Evans, R. Translations from Drawing to Building and Other Essays. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1997. ———. “Architectural Projection.” Eds. E. Blau and E. Kaufman. Architecture and Its Image: Four Centuries of Architectural Representation: Works from the Collection of the Canadian Center for Architecture. Exhibition catalogue. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1989. 19–35. Feireiss, K., ed. The Art of Architecture Exhibitions. Rotterdam: Netherlands Architecture Institute, 2001. Galfetti, G.G., ed. Allan Wexler. Barcelona: GG Portfolio, 1998. Glanville, R. “An Irregular Dodekahedron and a Lemon Yellow Citroen.” In L. van Schaik, ed., The Practice of Practice: Research in the Medium of Design. Melbourne: RMIT University Press, 2003. 258–265. Heathcote, E. Imre Mackovecz: The Wings of the Soul. West Sussex: Academy Editions, 1997. Hughes, R. The Shock of the New: Art and the Century of Change. London: British Broadcasting Corporation, 1980. Kreiser, C. “On the Loss of (Dark) Inside Space.” Daidalos 36 (June 1990): 88–99. Reed, C. ed. Not at Home: The Suppression of Domesticity in Modern Art and Architecture. London: Thames & Hudson, 1996. “Shinkenchiku Competition 2006: The Plan-Less House.” The Japan Architect 64 (Winter 2007): 7–12. Small, D. Paper John. USA: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1987. Wakely, M. Dream Home. Crows Nest, NSW: Allen & Unwin. 2003. 
 
 
 
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