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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Sectarian conflict

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Academic literature on the topic 'Sectarian conflict'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 14 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Sectarian conflict"

1

Clausen, Maria-Louise. "Sectarianisation of a multidimensional conflict: a reply to Durac." Global Discourse 9, no. 4 (November 1, 2019): 675–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204378919x15718899016255.

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This is a reply to Vincent Durac’s article ‘The limits of the sectarian narrative in Yemen’, which starts with a discussion of the proposition that conflict in the Middle East is driven by sectarian difference including the conflict in Yemen. However, Durac’s article shows that the conflict in Yemen is not inherently sectarian. This reply uses this as a starting point to argue that the conceptual, theoretical and empirical usefulness of sectarianism as an analytical category should be developed. This is exemplified in how the concept is applied to the conflict in Yemen. The reply argues that whereas the conflict on the surface has the characteristics of a sectarian conflict, a rigid focus on sectarian difference to explain the onset of conflict obfuscates as much as it enlightens. This underscores the need for research that combines deep understanding of local dynamics with an appreciation for larger trends in order to understand complex conflicts, such as the one in Yemen.

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2

Al‐Qarawee, Harith Hasan. "Sectarian Identities, Narratives and Political Conflict in Baghdad." Levantine Review 4, no. 2 (January 5, 2016): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/lev.v4i2.9160.

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This article addresses some of the effects of political transformations and conflicts on the identity of the Iraqi capital, Baghdad. It illustrates the gradual “Islamization” of space by Saddam Hussein’s regime, which reflected a sectarian bias as it denied Shi’a religious identity the level of visibility given to Sunni religious identity. After the fall of the regime, there was an upsurge in Shi’a symbolism and rituals in Baghdad, which further de-secularized and sectarianized the public space. The article also addresses some of the cultural consequences for the sectarian segregation in Baghdad, especially by looking into the mosques and worship places, their sectarian distribution and the contesting claims regarding some of them. The rise of sub-national cultures and the competition between Shi’as and Sunnis have further fragmented Baghdad’s identity and downgraded the cross-sectarian representations. This has been mirrored in the conflict of narratives about the city which is discussed in the last part of this article.

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3

Durac, Vincent. "The limits of the sectarian narrative in Yemen." Global Discourse 9, no. 4 (November 1, 2019): 655–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204378919x15718898814430.

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The conflict in Yemen presents an apparently quintessential example of sectarian conflict in the Middle East today. At the domestic level, the conflict is typically seen as one which pits Shia Muslims, in the form of the Zaydi Houthi movement, against its Sunni Muslim antagonists in the form of the deposed but internationally-recognised president Abd Rabbo Mansour Hadi and his supporters. At the regional level, the conflict is represented as proxy war between Iran, the sponsors of the Houthis and Sunni Muslim powers, led by Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) who intervened in 2015 with the objective of restoring Hadi to power. This paper argues that there are strict limits to the utility of the sectarian narrative in the analysis of the Yemeni conflict and presents a critical analysis of the sectarian framing of Yemeni political dynamics. It begins with a broad attempt to contextualise the discussion of sectarianism in the region. This is followed by an extended discussion of the view of the conflict as inherently sectarian at both the domestic and regional levels. This, in turn, is followed by a critique of the sectarian narrative, at both levels.

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Ahnaf, M. Iqbal, and Danielle N. Lussier. "Religious Leaders and Elections in the Polarizing Context of Indonesia." Jurnal Humaniora 31, no. 3 (December 2, 2019): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jh.49420.

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Studies of elections in young democracies point to the risk of elections intensifying existing social conflicts, a process observed in Indonesia in recent years. The 2017 mayoral election in Yogyakarta contradicts this trend, presenting an empirical puzzle. Despite the fact that local conditions might encourage electoral mobilization along sectarian lines, we find evidence of restraint. Based on analysis of the contents of sermons in 12 mosques and churches in the month before the election we identify three factors that discourage religious leaders from exercising opportunities to intensify religious tension. These include (a) elites were not motivated to exacerbate communal tension because they do not feel the election will bring about reform or change that would seriously affect their established position, (b) even though sectarian messaging is possible, the elites did not believe masses could be easily persuaded by sectarian political messaging, and (c) political outbidding by using sectarian messages would risk confronting the local dominant culture of harmony. These findings suggest that several factors need to be activated for religious leaders to exercise their moral authority over worshippers for political purposes. The presence of an opportunity structure for intensifying sectarian conflict is not sufficient for that conflict to emerge.

