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Journal articles on the topic 'Second Council of Nicaea'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 6 February 2022

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1

Pavlovic, Jovana. "John Damascene or Jerusalem monk John." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 51 (2014): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1451007p.

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Most of original manuscripts wrongly claim authority of the treatise Adversus Constantinum Caballinum to John of Damascus. We applied the method of detailed linguistic analysis in order to check the hypothesis that Jerusalem monk John, the representative of three eastern patriarchs on the Second Council of Nicaea, wrote this iconophile work. Stylistic resemblance between the speech that John of Jerusalem held on the Second Council of Nicaea and sermon Adversus Constantinum Caballinum could indicate the same person as author.

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2

Colle, Ralph Del. "‘Person’ and ‘Being’ in John Zizioulas' Trinitarian Theology: Conversations with Thomas Torrance and Thomas Aquinas." Scottish Journal of Theology 54, no. 1 (February 2001): 70–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003693060005119x.

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The 318 Fathers at the First Council of Nicaea (325) began their profession of faith in the second article of the creed as follows:Confessing that: We believe in one God … And in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, begotten of the Father as only begotten, that is, from the essence of the Father, [ek tes ousias tou patros].

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3

Tanner, Norman. "How Novel Was Vatican II?" Ecclesiastical Law Journal 15, no. 2 (April 10, 2013): 175–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x13000367.

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The Second Vatican Council is recognised by the Roman Catholic Church as the twenty-first ecumenical council. The largest in terms of participants and one of the longest-running, it also covered the widest range of topics and produced the largest volume of documents and decrees. This article, based on the text of the ninth Lyndwood Lecture, examines a number of characteristics of Vatican II in comparison with previous councils, arguing that, while in many ways Vatican II was novel, in its composition, agenda, influence and reception one can discern parallels with past councils back as far as the first ecumenical council at Nicea in 325.1

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4

Dudek, Jarosław. "Biskupi Dyrrachionu w strukturach patriarchatu Konstantynopola (VII-XI wiek)." Vox Patrum 58 (December 15, 2012): 221–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4075.

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The Early Middle Ages brought grave losses to the Christian Churches in the East. It was only the patriarchate of Constantinople that managed to maintain its previous dignity. Starting form the end of the 7th century, one may notice the patriarchate activity in the western Balkans. That church substance, having survived barbarians invasion, was defined in the literature as „the bridge between the West and the East” and it became the subject matter of a rivalry with the papacy. The patriarchate of Constantinople, consistently supported by the emperors of the New Rome, gradually gained superiority in this field. A significant role in these changes was played by the attitude of the patriarchate towards the bishopric in Dyrrachion (at present Dürres in Albania). The majority of preserved written sources concerning this church centre was created in a defined relationship with projects pursued by some emperors and patriarchs. From this perspective, one may follow the evolution of the local bishopric status based on preserved registers of bishoprics subject to Constantinople (Notitiae episcopatuum Ecclesiae Constantinopolitane) as well as the lists of attendance of Dyrrachion’s metropolitan bishops at the Trullan Synod (692) and The Second Council of Nicaea (787). In the first case, it is possible to reconstruct the image of the mediaeval Dyrrachion metropolis clearly referring to the ancient church traditions of the New and Old Epirus (Epirus Vetus i Epirus Nova). However, the second preserved source data collection underlines quite high status of the bishops of Dyrrachion at synods and councils, which reflects their growing position (in comparison with Thessaloniki, Corinth or Athens) in the organization structures of the patriarchate of Constantinople.

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5

Zornija, Meri. "„Temporibus domini Iohannis episcopi..." – o počecima predromaničke skulpture u Boki kotorskoj." Ars Adriatica, no. 6 (January 1, 2016): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.533.

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This paper focuses on a series of pre-Romanesque fragments found in Kotor and several other localities in Boka Kotorska, which can be linked to an early phase in the formation of the pre-Romanesque style. Chronological orientation points provided by the triple mention of Bishop Ivan, who was present at the Second Council of Nicaea in 787, have served as a framework dating the fragments to the last quarter of the 8th and the early 9th century. They are considered to be work of a highly skilful stonemason workshop, for which the name Stonemason Workshop from the Time of Bishop Ivan of Kotor has been proposed. The reliefs have been compared to analogous sculptural decoration adorning the cathedrals of other cities in the Eastern Adriatic based on similar stylistic and iconographic features,as well as masterful stonemasonry in high-quality marble. These analogies indicate a common visual language used by the masters active in the broad belt stretching from Istria to Boka Kotorska, who brought to our coast the spirit of new, pre-Romanesque art at the turn of the 9th century.

