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Journal articles on the topic 'Seamen's Union of Australia'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 10 February 2022

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1

Donn, Clifford B., and G. Phelan. "Australian Maritime Unions and Flag of Convenience Vessels." Journal of Industrial Relations 33, no. 3 (September 1991): 329–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569103300303.

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The purpose of this paper is to update Kingsley Laffer's 1977 Journal of Industrial Relations article on the policies of Australian trade unions with respect to flag of convenience vessels. Australian unions have supported the campaign against such vessels initiated by the International Transport Workers Federation (ITF). After detailing the process by which the maritime unions become aware of whether or not a flag of convenience vessel is operating under the conditions established by the ITF, the paper goes on to examine two disputes involving flag of convenience vessels. The first, in 1977, was a ban by the Seamen's Union of Australia on coal ships operated by Utah Development Company; the second, in 1981, was a ban by several unions on the use of flag of convenience vessels in the coal trade in New South Wales. The paper discusses these disputes and offers an evaluation of the unions' activities in the general ITF campaign.

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2

Pear, David. "Pulpit Socialist or Empire Wrecker? The Rev. Farnham Edward Maynard of All Saints', Wickham Terrace." Queensland Review 3, no. 1 (April 1996): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600000647.

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Once more let me say, for I have been criticised uphill and down for my attitude towards the strike, I cannot agree that the Church should stand aloof from such questions as those which concern us to-night.These words express the heart of Farnham Edward Maynard's commitment to British seamen striking while in Australian ports during August to November 1925. Two principal issues arose to precipitate this strike. Uppermost was the poor level of pay provided by the shipping companies, and associated distress for the seamen's families when their principal ‘bread-winner’ was overseas. Their wages had been reduced from £10 per month to £9 by a board on which they believed they had inadequate representation. Such low wages were not, they maintained, adequate recompense for their work, particularly when coupled with the second issue: the living conditions aboard ship. Still angered by the waterside workers' industrial action at the end of 1924 and the following riots in Sydney during January 1925, local industry had little sympathy with the demands of overseas militants, however; nor had the Australian government, which made it clear that British seamen responsible for causing strike action in Australia would be deported. Not even the Waterside Workers' Federation, blamed for many of the recent troubles, supported the British seamen; declaring that the action proved the futility of a minority opposing the great majority', and provided ‘sufficient proof that no section of a union can accomplish success when attempting to achieve an objective against its executive, combined with majority rule’. The seamen were advised ‘to take their disputes to where they belong and rectify them there’.

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3

Kirkby, Diane. "Connecting work identity and politics in the internationalism of ‘seafarers … who share the seas’." International Journal of Maritime History 29, no. 2 (May 2017): 307–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871417692965.

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‘We seafarers … who share the seas’ is the expression of a collective identity and mutual responsibility. This article examines that collective identity among members of the Seamen’s Union of Australia and asks, what did internationalism mean in practice to seafarers themselves? Employing an oral history method, coupled with a reading of the union’s own printed media, it explores the seafarers’ understanding of internationalism that they claimed was ‘the language of seafarers’. It was grounded in the nature and reality of their work, and became their politics. The article takes as a case study the campaigns to restore democracy in Greece and Chile after military coups in 1967 and 1973 respectively, and the longer campaign against apartheid in South Africa, which began earlier, before 1960, and ended later, in 1990. These campaigns were conducted alongside many other trade unions, both in Australia and overseas, but maritime workers brought a unique inflection to activism as their internationalism expressed their connectedness across the oceans on which they sailed.

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4

Bulkeley, Rip. "Bellingshausen's first accounts of his Antarctic voyage of 1819–1821." Polar Record 49, no. 1 (November 23, 2011): 9–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247411000544.