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5

Crowley, Peter. "The Integral Nature of Ethnicity and Religion during Northern Ireland’s Troubles." Ethnic Studies Review 41, no. 1-2 (2018): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2018.411204.

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Northern Ireland’s Troubles conflict, like many complex conflicts through the world, has often been conceived as considerably motivated by religious differences. This paper demonstrates that religion was often integrated into an ethno-religious identity that fueled sectarian conflict between Protestants and Catholics in Northern Ireland during the Troubles period. Instead of being a religious-based conflict, the conflict derived from historical divides of power, land ownership, and civil and political rights in Ireland over several centuries. It relies on 12 interviews, six Protestants and six Catholics, to measure their use of religious references when referring to their religious other. The paper concludes that in the overwhelming majority of cases, both groups did not use religious references, supporting the hypothesis on the integrated nature of ethnicity and religion during the Troubles. It offers grounding for looking into the complex nature of sectarian and seemingly religious conflicts throughout the world, including cases in which religion acts as more of a veneer to deeply rooted identities and historical narratives.

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6

Baig, Saranjam Muhammad. "Moral Suasion or Policy Reforms? How to Tackle Sectarian Violence in Pakistan: The Case Study of Gilgit-Baltistan." Global Social Sciences Review IV, no. II (June 30, 2019): 291–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2019(iv-ii).38.

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The existing literature in social sciences and humanities analyzing root causes of sectarian and religious conflicts focus mostly on micro-factors. The inability of market and state factors to control sectarian conflict for last seven decades remains understudied by the contemporary literature. This article aims at filling that gap and seeks to identify certain market and government failures that have implications on sectarian and religious conflicts. More specifically, it identifies four market failures namely asymmetries of information, externalities, equity and public goods and three government failures, which include democracy failure, bureaucratic failure and implementation failure. In contrast to the literature shedding light on the impact and gravity of sectarian and religious violence in the country, the purpose here remains to highlight important aspects of public policy reforms for peace making and peace building. This article, based on the aforementioned market and government failures, suggests a whole new set of policy reforms.

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7

Takdir, Mohammad. "Identifikasi Pola-Pola Konflik Agama dan Sosial (Studi Kasus Kekerasan Berbasis Sektarian dan Komunal di Indonesia." Ri'ayah: Jurnal Sosial dan Keagamaan 2, no. 01 (December 14, 2017): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.32332/riayah.v2i01.962.

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This paper aims to identify patterns of social and religious conflicts in Indonesia. The pattern of religious conflict include the type of conflict, the frequency of conflict, the development and spreading of the conflict, the issue of the causes of conflict, actors, and the impact of the conflict. This research used a sociological approach to reveal the social impact of the rise of religious conflicts.This research is a case study based on sectarian and communal violence that occurred in the some regions. The theory used to identify patterns of religious and social conflict are Louis Coser theory and theory of ethnic conflict from Jaques Jacques Bertrand. This study shows that the Indonesian people have the capacity to respond the issues causing religious conflict in the form of peaceful demonstrations. Our duty is to encourage people to make a peaceful protest as the main option in order to prevent larger conflicts. The issues that drove the conflict in various regions vary widely so that the eradication of violence needs to be designed in accordance with the variation of religious conflict issues that dominate each regions. The results of this study also shows that the issue of religious conflict that faced each different regime. In the New Order regime, the issue of communal becoming the most dominant issue occurs. While the reform era more face sectarian religious conflict related issues.

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8

Alvarez-Ossorio, Ignacio. "The Sectarian Dynamics of the Syrian Conflict." Review of Faith & International Affairs 17, no. 2 (April 3, 2019): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2019.1608644.

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Fedorchenko, A. V. "Sectarian conflict in Saudi Arabia, "Shiite question"." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(29) (April 28, 2013): 107–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-2-29-107-112.

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The article deals with the the problems of Shiites community in Saudi Arabia. To this end, issues such as the position of the Shiites in the KSA, the problem of their participation in the public life of the kingdom, the growing protest movement in this community are analyzed. The author assess the prospects for the settlement of inter-confessional conflict between Sunnis and Shiites in the kingdom.

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Yosufi, Abdul Basir. "The Rise and Consolidation of Islamic State: External Intervention and Sectarian Conflict." Connections: The Quarterly Journal 15, no. 4 (2016): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.15.4.05.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Sectarian conflict"

1

Shahi, Afshin, and M. Vachkova. "Water security and the rise of sectarian conflict in Yemen." The CRC Press, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17557.