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6

Mazurczak, Urszula. "List apostolski Duodecimum saeculum Ojca Świętego św. Jana Pawła II z okazji tysiąc dwusetnej rocznicy Soboru Nicejskiego II. Miejsce ikony w wierze i rozumieniu św. Jana Pawła II." Roczniki Humanistyczne 68, no. 4 Zeszyt specjalny (2020): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh20684-4s.

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The letter of the Holy Father John Paul II written in Rome in 1987, in the tenth year of His pontificate, on December 4th, on the day of memorial of Saint John Damascene, the doctor of the Church, on the Twelfth Centenary of finishing the controversy over the icon, is of great importance for the Pope’s program of ecumenism. The Holy Father indicated various directions of the dialogue, however, the one of the utmost importance concerned the agreement with the Orthodox Church, which was confirmed in the letters and in His other documents quoted in this paper. The image used to be essential for religious practice, for illustrating the word of prayer and of the song, in order to preserve the tradition of the Church. The strict prohibition introduced by the iconoclasm depreciated not only the artistic tradition of paintings but also the basic dogmas of Christ’s Incarnation and the one which introduced Virgin Mary as the Theotokos (the God-bearer). The ban constituted a threat not only for the icons but also for the Christian faith. In His Letter, the Pope underlined the important role of the Second Council of Nicaea which reintroduced icons and maintained and deepened the meaning of the cult in the faith of believers. Furthermore, the Holy Father indicated the connection with the Second Vatican Council in understanding the function and form of images in contemporary Church. Contemporary trends are overwhelmed by the impotence of the spiritual expression of sacral art, which is a great concern for the Pope. The Letter is, therefore, a dramatic warning of the threats for religious art in contemporary time, expressed by the Holy Father with these words: ‘The rediscovery of the Christian icon will also help in raising the awareness of the urgency of reacting against the depersonalizing and at times degrading effects of the many images that condition our lives in advertisements and the media.’ (DS, 11).

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7

Fernández, Samuel. "Who Convened the First Council of Nicaea: Constantine or Ossius?" Journal of Theological Studies 71, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 196–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/flaa036.

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Abstract The ancient church historians affirmed that it was Constantine himself who convened the Council of Nicaea. However, a chronological examination of the contemporary documents shows that the convocation of Nicaea was quite different. This essay aims to examine the origin of the idea of holding the Nicene council. According to the available data, Ossius of Cordoba convened the great episcopal council that was to be held at Ancyra but ultimately occurred in Nicaea. Although Constantine’s participation was decisive for the success of Nicaea, the study of the historical sources indicates that the original idea of holding the council that ultimately occurred at Nicaea must be credited to Ossius.

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8

Outler, Albert C. "Theodosius' Horse: Reflections on the Predicament of the Church Historian." Church History 57, S1 (March 1988): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700062909.

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The second general council of Ephesus was convened on August 8, 449, and adjourned some fourteen days later by the legates of Theodosius II, who promptly confirmed the council's canons and decrees. It had been as regular, or irregular, as Nicea I or Ephesus I had been, and far more general than the Constantinopolitan synod of 381. Its chief importance lay in registering another splendid victory for the Alexandrines. The “school” of Antioch was shattered beyond repair; Pope Leo and the Westerners were walled off and weakened; the bare notion of “two natures” was branded as Nestorian; every principal see in the East was manned by a henchman of Dioscoros. Moreover, the emperor and his grand chamberlain (the eunuch Chrysaphius, godson to Eutyches) were prepared to support Alexandrine policy with police power.

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9

Misiarczyk, Leszek. "Czy Ewagriusz z Pontu został rzeczywiście potępiony?" Vox Patrum 65 (July 15, 2016): 441–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3510.

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The article in the first part tries to prove on the basis of the arguments raised in recent studies, especially of A. Casiday, that there are no serious reasons to consider the syriac version S 2 of Kephalaia Gnostica as authentic and the version S 1 as expurged from Origenism. It seems quite the contrary, the version S 1 would be authentic and S 2 would has been contaminated by Origenism of sixth century. So Evagrius would not be the central figure in the so-called first Origenist controversy in the fifth century. In the second part author shows that the name of Evagrius does not appear in the Second Council of Constantinople in 553, in Epistula Synodum de Origene and in Edictum contra Origenem of Justinian. He was condemned probably only by some endemic synod before the official opening of the Council in 553. The question regarding the real validity of this condemnation still remains open. The III Council of Constantinople in 680-681, II Nicean in 787 and patristic authors simply repeat the condemnation of the previus endemic synod without examining the case.

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10

Forness, Philip Michael. "The acts of the Second Council of Nicaea (787). Translated and introduced by Richard Price. 2 vols. (Translated Texts for Historians, 68.) Pp. xiv + 377, viii + 378–738. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2018. £120. 978 1 78694 127 5." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 71, no. 2 (April 2020): 399–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046919002690.