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ABSTRACTIn 1949 a reassessment of the Imperial Russian Navy's Antarctic expedition of 1819–1821 was promulgated in the Soviet Union. The contention was that Russian seamen had made the first discovery of the mainland of Antarctica, two or three days before the northern tip of the Antarctic Peninsula was sighted by a British expedition, under William Smith and Edward Bransfield, sent to take formal possession of the South Shetland Islands. The new Soviet line apparently required that an important passage in a report which Captain Bellingshausen had sent from Australia in 1820 should, as far as possible, be overlooked or downplayed. Nineteenth century editions of the report and its covering letter are translated, the contemporary ice vocabulary in which they were phrased is explained, and the practice of discounting parts of them in the past and continuing to ignore those passages today is discussed.

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5

Schler, Lynn. "Transnationalism and nationalism in the Nigerian Seamen's Union." African Identities 7, no. 3 (August 2009): 387–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725840903031866.

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6

Goodall, Heather. "Port Politics: Indian Seamen, Australian Unions and Indonesian Independence, 1945-47." Labour History, no. 94 (2008): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516270.

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7

Davids, Karel. "Seamen's Organizations and Social Protest in Europe, c. 1300–1825." International Review of Social History 39, S2 (August 1994): 145–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000112969.

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The friend of Havelock Wilson, the founder of the National Union of Seamen, who once told him that true unity among seamen would never be achieved because seamen were like “a rope of sand”, washed away with every tide, would no longer be considered a sage. It was not only Wilson who, during his career as trade unionist, proved beyond any doubt that the “rope of sand” could indeed hold together. The seamen, too, had shown long before the rise of the new unions at the end of the nineteenth century that they possessed more cohesive power than Havelock's friend was prepared to credit them with – at least, if British employers are to be believed. One of the first occasions on which British employers appealed to the Combination Act of 1799 was during a labour dispute in December 1799, when coal merchants (through the intermediary of the Mayor of London) urged the Home Secretary to take action against an alleged combination of seamen in Shields. The Coal Trade Committee of 1800 blamed combinations of seamen for the high wages, which had reached an unprecedented level.

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8

Benson, John. "Workplace Union Organization in Australia." Labour & Industry: a journal of the social and economic relations of work 1, no. 3 (October 1988): 407–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10301763.1988.10669052.

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9

WADDOUPS, C. JEFFREY. "Trade Union Decline and Union Wage Effects in Australia." Industrial Relations 44, no. 4 (October 2005): 607–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-232x.2005.00404.x.

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10

Lloyd, Peter. "Customs Union and Fiscal Union in Australia at Federation." Economic Record 91, no. 293 (January 26, 2015): 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-4932.12167.

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11

Manning, Haydon. "Women and Union Politics in Australia." Policy, Organisation and Society 9, no. 1 (December 1994): 38–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10349952.1994.11876803.

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12

Markey, Raymond. "Non-Union Employee Representation in Australia." Journal of Industrial Relations 49, no. 2 (April 2007): 187–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185607074918.

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Non-union representative employee participation recently has attracted increasing international attention in employment relations due to the growing representation gap in many countries as union membership declines, and mounting evidence of the benefits of representative employee participation for enterprise flexibility and efficiency. However, relatively little is known about Australian experiments in employee participation, although it is essential to learn from Australian experience in order to develop effective public policy. This case study represents a contribution to this larger project. SMEC is a non-union employee representative body that has adopted a European works council organizational model. The case study evaluates SMEC's effectiveness as a non-union form of representative employee participation. It concludes that the opportunities for the formation of genuinely independent works council style organs of employee participation remain severely constrained by the current Australian regulatory environment, which tends to encourage a union substitution role.

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13

Colley, Linda. "Union recognition and union security." Journal of Management History 23, no. 1 (January 9, 2017): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmh-06-2016-0029.