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2

Hafeda, M. "Bordering practices : negotiating and narrating political-sectarian conflict in contemporary Beirut." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2015. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1460232/.

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Following the shift from borders to bordering practices in the field of borders studies (Parker & Vaughan-Williams, 2009; Diener & Hagen, 2012; Meier, 2013), this thesis proposes bordering practices as specific kinds of spatial practice which occur through processes of narrating and negotiating, and are situated in relation to concepts of everyday life and spatial practices (Lefebvre ([1974] 1991 and de Certeau ([1984] 1989), and critical spatial practice (Rendell, 2006). The thesis examines the im/materiality, spatiality, and temporality of bordering practices through the negotiation of spaces of political-sectarian conflict – since their resurfacing in Beirut in 2005, practised by a triad of residents, politicians, and militias. It is a site-specific and practice-led research project that employs art, design and urban research tools to work with residents, located between the two adjacent areas of Tarik al-Jdide and Mazraa – both situated within the Mazraa district, and of different political affiliations divided across Sunni/Shiite lines. Through negotiation and narrative the thesis explores a series of modes of bordering practices: those produced by conflict mechanisms, negotiated and narrated by residents; those negotiated and narrated through my engagements with the residents during this doctoral research; and those negotiated and narrated through the art installations I produced in response as forms of critical spatial practice. The thesis is structured into four projects, each of which develops first by identifying strategic division conditions practised by political parties through the borders of: Surveillance, Sound, Displacement and Administration; second, by investigating residents’ spatial practices that exist as responses and negotiations to those strategic divisions; third, and finally, the four projects produce four new bordering practices that transform borders into multiple shifting practices and representations that divide and connect through acts of negotiating and narrating: in particular, in project 1, crossing the border of surveillance between two women at their balconies; in project 2, translating the border of sound between taxi and walking journeys; in project 3, matching the border of displacement between twin sisters and their husbands; and in project 4, hiding behind the border of administration between an elected district’s representative and his fictional TV character.

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3

Pearce, Jenny V. "Oil and armed conflict in Casanare/Colombia: complex contexts and contingent moments." Pluto Press, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4013.

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No
Are oil-rich countries prone to war? And, if so, why? There is a widely held belief that contemporary wars are motivated by the desire of great powers like the United States or Russia to control precious oil resources and to ensure energy security. This book argues that the main reason why oil-rich countries are prone to war is because of the character of their society and economy. Sectarian groups compete for access to oil resources and finance their military adventures through smuggling oil, kidnapping oil executives, or blowing up pipelines. Outside intervention only makes things worse. The use of conventional military force as in Iraq can bring neither stability nor security of supply. This book examines the relationship between oil and war in six different regions: Angola, Azerbaijan, Colombia, Indonesia, Nigeria and Russia. Each country has substantial oil reserves, and has a long history of conflict. The contributors assess what part oil plays in causing, aggravating or mitigating war in each region and how this relation has altered with the changing nature of war. It offers a novel conceptual approach bringing together Kaldor's work on 'new wars' and Karl's work on the petro-state.

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4

Ahmed, Zubir Rasool. "Rebuilding the Iraqi state : the regional dimension of ethno-sectarian conflict (2003-2016)." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/31656.

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This thesis addresses the relationship between state-building and ethno-sectarian conflict in Iraq from 2003 to 2016 in the regional context among Iraq’s core neighbours: Iran, Syria, Saudi Arabia and Turkey. The purpose of this study is to examine how and why Iraq's neighbours engaged in the process of state-building in Iraq after the fall of Saddam's regime. Part of this research’s significance lies in the fact that there is a lack of research projects that examine Iraq’s state-building process in its regional dimension, and of studies that address internal and external factors that shape security policies in the Persian Gulf. The majority of previous studies so far have addressed the state/nation-building process in Iraq as an internal issue among Iraq’s different sectarian, ethnic, and political factions. However, this study has found that the involvement of Iraq's neighbours in the ethno-sectarian conflict has been an enduring part of the state-building process in post-2003 Iraq. Furthermore, one of the central issues that this study has demonstrated regarding the involvement of Iraq's neighbours is the constant interaction of three main variables: security complex dynamics, ethno-sectarian conflict, and the state-building process in post-2003 Iraq. Based on the theoretical contribution of RSC, this research has found that the engagement of Iraq’s neighbours in the state-building process and ethno-sectarian conflict following the U.S. invasion of Iraq is rooted in the RSC dynamics of Iraq with its neighbours in the region, on the one hand, and among the neighbours themselves, on the other hand. The engagement of Iraq's neighbours in the state-building process in Iraq has been driven by both internal and external dimensions of the regional security complex. Moreover, the thesis found that both Turkey and Iran have built institutional bases for their leverage in post-2003 Iraq. Turkey through the KRG and a part of the Arab Sunnis, and Iran through the Shi'a-centric state and part of the Iraqi Kurds, have built institutional links with Iraq's components. However, both Saudi Arabia and Syria lacked the capability to build such institutional relations with post-2003 Iraq, and this has been a main cause for their ineffective positions in the process of state-building in Iraq after 2003.Thus, the ethno-sectarian conflict in post-2003 Iraq has been a form of intervention by Iraq's neighbours in the state-building process.