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11

Fernández, Samuel. "The Council of Nicaea and its reception." Teología y vida 57, no. 2 (June 2016): 297–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0049-34492016000200010.

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12

WALTER, Christopher. "Icons of the First Council of Nicaea." Δελτίον Χριστιανικής Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας 34 (January 11, 1992): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/dchae.1068.

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13

ELLIOTT, THOMAS G. "Constantine's Preparations for the Council of Nicaea." Journal of Religious History 17, no. 2 (December 1992): 127–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9809.1992.tb00709.x.

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14

Elliott, T. G. "Constantine and ‘the Arian Reaction after Nicaea’." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 43, no. 2 (April 1992): 169–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900000877.

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Although Constantine was interested in the Council from a political point of view, and although he evidently got what he wanted from it, he did not simply walk away from Nicaea with the creed and consider the matter at an end. His letters written after the Council are important evidence for his attitude during it.

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15

Grzywaczewski, Józef. "Okoliczności zwołania Soboru Nicejskiego." Vox Patrum 62 (September 4, 2014): 139–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3583.

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The article presents the circumstances of the Council of Nicaea. There was a tradition to compose symbols of the faith (symbola fidei), and to organize synods. The Council of Nicaea was convoked by Emperor Constantine in cooperation with Pope Silvestre. After the victory on Licinius, Constantine wanted to arrange public and religious matters of the Empire. He was not a Christian but he was friendly to Christianity as a religion which he considered to be profitable for the Empire. He possessed the title of Pontifex maximus which authorized him to intervene not only in pagan cults, but also in ecclesiastical affaires. In spite of that, there were three main conflicts in that time: the date of the Passover, Donatism and Arianism. Donatism was a schism born in Latin Africa having a national background; it was a movement of the local population against the Roman administration. Arianism, born in Greek Africa, was inspired by philosophy, especially by Neo-Platonism. Constantine was welcomed by the Pope and other bishops because his actions were useful for the Church. People were waiting for the Council of Nicaea with hope.

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16

Cameron, Averil. "The Language of Images: the Rise of Icons and Christian Representation." Studies in Church History 28 (1992): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012365.

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One has to be brave to return to the subject of Byzantine Iconoclasm, a subject which, we may feel, has been done to death. But the division in Byzantine society which lasted off and on for over a century, from 726 to the ‘restoration of orthodoxy’ in 843, was so profound that any Byzantine historian must at some time try to grapple with it. This is especially so if one is trying to understand the immediately preceding period, from the Persian invasions of the early seventh century to the great sieges of Constantinople by the Arabs in 674-8 and 717. It is well recognized by historians that this was a time of fundamental social, economic, and administrative change, which coincided with, but was by no means wholly caused by, the loss of so much Byzantine territory to the Arabs. However, the connection, if any, of this process of change with the social and religious upheaval known as Iconoclasm still leaves much to be said; indeed, no simple connection is likely in itself to provide an adequate explanation. In this paper I want to explore further some of the background to the crisis, without attempting here to provide a general explanation for Iconoclasm itself. I shall not venture beyond the first phase of Iconoclasm, which ended with the Second Council of Nicaea in 787, and after which the argument is somewhat different. Indeed, I shall be focusing here not even on the period known as ‘first Iconoclasm’, but mainly on the preceding period, when the issues inherent in the controversy were already, and increasingly, making themselves felt. Though we shall inevitably be concerned with some of the arguments brought against icons by their opponents, it is the place of images themselves in the context of the pre-Iconoclastic period which will be the main issue. Finally, while I want to offer a different way of reading the rise of icons, I do not pretend that it is the only one, or even possibly the most important. I do suggest, though, that it can help us to make sense of some of the issues that were involved.

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17

NEIL, B. "THE WESTERN REACTION TO THE COUNCIL OF NICAEA II." Journal of Theological Studies 51, no. 2 (October 1, 2000): 533–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/51.2.533.

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18

Kelhoffer, James A. "The Search for Confessors at the Council of Nicaea." Journal of Early Christian Studies 19, no. 4 (2011): 589–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2011.0053.

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19

Dube, Donatus, Champaklal T. Parekh, and Bothwell Nyoni. "Removal of Chromium and Nickel from Electroplating Wastewater Using Magnetite Particulate Adsorbent: (1) Effect of pH, Contact Time and Dosage, (2) Adsorption Isotherms and Kinetics." Modern Applied Science 10, no. 7 (May 24, 2016): 222. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/mas.v10n7p222.