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Purpose Union membership has declined in many countries reducing union capacity to bargain and contribute to economic equality. This paper aims to explore a more hopeful case in an Australian state, where the dramatic anti-union strategies of conservative governments have been reversed by Labor governments. Design/methodology/approach The research frames union recognition and union security in an international context, highlighting differences between US, Canadian, UK and Australian approaches. The research focuses on the Australian state of Queensland, providing an historical account of changes to union recognition and union preference provisions, drawing on legislation, major public service agreements, newspapers and parliamentary transcripts. Findings Conservative governments in Australia have implemented anti-union strategies, and Labor governments have often failed to restore union-friendly provisions when re-elected. In contrast, the Queensland study demonstrates a substantial restoration of union security provisions when Labor governments are re-elected, rebuilding political capital with unions and potentially supporting union membership. This difference is due to unique political and institutional factors that provide governments with unfettered powers to legislate their industrial relations agenda, whether in support or otherwise of unions, and has led to the more distinctive pendulum swings to the right and left than occurred elsewhere in Australia. Originality/value The research contributes to debates about the factors related to declining union membership and highlights a case where unions have achieved restoration of many provisions that increase their influence and potentially their membership.

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14

Michelson, Grant. "Out of Tune? Union Amalgamations and the Musicians Union of Australia." Journal of Industrial Relations 39, no. 3 (September 1997): 303–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569703900301.

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15

Wooden, Mark. "Union Amalgamations and the Decline in Union Density." Journal of Industrial Relations 41, no. 1 (March 1999): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569904100102.

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Confronted by a marked decline in trade union density, the union movement in Australia bas responded by promoting the restructuring and amolgamation of trade unions. As a result, the number of active trade unions in Australia has fallen markedly since 1990. Despite tbis, the decline in trade union density accelerated during the 1990s, leading some analysts to suggest that the union amalgamation process may actually have been counterproductive in terms of overall trade union membership. This article tests this hypothesis using panel data collected as part of the Australian Workplace Industrial Relations Survey. A regression model of changes in union density in the period 1989/90 to 1995 is developed and estimated. The results indicate that while declining union numbers have been associated with the decline in union density, none of the blame for the fall can be traced to the amalgamation process.

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16

Pyman, Amanda, Julian Teicher, Brian Cooper, and Peter Holland. "Unmet Demand for Union Membership in Australia." Journal of Industrial Relations 51, no. 1 (February 2009): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185608099662.

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Unmet demand for union membership is defined as employees in non-union workplaces who would join a union if given the opportunity. Unmet demand is a significant issue for Australian unions as union density continues to decline and the current legislative environment remains hostile. This article gauges the contours of unmet demand for union membership in Australia, drawing on responses to the Australian Worker Representation and Participation Survey (AWRPS 2004). It finds a significant level of unmet demand for union membership in Australia. Unmet demand varies according to workplace and employee characteristics and is highest among low income earners, younger workers, workers with shorter organizational tenure and workers in routinized occupations. The practical implications of our findings are discussed in relation to union renewal and the legislative environment prevailing in 2008.

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17

Fairbrother, Peter. "Union Democracy in Australia: Accommodation and Resistance." Journal of Industrial Relations 28, no. 2 (June 1986): 171–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218568602800201.

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18

Deery, Stephen, and Helen Cieri. "Determinants of Trade Union Membership in Australia." British Journal of Industrial Relations 29, no. 1 (March 1991): 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8543.1991.tb00228.x.

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19

Kuruvilla, Sarosh, and Roderick D. Iverson. "A Confirmatory Factor Analysis of Union Commitment in Australia." Journal of Industrial Relations 35, no. 3 (September 1993): 436–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569303500305.

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This paper evaluates the applicability of the different factor structures of union commitment identified in previous studies to the Australian case. Confirmatory factor analysis results using LISREL VII suggest that union commitment is best represented by four distinct factors, 'union loyalty; 'responsibility to the union; 'willingness to work for the union', and 'belief in unionism' in this sample of Australian workers. OLS regression results indicate that the four factors are differentially related to a set of common predictor variables. White-collar workers reported higher levels of commit ment than blue-collar workers. Participation in leadership positions and previous ex perience with union handling of grievances significantly increased commitment to the union. The results suggest support for the generalizability of the factor structure of union commitment to Australia. Implications for future research are discussed.