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Venugopal, Rajesh. "Cosmopolitan Capitalism and Sectarian Socialism : Conflict, Development, and the Liberal Peace in Sri Lanka." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.508659.

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6

Yazan, Bedrettin. "Sectarian Conflict And Inability To Construct A National Identity In Northern Ireland In Christina Reid." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609772/index.pdf.

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Based on Christina Reid&rsquo
s five Plays &ldquo
Tea in a China Cup,&rdquo
&ldquo
Did You Hear the One About the Irishman &hellip
?,&rdquo
&ldquo
Joyriders,&rdquo
&ldquo
The Belle of the Belfast City,&rdquo
and &ldquo
My Name, Shall I Tell You My Name?&rdquo
the aim of this study is to put under discussion the idea that the sectarian conflict between the two ethno-religious communities in Northern Ireland is maintained deliberately and a national identity unique to the people in this country cannot be constructed at least in the near future. The Protestants in Northern Ireland cannot choose Irishness as a national identity because the Irishness has been monopolized by the Catholics, and cannot adopt the Britishness as a national identity because of the varieties in the social factors they have. Likewise, the Catholics in Northern Ireland do not call themselves British because their Catholicism involves an Irish identity with the rejection of the British rule, and they cannot truly entitle themselves Irish due to the differences in social conditions. However, both factions try to adhere themselves to a national identity through their communal ideology. The Protestants claim that they are part of Britain, while the Catholics claim that they are members of Irish Nation. This situation has led to reluctance in both communities to stop the conflictual circumstances which encourage both groups to tether to their traditions more intensely, to contribute to the otherization process reinforcing their social identity and lead them to impose their working ideology on their new members whose divergence from traditions will definitely pose a threat to their identity. Also, in this country the forgetting / remembering process, which is actually exploited to forge a national identity, is orchestrated by the two communities to enlarge the intercommunal chasm through the narration of the old stories and memories, creation of stories, commemoration activities and museumizing certain objects. Throughout the study the key points which will be highlighted are as follows: nation, national identity and nation building process, the sectarian conflict between the two communities in Northern Ireland, maintenance of conflictual situation and the employment of the forgetting / remembering process in Northern Ireland.

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7

Yani, Buni. "Reporting the Maluku Sectarian Conflict: The Politics of Editorship in Kompas and Republika Dailies." Ohio : Ohio University, 2002. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1016115882.

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8

Osman, Khalil. "The hissing sectarian snake : sectarianism and the making of state and nation in modern Iraq." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/9245.