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Wastewater discharged into municipal sewer systems from electroplating process plants contains a heavy load of metal ions and often requires pre-discharge treatment. Treatment of wastewater to reduce the concentration of metal ions employing an adsorption process has been studied using a wide range of adsorbents. In this work, the concentrations of chromium and nickel ions in wastewater samples from a local electroplating shop were found to be above the limits set out by the Bulawayo City Council, and the Environmental Management Agency, a statutory agency under the Ministry of Environment and Tourism, Government of Zimbabwe. Furthermore, the removal of chromium and nickel ions from the wastewater using magnetite as an adsorbent is studied. Magnetite particulate adsorbent used in this experiment has demonstrated to be an effective adsorbent material. At the optimum process operating pH of 4 – 7 the absorbent was able to achieve removal rates of up to 99% for chromium and 98% for nickel. The adsorption processes for chromium and nickel have been proven to be physical in nature using the Dubinin-Radushkevich isotherm model. Also, the adsorption kinetics data fit well with pseudo second-order kinetic model.

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20

Beatrice, Pier Franco. "The Word “Homoousios” from Hellenism to Christianity." Church History 71, no. 2 (June 2002): 243–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700095688.

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Homoousios is one of the most important words in the Christian theological vocabulary, since it was used at the Council of Nicaea to express the divine consubstantiality of the Son with the Father. However, long and complicated debates have not yet produced any significant agreement among scholars concerning its origin and meaning.

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21

Teal, Andrew. "Council of Nicaea (325): Religious and Political Context, Documents, Commentaries. By Henryk Pietras." Journal of Theological Studies 69, no. 1 (October 31, 2017): 336–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/flx208.

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22

ADKIN, N. "Ambrose, « De Virginibus » 2, 2, 10f. and the « Gnomes of the Council of Nicaea »." Revue d'Etudes Augustiniennes et Patristiques 38, no. 2 (January 1992): 261–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rea.5.104663.

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23

Gusarova, Ekaterina V. "The Fixed Easter Cycle in the Ethiopian Church." Scrinium 14, no. 1 (September 20, 2018): 463–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00141p30.

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Abstract This article deals with the fixed Christian Easter and the feasts, which depend on it. Both moveable and fixed feasts are recorded in Christian calendars and synaxaria. Following the decisions of the First Oecumenical Council of Nicaea (AD 325) the Ethiopians celebrated mostly the moveable Easter and its cycle. At the same time in the Ethiopian Royal Chronicles is also recorded that the Ethiopian Kings and their armies celebrated the fixed Easter and its festivals, especially the Good Friday.

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24

Petrosyan, Nelli. "Saint Gregory The Illuminator and Canons of Nicene Ecumenical Council." WISDOM 1, no. 6 (July 1, 2016): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/wisdom.v1i6.73.

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The Nicene Creed in the Armenian Apostolic Church is a stricter version of the Christian faith. Christian recites it as a confession of his faith. The article attempts to identify formulation origins of creed partly related with apostolic times. Next is presented, how in year 325 during the first ecumenical meeting convened in Nicaea the high-ranking fathers collected the items of Christian faith and gave the name of Nicene Creed or Creed. Gregory the Illuminator accepted the decisions of the Nicene creed and canonize that Creed in the Armenian Apostolic Church, however, unlike other Christian churches, add his own confession. In addition to that Creed, two more Creeds are canonized and stored in the Armenian Church. All of them express the nature and essence of God and Holy Trinity, which is the foundation and major axis of Christianity.

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25

Moorhead, John. "What names did the Anti-nicenes use for Catholics and Arians?" Augustinianum 50, no. 2 (2010): 423–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm201050215.

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The parties involved in the Trinitarian disputes that led to and followed the Council of Nicaea are generally referred to as Catholics and Arians. But suchterminology reproduces that of the party that was ultimately victorious, and this paper utilizes the evidence of Latin texts from the fourth to the sixth centuries to enquire into the language used by the other side. It will draw attention to the use of such terms as Homousians and Romans for those better known as Catholics, and the application of such general concepts as lex and religio.

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26

Frenkel, Luise Marion. "The Reception of the Council of Nicaea by Ethnic Minorities in the Eastern Roman Empire." Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum 49, no. 1 (April 28, 2020): 15–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890433-04901002.

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Abstract The continuity and recognition enjoyed by communities which identified themselves with notions condemned in fourth- and fifth-century church councils can be related to the concomitant and interrelated processes of consolidation of historiographic narratives about Christian synods, their materialisation in imperial monuments and texts, and the cultural acceptance of theological and political values and categories. Focusing on the Council of Nicaea, the paper reviews the continuous presence of local Arian communities in Constantinople until the seventh century and the use of “Arian” liturgies in the East. The criteria of orthodoxy are examined in the light of the variant readings of the Ekthesis of the Didascalia CCXVIII Patrum Nicaenum and the prayers attributed to Serapion of Thmuis.