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20

Tattersall, Amanda. "Powerful Community Relationships and Union Renewal in Australia." Articles 61, no. 4 (March 15, 2007): 589–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/014762ar.

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Terms such as labour-community coalitions, community unionism and social movement unionism are important features of current strategies for union renewal. This article develops a three-part framework of union-community relationships, from ad hoc to deeply engaged relationships. Criteria such as common interest, coalition structure, scale and union participation are identified as important variables for relationship variation and campaign success. The article explores the framework by analyzing three case studies from Sydney, Australia, involving the central labour council—Unions NSW. The paper argues that union-community relationships vary significantly; ad hoc relationships are useful to react to a crisis while deeper relationships are most useful to build a long-term agenda. Deeper relationships are supported when they are built alongside a process of internal union renewal. Deeper relationships are more successful if unions develop workplace leaders, support political union education and provide space for workplace stewards to connect to community campaigns.

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21

Diane Kirkby and Lee-Ann Monk. "Indian Seamen and Australian Unions Fighting for Labour Rights: “The Real Facts of the Lascars' Case” of 1939." Labour History, no. 113 (2017): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.5263/labourhistory.113.0209.

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22

Bray, Mark, and Jacques Rouillard. "Union Structure and Strategy in Australia and Canada." Labour / Le Travail 38 (1996): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25144097.

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23

Bray, Mark, and Jacques Rouillard. "Union Structure and Strategy in Australia and Canada." Labour History, no. 71 (1996): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516454.

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24

Lloyd, Peter J., and Lei Lei Song. "A currency union between Australia and New Zealand?" Économie internationale 107, no. 3 (September 1, 2006): 149–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ecoi.107.0149.

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25

Drago, Robert, and Mark Wooden. "The Determinants of Strikes in Australia." Journal of Industrial Relations 32, no. 1 (March 1990): 32–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569003200103.

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This paper presents the first detailed analysis of strike determinants in Australia using micro-economic data. Multiple regression analysis, undertaken on data collected from a survey of over 300 workplaces conducted in 1988, leads the authors to conclude that while stoppage frequency is associated with union power, serious stoppages are most affected by employee morale and the nature of the bargaining relationship. This suggests that serious stoppages could be reduced ivith out reducing union power per se, though changes in the award system and management style may be warranted.

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26

Nahm, Daehoon, Michael Dobbie, and Craig MacMillan. "Union wage effects in Australia: an endogenous switching approach." Applied Economics 49, no. 39 (December 26, 2016): 3927–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00036846.2016.1273492.

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27

Matera, Margherita. "Enhanced European Union–Australia security cooperation through crisis management." Australian Journal of International Affairs 72, no. 3 (April 19, 2018): 224–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357718.2018.1453478.

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28

Giles, Penelope. "Federated Clerks Union of Australia v Victorian Employers Federation." Federal Law Review 15, no. 4 (December 1985): 348–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x8501500405.

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Industrial law — Victorian award relating to notification and consultation by employers in relation to proposed technological change — Applicability of principles under the Conciliation and Arbitration Act 1904 (Cth) — Current status of traditional dichotomy between industrial matters and managerial prerogative — Commercial Clerks Award Clause 39 — Industrial Relations Act 1979 (Vic) ss 3(1), 34(1) — Conciliation and Arbitration Act 1904 (Cth)

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29

Borland, Jeff. "Union Effects on Earnings Dispersion in Australia, 1986-1994." British Journal of Industrial Relations 34, no. 2 (June 1996): 237–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8543.1996.tb00650.x.

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30

Cai, Lixin, and C. Jeffrey Waddoups. "Union Wage Effects in Australia: Evidence from Panel Data." British Journal of Industrial Relations 49 (January 11, 2010): s279—s305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8543.2009.00767.x.

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31

Markey, Raymond, and Joseph McIvor. "Environmental bargaining in Australia." Journal of Industrial Relations 61, no. 1 (January 16, 2019): 79–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185618814056.