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This thesis addresses the relationship between sectarianism and state-making and nation-building in Iraq. It argues that sectarianism has been an enduring feature of the state-making trajectory in Iraq due to the failure of the modern nation-state to resolve inherent tensions between primordial sectarian identities and concepts of unified statehood and uniform citizenry. After a theoretical excursus that recasts the notion of primordial identity as a socially constructed reality, I set out to explain the persistence of primordial sectarian affiliations in Iraq since the establishment of the modern nation-state in 1921. Looking at the primordial past showed that Sunni-Shicite interactions before the modern nation-state cultivated repositories of divergent collective memories and shaped dynamics of inclusion and exclusion favorable to the Sunni Arabs following the creation of Iraq. Drawing on primary and secondary sources and field interviews, this study proceeds to trace the accentuation of primordial sectarian solidarities despite the adoption of homogenizing policies in a deeply divided society along ethno-sectarian lines. It found that the uneven sectarian composition of the ruling elites nurtured feelings of political exclusion among marginalized sectarian groups, the Shicites before 2003 and the Sunnis in the post-2003 period, which hardened sectarian identities. The injection of hegemonic communal discourses into the educational curriculum was found to have provoked masked forms of resistance that contributed to the sharpening of sectarian consciousness. Hegemonic communal narratives embedded in the curriculum not only undermined the homogenizing utility of education but also implicated education in the accentuation of primordial sectarian identities. The study also found that, by camouflaging anti-Shicite sectarianism, the anti-Persian streak in the nation-state’s Pan-Arab ideology undermined Iraq’s national integration project. It explains that the slide from a totalizing Pan-Arab ideology in the pre-2003 period toward the atomistic impulse of the federalist debate in the post-2003 period is symptomatic of the ghettoization of identity in Iraq. This investigation of the interaction between primordial sectarian attachments and the trajectory of the making of the Iraqi nation-state is ensconced in the project of expanding the range and scope of social scientific applications of the nation-building and primordialism lines of analysis.

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9

Neal, F. "Sectarian violence in nineteenth century Liverpool : a study of the origins, nature and scale of the Catholic-Protestant conflict in working class Liverpool, 1819-1914." Thesis, University of Salford, 1987. http://usir.salford.ac.uk/14828/.

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The central concern of this study is the nature, origin and scale of the physical conflict between Protestants and Catholics in Liverpool throughout the period 1819 to 1914. This topic is examined within the framework of the endemic anti-Catholicism of Victorian England and the reactions to the dismantling of the privileges of the established Church. In addition, the scale of Irish immigration into Liverpool during the nineteenth century and its consequences for local government and the maintenance of public order are discussed and related to the phenomenon of sectarian violence. From this framework, certain themes are selected for detailed study and related to the core issue of physical sectarian conflict. Using both official sources and newspaper material, an account is given of the appearance and growth of the English Orange Order, its mexrüership, objectives and its role in formenting sectarian conflict. In particular, the relationship between Liverpool Conservatism and Orangeism before 1850 is examined in detail. The strength of the middle class adherence to Church and Constitution politics is an important theme within this study and the mechanism whereby such concerns were transferred to working class Protestants by evangelical Anglican clergy is examined in the context of Liverpool. Particular attention is also paid to the tensions within the Chruch of England arising from the activities of ritualist clergy and the consequences of this controversy in working-class Liverpool. The roles played by two individuals, Hugh McNeile and George Wise, in formenting sectarian violence are examined closely. Lastly, and most important from the viewpoint of the study's objective, the nature of the physical conflict, its extent and its enduring quality, together with its divisive effects on Liverpool's working class community is demonstrated.

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10

Okoye, Grace O. "Ethno-Religious Conflict in Northern Nigeria: The Latency of Episodic Genocide." NSUWorks, 2013. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/53.

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This dissertation explores the ethnic and religious dimensions of the northern Nigeria conflict in which gruesome killings have intermittently occurred, to determine whether there are genocidal inclinations to the episodic killings. The literature review provides the contextual framework for examining the conflict parties and causation factors to address the research questions: Are there genocidal inclinations to the ethno-religious conflict in northern Nigeria? To what extent does the interplay between ethnicity and religion help to foment and escalate the conflict in northern Nigeria? The study employs a mixed content analysis and grounded theory methodology based on the Strauss and Corbin (1990) approach. Data sourcing was from 197 newspaper articles on the conflict over the study period spanning from the 1966 northern Nigeria massacres of thousands of Ibos up to present, ongoing killings between Muslims and Christians or non-Muslims in the region. Available texts of the conflict cases over the research period were content-analyzed using Nvivo qualitative data analysis software involving processes of categorizing, coding and evaluation of the textual themes. The study structures a theoretical model for determining proclivity to genocide, and finds that there are genocidal inclinations to the northern Nigeria conflict, involving the specific intent to ‘cleanse’ the north through the exclusionary ideology of imposition of the Sharia law through enforced assimilation or extermination of Christians and other non-Muslims who do not assimilate or adopt the Muslim ideology. The study also suggests that there is latency in the recognition of these genocidal manifestations due to their episodic nature and intermittency of occurrence. he study provides further understanding of factors underlying and sustaining the violent conflict between Muslims and Christians in northern Nigeria. It contributes new perspectives and theoretical model for determining genocidal proclivity to the field of conflict analysis and resolution, and proffers alternative strategies for relationship building and peaceful coexistence among different religious groups. The findings will guide recommendations on policy formulations for eliminating religious intolerance in northern Nigeria. The study creates further awareness on the need for global intervention on the region’s sporadic killings to avert full blown Rwandan type genocide in Nigeria.