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27

Tanner, Norman. "The Book of the Councils: Nicaea I to Vatican II." Studies in Church History 38 (2004): 11–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015692.

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The ecumenical and general councils of the Church have produced arguably the most important documents of Christianity after the Bible. How this ‘book’ of the councils came to be composed is the subject of this paper. In the composition, Christians have had to confront three problems similar to those involved in establishing the book of the Bible. First, which councils are to be considered ecumenical or general, paralleling the question of which books are to be included in the Bible. Secondly, which decrees are to be considered the authentic decrees of a particular council, paralleling the question of which chapters and verses make up a particular book of the Bible. Thirdly, which manuscripts or editions form the best text of a given decree, paralleling the search for the best texts of Scripture. There are, too, the additional issues of establishing some hierarchy in the importance of the councils and their decrees – the great creeds and doctrinal statements outrank, surely, most decrees of a purely disciplinary nature, just as the Gospels have a certain priority within the New Testament or Romans and Galatians outrank in importance the Pastoral Epistles – and secondly the difficulties of translating the original texts into the vernacular languages, alike for the councils as for the Bible. Alongside these similarities between the book of the councils and that of the Bible was the tension between Scripture and Tradition. How far could Tradition, represented cumulatively and retrospectively by the councils, interpret or develop the teaching of Scripture? This tension was never far below the surface, and erupted especially in the Reformation controversies.

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Smelova, Natalia. "The Canons of the First Ecumenical Council of Nicaea in the Manuscript IOM, RAS Syr. 34." Written Monuments of the Orient 2, no. 1 (June 15, 2016): 35–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/wmo25778-.

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29

Bellitto, C. M. "The Church in Council. Conciliar Movements, Religious Practice and the Papacy from Nicaea to Vatican II." Journal of Church and State 53, no. 4 (October 28, 2011): 669–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/csr108.

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30

Pottenger, Andrew J. "The ‘Servant of God’: Divine Favour and Instrumentality under Constantine, 318–25." Studies in Church History 54 (May 14, 2018): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2017.3.

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This article focuses on the doctrine of divine favour and instrumentality as viewed from the emperor's own perspective, in relation to the early development of the ‘Arian controversy’ as far as the Council of Nicaea. While modern writers have focused on explicit statements by Constantine to suggest that unity was the emperor's highest priority, this article reveals a pattern by which he sought to manage divine favour and argues that doing so effectively was of primary importance to him. Such a shift in understanding the emperor's priorities adds to the range of explanations for his later apparent inconsistencies as the actual achievement of unity continually eluded him.

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31

Drake, H. A. "Constantine and Consensus." Church History 64, no. 1 (March 1995): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168653.

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The church historian Socrates Scholasticus tells a story about an encounter during the Council of Nicaea between the emperor Constantine and the schismatic bishop Acesius. On learning that Acesius's dispute had nothing to do with the Creed or the date of Easter—the two major issues under debate at that Council—Constantine asked, “For what reason then do you separate yourself from communion with the rest of the Church?” Acesius replied that his sect objected to the relative leniency with which other Christians had treated those who had cracked under the empire-wide persecutions of the third century. He then “referred to the rigidness of that austere canon which declares, that it is not right that persons who after baptism have committed a sin, which the sacred Scriptures denominate ‘a sin unto death’ be considered worthy of participation in the sacraments.” Whereupon, Socrates continues, the emperor said to him, “Place a ladder, Acesius, and climb alone into heaven.”

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32

Petek, Nina, and Jan Ciglenečki. "Prvi koncili u kršćanstvu i budizmu Strukturne analogije i povijesne sličnosti." Obnovljeni život 74, no. 1 (January 19, 2019): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31337/oz.74.1.2.

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It is well known that the ecumenical councils convening throughout the history of the Church — the Council of Nicaea in 325 A.D., the Council of Constantinople in 381 A.D., the Council of Ephesus in 431 A.D. and the Council of Chalcedon in 451 A.D.— were of great import. It is much less known, however, that centuries before the first Christian councils, a similar process was taking place in ancient India. At the Councils of Rajagrha in 486 B.C., Vaishali in 386 B.C., Pataliputra in 250 B.C., Sri Lanka in 29 B.C. and Kashmir in 72 A.D., Buddhist monks resolved to set forth dogmas, to put them in writing and to draw the line between orthodox and false doctrines. Generally speaking, the first councils, both in the West and in the East, were convened due to the need to preserve original doctrines. In addition, original teachings had to be canonised and systematised. Also, the process of including religious doctrines into imperial politics is characteristic of two royal personages, namely, the Indian king Aśoka and the Roman Emperor Constantine the Great. Both were actively involved in the councils of their day and contributed decisively to the further development and consolidation of both Buddhism and Christianity respectively.