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An emerging body of research addresses the link between environmental issues, especially climate change, and employment relations. In this article, we examine the ways in which employment relations actors are addressing climate change, particularly focusing on collective bargaining. We begin by surveying the literature linking climate change and employment relations, especially analysing union strategies in this sphere, and develop a conceptual framework linking these threads. We then examine the incidence and content of collective enterprise bargaining over environmental issues in Australia for 2011–2016, applying and adapting Goods' concepts of embedded institutional and voluntary multilateral approaches. The former inserts environmental commitments into formal collective agreements; the latter involves unions and workers more directly in developing emissions-reduction activities in the workplace. We address the potential links between these and the different actors (unions or management) that drive them. We find that environmental clauses in Australian agreements are rare, and that they are as likely to be driven by management as by unions. The institutional, organisational, and particularly the regulatory environment seem responsible. However, exceptions – notably in universities – provide exemplars for substantial, class-based union agency. We also find that collective bargaining may facilitate more ongoing, strategic initiatives of the voluntary multilateral type.

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32

Nicholson, Daniel, Andreas Pekarek, and Peter Gahan. "Unions and collective bargaining in Australia in 2016." Journal of Industrial Relations 59, no. 3 (May 22, 2017): 305–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185617697760.

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In 2016, Australian unions faced a mix of new and enduring challenges. A re-elected Conservative federal government made life difficult for unions, maintaining its hard-line approach to public sector bargaining and passing new laws to intensify regulatory scrutiny of union governance and tactics. Unions continued to secure wage premiums through enterprise bargaining, but the longer-term decline in the level of agreement-making and the number of workers covered by enterprise agreements continued. Disputation rose, although less than half of all disputes were caused by enterprise bargaining. Concern over ongoing membership decline saw unions explore and experiment with organisational reforms and initiatives as new, ‘union-like’ actors entered the field. However, our analysis of longer-term membership developments across union types suggests the outlook is alarming for all but those unions focused on occupational identity.

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33

BARRY, MICHAEL, and MARCO MICHELOTTI. "MARKET POWER CONSTRAINED: UNION AND NON-UNION COLLECTIVE BARGAINING OUTCOMES IN THE AUSTRALIA RESOURCES SECTOR." Labour & Industry: a journal of the social and economic relations of work 20, no. 1 (August 2009): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10301763.2009.10669391.

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34

Kornfeld, Robert. "The Effects of Union Membership on Wages and Employee Benefits: The Case of Australia." ILR Review 47, no. 1 (October 1993): 114–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399304700109.

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In Australia, pay awards by government tribunals cover nearly the entire work force, and those awards set equal pay for comparable union and nonunion workers. Union members may, however, secure higher compensation through plant-level bargaining. This study uses 1984–88 panel data to estimate the magnitude of union effects on compensation by examining changes in the compensation of employees who enter and leave union jobs, relative to changes in the compensation of workers who remain union or nonunion. The results show that union workers in Australia enjoy 7–18% higher wages than comparable nonunion workers and are also more likely to have access to a pension plan.

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35

Dabscheck, Braham. "Rugby League and the Union Game." Journal of Industrial Relations 35, no. 2 (June 1993): 242–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569303500203.

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The Association of Rugby League Professionals came to prominence when it achieved a legal victory which thwarted an attempt by the New South Wales Rugby League to introduce an internal draft, a labour market arrangement which reduced the employment and economic freedom of rugby league players. This article provides a history of the association from its origins in the late 1970s through to the draft case and more recent developments. The article presents information on player associations overseas and in Australia, and examines the origins, structure and organization, and various activities of the association. In so doing it provides information on the various labour market rules which have been used in rugby league, and examines the legal, economic and industrial relations dimensions of not only rugby league, but also other professional sporting competitions in Australia and overseas.1

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36

Pyman, Amanda, Julian Teicher, Brian Cooper, and Peter Holland. "The Predictors of Unmet Demand for Unions in Non-Union Workplaces: Lessons from Australia." Articles 72, no. 2 (June 22, 2017): 270–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1040401ar.