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Books on the topic "Sectarian conflict"

1

Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency, ed. Sectarian conflict in Gilgit-Baltistan. Islamabad: Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency, 2011.

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2

Sectarian conflict in Egypt: Coptic media, identity, and representation. New York: Routledge, 2012.

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Regional Centre for Strategic Studies (Colombo, Sri Lanka), ed. Sectarian conflict in Pakistan: A case study of Jhang. Colombo: Regional Centre for Strategic Studies, 2000.

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Hussain, Ishtiaq. Underlying causes of sectarian violence: Research report. Quetta: Center for Peace and Development, 2008.

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Gonzalez, Nathan. The Sunni-Shia Conflict: Understanding Sectarian Violence in the Middle East. New York: Nortia Press, 2012.

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Project, Community Conflict Skills, ed. Community conflict skills: A handbook for anti-sectarian work in Northern Ireland. Cookstown: Community Conflict Skills Project, 1988.

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The crisis of governance in Pakistan: Kashmir, Afghanistan, sectarian violence, and economic crisis. Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2003.

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Gonzalez, Nathan. The Sunni-Shia conflict and the Iraq War: Understanding sectarian violence in the Middle East. Washington, D.C: Potomac Books, 2009.

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9

Neal, Frank. Sectarian violence in nineteenth century Liverpool: A study of the origins, nature and scale of the Catholic-Protestant conflict in working class Liverpool, 1819-1914. Salford: University of Salford, 1987.

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Identity matters: Ethnic and sectarian conflict. New York, NY: Berghahn Books, 2007.

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Book chapters on the topic "Sectarian conflict"

1

Panggabean, Samsu Rizal. "Policing Sectarian Conflict in Indonesia." In Religion, Law and Intolerance in Indonesia, 271–88. 1 [edition]. | New York : Routledge, 2016. | Series: Routledge law in Asia 15: Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315657356-14.

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Tomass, Mark. "Formation of Christian Sectarian Identities." In The Religious Roots of the Syrian Conflict, 45–63. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137525710_5.

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Tomass, Mark. "Formation of Muslim Sectarian Identities." In The Religious Roots of the Syrian Conflict, 65–95. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137525710_6.

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Carpenter, Ami C. "Conflict Escalation: The Sharpening of Sectarian Identity." In Peace Psychology Book Series, 53–62. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-8812-5_4.

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Nasser-Eddine, Minerva. "Sectarian and Ethnic Politics: The Syrian Conflict." In The Arab World and Iran, 103–23. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-55966-1_7.

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Kumar, Ashwani, and Souradeep Banerjee. "Sectarian Violence and Ethnic Conflict in India: Issues and Challenges." In Interdisciplinary Studies in Human Rights, 235–56. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-99567-0_10.

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Vasudevan, Ravi. "Neither State Nor Faith: Mediating Sectarian Conflict in Popular Cinema." In The Melodramatic Public, 130–62. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-11812-6_6.

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Shahi, Afshin, and Maya Vachkova. "Water Security and the Rise of Sectarian Conflict in Yemen." In Water Management, 3–9. First editor. | Boca Raton : Taylor & Francis, a CRC title, part of the Taylor & Francis imprint, a member of the Taylor & Francis Group, the academic division of T&F Informa, plc, [2019] | Series: Green chemistry and chemical engineering: CRC Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1201/b22241-1.

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Cortés, Ángel. "‘A Sea of Sectarian Rivalries’: The Second Great Awakening and Religious Conflict." In Sectarianism and Orestes Brownson in the American Religious Marketplace, 15–35. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-51877-0_3.

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Askari, Hossein. "Conflicts—Sectarian and Religious Disputes." In Conflicts in the Persian Gulf, 31–56. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137358387_2.

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Conference papers on the topic "Sectarian conflict"

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Hu, Rui, and Keping Tian. "A Brief Study of Sectarian Conflicts in India." In 2015 International Conference on Humanities and Social Science Research. Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/ichssr-15.2015.48.

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Reports on the topic "Sectarian conflict"

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Eltally, Ahmed. Explaining the Sectarian Violence in the Middle East: A Conflict Analysis of the Case Study of Saudi Arabia and Iran. Portland State University Library, December 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.7317.

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