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33

Naumowicz, Ks Józef. "PIERWSZE WCZESNOCHRZEŚCIJAŃSKIE ŚWIADECTWA O ŚWIĘCIE BOŻEGO NARODZENIA." Colloquia Litteraria 8, no. 1/2 (November 21, 2009): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/cl.2010.1.05.

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The first Christian testimonies about the celebration of Christmas The article presents the earliest reference to the celebration of Christmas as a holiday or feast, namely: the Roman calendar of Philocalus (so-called Chronography of 354), the first sermons preached for this occasion (pope Liberius, Optate from Milewe, Zenon from Verona) and the first hymns (Ambrose from Milan and Prudentius, Ephrem the Syrian). The analysis of sources shows that there is no record of this feast before the First Council at Nicaea (325 A.D.). It appeared in Rome around 335 A.D. and from there it has spread to other regions. As soon as it appeared, it quickly gained popularity and characteristic theological significance.

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34

Paczkowski, Mieczysław Celestyn. "Wiara w listach św. Bazylego Wielkiego." Vox Patrum 61 (January 5, 2014): 309–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3627.

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The article is an examination of Basil’s teaching about faith and its importance in his large correspondence. The bishop of Caesarea describes faith as the acceptance of the Gospel, the conviction of the truth of the message, a confession of one’s belief in the Trinity. The Cappadocian emphasizes faith as an acceptance and conviction of the truth which comes from the inspired Scriptures and the teaching of the Nicaea. The confession of faith formulated by the Council of Nicaea constituted the essence of the truth of the Christian faith. The bishop of Caesarea indicates the importance of the baptismal formula for the formulation of the true Christian doctrine. During the baptismal rite the baptizand makes their confession of faith and is thus admitted into the community of the faithful. Basil’s teaching of initiation into the Christian mistery is dominated by his use of the word mean the apostolic doctrines which constitute what the „Great Church” taught and believed. The Cappadocian points to the danger of false and heretical assemblies (parasynagogues) and of the false teachers of the faith. It is presented as a way of knowing God. There is also one important emphasis in Basil’s thought which especially characterizes his view of the human steps in the concrete realization of it: the knowledge of God and faith in Him is manifested in love to God and one’s neighbor.

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MANGO, Cyril. "The Meeting-Place of the First Ecumenical Council and the Church of the Holy Fathers at Nicaea." Δελτίον Χριστιανικής Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας 44 (July 6, 2011): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/dchae.425.

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Edwards, Mark. "Alexander of Alexandria and the Homoousion." Vigiliae Christianae 66, no. 5 (2012): 482–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007212x613410.

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Abstract This paper responds to recent publications which play down the role of Bishop Alexander of Alexandria in securing the adoption of the term homoousion at the Nicene Council of 325. It argues that, while the term is not employed in any surviving work from his hand, there is some reason to believe that he sanctioned the use of it by his colleagues. There is no doubt that before the Council he had already declared the Son to be “from the Father’s essence”, and it is all but certain that when this phrase was challenged, together with the homoousion at Nicaea, it was he who produced a conciliatory exegesis of both innovations, relying on the theology that had already been expounded in his letters Philostorgius’ story that he and Hosius of Cordoba had concerted a plan to introduce the homoousion is not implausible, and it should not be assumed that the author of an anonymous life of Constantine, which corroborates this narrative, is merely paraphrasing Philostorgius. Their testimony is consistent with that of Ambrose of Milan, who can be shown to have been acquainted both with documents and with witnesses of the proceedings at the Council.

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Maslauskaitė, Sigita. "ŠVENČIAUSIOSIOS TREJYBĖS ATVAIZDAI: IŠTAKOS, IKONOGRAFIJOS BRUOŽAI, DEFORMACIJOS." Religija ir kultūra 10 (January 1, 2012): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/relig.2012.0.2739.