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In this study, we examine the predictors of unmet demand for unions in non-union workplaces, using theAustralian Worker Representation and Participation Survey(AWRPS). Unmet demand is defined here, as those employees in non-union workplaces who would be likely to join a union if one were available. We argue that this is the first study in Australia to examine the predictors of unmet demand in non-union workplaces, and, that this is an important line of inquiry given a rise in non-union workplaces and never members in Australia, alongside declining union density and membership numbers. Drawing on three strands of existing literature, namely the individual propensity to unionize, the rise and characteristics of non-union workplaces and alternative forms of representation, and, managerial responsiveness to employees and unions, we develop and test four hypotheses.Our results show, controlling for a range of personal, job and workplace characteristics, that there are two significant predictors of the willingness to join a union in non-union workplaces: perceived union instrumentality (Hypothesis 2) and perceived managerial responsiveness to employees (Hypothesis 4), whereby employees who perceive that managers lack responsiveness are more likely to want to join a union if one were available.These results show that unions must try to enhance their instrumentality in workplaces and could be more effective in recruiting if they targeted never members. The results also show that unions need to have some gauge (measure) of how responsive managers are to employees, and that they can leverage poor responsiveness of managers for membership gain and the extension of organizing. In the final analysis, an understanding of the predictors of unmet demand for unions in non-union workplaces has implications for Australian unions’ servicing and organizing strategies, and for their future growth prospects.

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37

Sloan, Judith. "The Unionization of Young People in Australia." Journal of Industrial Relations 27, no. 1 (March 1985): 38–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218568502700103.

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In 1982, 53 per cent of adult employees (25 years and older) in Australia belonged to a trade union while 44 per cent of young adult employees (20 to 24 years old) and 31 per cent of teenage employees were union members. This article describes and analyses the unionization of young people in A ustralia. The principal issue addressed is why the unionization of young people is low relative to that of adults. Several key reasons emerge. These are the non-unionization of apprentices, the industrial distribution of the employment of young people (with their over-representation in low-unianized sectors) and high turnover rates among young employees. Contrary to expectations, the number of hours worked does not contribute to the explanation of the relatively low unionization of young people.

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38

Warren-Langford, P., D. R. Biggins, and M. Phillips. "Union Participation in Occupational Health and Safety in Western Australia." Journal of Industrial Relations 35, no. 4 (December 1993): 585–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569303500405.

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39

Ellem, Bradon, and Peter Franks. "Trade Union Structure and Politics in Australia and New Zealand." Labour History, no. 95 (2008): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516309.

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40

Ellem, Bradon. "Peak Union Campaigning: Fighting for Rights at Work in Australia." British Journal of Industrial Relations 51, no. 2 (August 30, 2011): 264–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8543.2011.00878.x.

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41

UIDAM, C. "Why the Church Union Movement Failed in Australia, 1901–1925." Journal of Religious History 13, no. 4 (December 1985): 393–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9809.1985.tb00445.x.

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42

Brinke, Josef. "26th Congress of the International Geographical Union." Geografie 94, no. 1 (1989): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie1989094010001.

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The autor, head of the Czechoslovak delegation, presents basic information about the 26th International Geographical Congress which took place in Sydney, Australia, from 21st to 26th August, 1988. The Congress was formally opened by Sir N. Stephen, Gavernor General of Australia, at the Concert Hall of Sydney Opera House. All sessions and exhibitions were held at the University of Sydney, established in 1850. In the congress more than 1200 geographers participated while from among 88 IGU member countries 51 ones were represented by official delegations. About 800 papers were presented in 14 sections, working and study groups sessions. Prof. Ronald Fuchs from the USA was elected president by the General Assembly of IGU for the next four years. The 27th International Geographical Congress will take place in Washington, D.C. in 1992.

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43

Duffy, Norman F. "The Genesis of Arbitration in Western Australia." Journal of Industrial Relations 28, no. 4 (December 1986): 545–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218568602800405.

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The use of compulsory arbitration for the determination of the conditions of employment has a long history in Australia. This paper covers the events leading up to the introduction of legislation for conciliation and for the compulsory arbitration of industrial disputes in Western Australia. After two bruising strikes and the experience of successful voluntary arbitration, the union movement came to the view that compulsory arbitration would be to their advantage. The development of political links between the unions and some members of the Legislative Assembly, coupled with certain fortuitous circumstances in the Parliament, resulted in arbitration legislation being passed in 1900—despite the dominance of the political scene by conservative forces and the opposition of the employers. Early experiences with the legislation showed that conciliation was not successful when arbitration was readily available and that the Act was not the answer to all the problems of the trade union movement.

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44

Drago, Robert, and Mark Wooden. "Turnover Down Under: Trade Unions and Exit Behaviour in Australia." Journal of Industrial Relations 33, no. 2 (June 1991): 234–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569103300205.

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Researchers typically find a negative union effect on quits in United States data and attribute part of this to 'voice' effects. In an analysis of plant-level Australian data, no significant correlation between unionization rates and quits is found. More direct measures of union voice in the workplace, however, exhibit a strong negative relationship to quits. It is concluded that unions must devote resources in order to provide meaningful voice, which, in turn, reduces quits.

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International Labour Law Reports On, Editors. "AUSTRALIA: Federal Court of Australia Construction Forestry Mining and Energy Union v. Endeavour Coal Pty Ltd." International Labour Law Reports Online 35, no. 1 (November 21, 2017): 103–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116028-90000046.

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Rawling, Michael, and Eugene Schofield-Georgeson. "Industrial legislation in Australia in 2017." Journal of Industrial Relations 60, no. 3 (April 20, 2018): 378–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185618760088.

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This article examines key industrial legislation passed by federal Parliament in 2017. The main development in federal industrial legislation for this year, which passed with bipartisan support, saw a weakened Coalition Government (forced from its traditional industrial relations (IR) stance) act to improve protections for vulnerable workers. This initiative introduced extended liability provisions regulating franchisors and holding companies. However, these provisions are a narrow response to an economy-wide problem because they do not establish measures to better regulate supply chains, labour hire and gig economy arrangements for the protection of vulnerable workers. Back in more familiar territory, the Coalition Government managed to implement part of its agenda to further regulate unions by establishing legislation that criminalises bargaining payments by employers to unions. A constitutional crisis over the citizenship status of federal Parliamentarians prevented the Coalition Government from passing legislation designed to curtail trade union activities. The article also considers significant State legislative developments including the introduction of mandatory labour hire licensing laws in South Australia and Queensland, industrial manslaughter laws in Queensland and regulation of ridesharing arrangements in Victoria. The article concludes by contrasting federal criminal penalties against union activity with civil penalties for businesses that exploit vulnerable workers, before suggesting future directions in industrial legislation.

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CAI, LIXIN, and AMY Y. C. LIU. "Union Wage Effects in Australia: Is There Variation along the Distribution?*." Economic Record 84, no. 267 (December 2008): 496–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4932.2008.00513.x.

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D'Onise, Katina, John W. Lynch, and Robyn A. McDermott. "Lifelong Effects of Attendance at Kindergarten Union Preschools in South Australia." Australian Journal of Education 54, no. 3 (November 2010): 307–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000494411005400306.

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Grant, Richard, and Elim Papadakis. "Challenges for global environmental diplomacy in Australia and the European Union." Australian Journal of International Affairs 58, no. 2 (June 2004): 279–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710420002200123.

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Lombard, Marc. "Economic Welfare Comparisons: Australia, the United States and the European Union." Economic Papers: A journal of applied economics and policy 28, no. 2 (June 2009): 139–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1759-3441.2009.00017.x.

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