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Švč. Trejybės atvaizdo istorija rodo, kad šio krikščionybės slėpinio aiškinimas buvo ir yra iššūkis, į kurį krikščionybė bandė atsakyti visuotinių susirinkimų metu, skatindama teologinių traktatų leidybą, šviesdama menininkus ir kūrinių užsakovus. Trivienio Dievo didybės vaizdavimas, ikonografijos interpretacijos ir deformacijos atskleidžia, kad per visą krikščionybės istoriją dėta daug pastangų „aiškiai“ išreikšti Švč. Trejybės esmę, tačiau slėpinys liko ir slėpiniu, ir iššūkiu. Į jį atsiliepti stengėsi įvairių epochų tikintieji, tačiau vieno tikro atsakymo nerado. Švč. Trejybės ikonografijos istorija ir kontroversijos leidžia dar kartą apsvarstyti meninio atvaizdo ontologinį statusą.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: Švč. Trejybė, slėpinys, atvaizdas, ikonografija, Nikėjos II susirinkimas, Tridento susirinkimas. IMAGES OF THE HOLY TRINITY: ORIGINS, ICONOGRAPHIC FEATURES, DEFORMATIONSSigita Maslauskaitė SummaryThe history of the image of the Holy Trinity reveals that the interpretation of this Christian mystery posed and still poses a challenge Christianity has attempted to face during general meetings encouraging the publishing of theological tracts and enlightening artists as well as those who commission works of art. Meanwhile, artists have tried to depict the glory of one God in three persons, distorting the image to a greater or lesser degree. Christian images often attributed human qualities to theTrinity of God and bestowed Him with an anthropomorphic silhouette. Some of them went so far as to portray the three-faced Trinity revealing a three-theistic thinking, which was a complete diversion from searching for the image of God in three persons. However, in the Christian iconographic tradition it would have been an absurd thing to do. On the contrary, the majority of the images of the Holy Trinity are worthy of respect even though they do pose a problem that needs to be faced.The doctrine of incarnation enables the portrayal of the face of God the Son. In the Old Testament, God does not disclose His face, whereas in the New Testament He reveals the face of the eternal Incarnate Word, i.e. Jesus Christ. The Church permitted the depiction of both the human form of Christ and His biographic events. Around 730, John of Damascus quoted Basilius the Great and emphasized that image worshipping was not a pagan cult as it was not the matter that was being celebrated but rather that which was being depicted, thus “we honour not the sacred image, but the prototype of which the artistic object is only a reflection.” Subsequently, the latter phrase comprised the base of all defenders of Christian images and was often being repeated in order to prove that the cult of images was based on the worshipping of the depicted persons but not the depictions themselves. Christians followed the conviction that the Son was the consubstantial image of the prototype and that only the Son “is the image of the invisible God” (Col. 1:15) and “the expressed image of his person” (Heb. 1:3). Thus, the Holy Spirit, in its turn, is also the image of the Son: “and no one can say “Jesus is Lord,” except the Holy Spirit” (1 Cor. 12:3). It is only through the Holy Spirit that we know the Son of God, God the Christ, and see the Father in the Son. By nature, the Word is the proclaimer of the thought, whereas the Spirit is the revealer of the Word. Therefore, only the Son is the living, true and everlasting image of the invisible God containing the Father in Himself, absolutely identical to the Father and only differing in that He has a cause. However, the christomorphic position has not always been gratifying, and it is sometimes thought that Latin Christianity went too far by depicting God humanly. According to French sociologists, such “human, all too human” (Nietzsche) images of God might have contributed to “discrediting” the very idea of God or even the “exculturation” of Christianity. Contemporary art has also been unable to find the means of depicting the Holy Trinity in such a way that both believers and non-believers would not consider it to be provocative. The problem will never be solved if all traditions, doctrines and disciplines, principles and facts, successes and failures in the field are not accepted.The article considers only some of the interpretation aspects of the mystery of the Holy Trinity. The portrayal of the glory of God in three persons, iconographic interpretations and deformations have revealed that throughout the history of Christianity much effort has been made to express “clearly” the essence of the Holy Trinity, and yet the mystery has remained both a mystery and a challenge. As the result, the iconographic history of the Holy Trinity and all the related controversies allow us to reconsider the ontological status of its artistic image.Keywords: the Holy Trinity, mystery, image, iconography, the Second Council of Nicaea, Council of Trent.

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Logan, Oliver. "Norman Tanner, The Church in Council: Conciliar Movements, Religious Practice and the Papacy from Nicaea to Vatican II." European History Quarterly 42, no. 4 (October 2012): 721–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691412458504ac.

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Østergaard, Ivar. "EURACT: EURACT Council, second meeting 1996." European Journal of General Practice 2, no. 3 (January 1996): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/13814789609161550.

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Naini, Mandana. "Iran's second chamber? The guardian council." Journal of Legislative Studies 12, no. 2 (June 2006): 198–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572330600739512.

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Dahm, Karl Heiner. "THE COUNCIL OF NICAEA - (Y.R.) Kim (ed.) The Cambridge Companion to the Council of Nicaea. Pp. xx + 424, ills, maps. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Paper, £28.99, US$36.99 (Cased, £84.99, US$110). ISBN: 978-1-108-44811-6 (978-1-108-42774-6 hbk)." Classical Review 71, no. 2 (June 18, 2021): 522–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x21001256.

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Bozanic, Snezana, and Djura Hardi. "Religious and moral context of social protection of medieval space." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 150 (2015): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1550079b.

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People have preserved and respected space since ancient times. The reasons were manifold: socio- economic, legal, religious and moral. Serbian medieval rulers tended to largely provide with riches, but also to protect estates of monasteries, as evidenced by surviving charters or their parts called appeal and anathema. When resolving property disputes (including the boundaries of a certain area), in addition to the representatives of state authorities, the witnesses who took the most frightful oaths went out in the field in order to determine the accurate boundaries. In order not to disturb the economic life, throughout the Middle Ages Serbian rulers used to issue charters to people of Dubrovnik (and to the other foreign merchants) that ensured undisturbed transit across Serbian territory. Serbian medieval rulers usually invoked: God, Virgin Mary, a patron saint of a monastery, Last Judgment, the Cross, First Council of Nicaea and Judah. They inspired awe in people and contributed to the protection of the space.

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Martin, Annick. "The receipt of the Council of Nicaea and its impact on the evolution of theological trends in eastern Churches (325-381)." Antiquité Tardive 22 (January 2014): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.at.5.103171.

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Hadjittofi, Fotini. "The Death of Love in Nonnus' Dionysiaca: The Rapes of Nicaea and Aura." Ramus 37, no. 1-2 (2008): 114–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00004938.

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The rapes of Nicaea and Aura, in Books 15-16 and 48 respectively of the Dionysiaca, are two of the most disturbing episodes in Nonnus' epic. The first figures a young huntress who does not hesitate to murder her persistent admirer; the second has another huntress—ex-protegée of Artemis—killing and eating her own offspring. As will become obvious in this section, these two stories have attracted a fair amount of attention from scholars of the Dionysiaca. Most interpretative approaches have, however, tended to look for exclusively ‘classical’ models and influences. While there is no doubt that the Dionysiaca is an immensely learned poem, borrowing from and playing with a great variety of ancient texts, its content cannot be explained with reference to classical intertexts only. My paper asks how these stories would relate to contemporaneous concerns and cultural trends. It will suggest that the rejection of marriage and childbearing, which is evident in these episodes, is informed by Christian ideas on sexuality, and has to be viewed as part of the extensive ‘repackaging’ of classical antiquity to suit new agendas, which is a feature of much contemporary literature.

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Loretan-Saladin, Adrian. "Swiss Synodality after the Second Vatican Council." Ecumeny and Law 8 (December 31, 2020): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/eal.2020.08.04.

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Quod omnes tangit, ab omnibus tractari et approbari debent. (Cardinal Congar) The canonists have been developing the rule of law of Western Europe. After there had been much debate (Acts 15:7), they decided together with the Holy Spirit. The Apostolic Nuncio gave the permission for lay persons (including women) to participate at the Synod. Synod ’72 is a process involving seven synods of local Churches in Switzerland. As an instrument of “processing” Vatican II, Synod ’72 discussed implementation options like Ecclesiastical Offices of the local Church. (LG 33; Paul VI’s Ministeria quaedam; John Paul II’s Christifedles laici; c. 228 CIC 1983). The tradition of shared decision-making of the baptised was been activated.

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Hill, Brennan R. "Bernard Häring and the Second Vatican Council." Horizons 33, no. 01 (2006): 78–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0360966900002966.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines the life and work of Bernard Häring, C.SS.R., especially his valuable contributions to the Second Vatican Council and his dedication to the council's vision of renewal. It begins with an overview of Häring's preconciliar religious and theological formation in his family, seminary and university, during World War II, and during his teaching in Rome. The next section deals with Häring's work at the council, especially his efforts on the original Theological Commission to resist the rigidity of the first drafts, and his contributions toLumen Gentium(“The Constitution on the Church”),Unitatis Redintegratio(“The Decree on Ecumenism”),Dignitatis Humana(“The Declaration on Religious Freedom”),Gaudium et Spes(“The Constitution on the Church and the Modern World”),and Optatam Totius(“Decree on Priestly Formation”). The final section considers Häring's mission to spread the council's message of renewal to the world, his conflicts with the forces attempting to repress the progressive agenda, and his courageous visioning of what a renewed church might look like in the future.

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McCabe, Michael. "The Second Vatican Council on Other Religions." Irish Theological Quarterly 79, no. 3 (July 2014): 285–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021140014529509d.

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Dullea, Gearóid. "The Second Vatican Council: Message and Meaning." Irish Theological Quarterly 81, no. 1 (January 12, 2016): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021140015617900l.

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Mansini, Guy. "The Second Vatican Council Then and Now." Nova et vetera 18, no. 3 (2020): 973–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nov.2020.0049.

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Mansini, Guy. "Sacerdotal Character at the Second Vatican Council." Thomist: A Speculative Quarterly Review 67, no. 4 (2003): 539–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tho.2003.0001.

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