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Books on the topic 'Sectarian conflict'
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1
Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency, ed. Sectarian conflict in Gilgit-Baltistan. Islamabad: Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency, 2011.
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2
Sectarian conflict in Egypt: Coptic media, identity, and representation. New York: Routledge, 2012.
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3
Regional Centre for Strategic Studies (Colombo, Sri Lanka), ed. Sectarian conflict in Pakistan: A case study of Jhang. Colombo: Regional Centre for Strategic Studies, 2000.
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4
Hussain, Ishtiaq. Underlying causes of sectarian violence: Research report. Quetta: Center for Peace and Development, 2008.
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5
Gonzalez, Nathan. The Sunni-Shia Conflict: Understanding Sectarian Violence in the Middle East. New York: Nortia Press, 2012.
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6
Project, Community Conflict Skills, ed. Community conflict skills: A handbook for anti-sectarian work in Northern Ireland. Cookstown: Community Conflict Skills Project, 1988.
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7
The crisis of governance in Pakistan: Kashmir, Afghanistan, sectarian violence, and economic crisis. Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2003.
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8
Gonzalez, Nathan. The Sunni-Shia conflict and the Iraq War: Understanding sectarian violence in the Middle East. Washington, D.C: Potomac Books, 2009.
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9
Neal, Frank. Sectarian violence in nineteenth century Liverpool: A study of the origins, nature and scale of the Catholic-Protestant conflict in working class Liverpool, 1819-1914. Salford: University of Salford, 1987.
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10
Identity matters: Ethnic and sectarian conflict. New York, NY: Berghahn Books, 2007.
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11
(Editor), James L. Peacock, Patricia M. Thornton (Editor), and Patrick B. Inman (Editor), eds. Identity Matters: Ethnic and Sectarian Conflict. Berghahn Books, 2007.
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12
(Editor), James L. Peacock, Patricia M. Thornton (Editor), and Patrick B. Inman (Editor), eds. Identity Matters: Ethnic and Sectarian Conflict. Berghahn Books, 2007.
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13
Kaushik, Basu, and Subrahmanyam Sanjay, eds. Unravelling the nation: Sectarian conflict and India's secular identity. New Delhi, India: Penguin Books, 1996.
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14
Iskander, Elizabeth. Sectarian Conflict in Egypt: Coptic Media, Identity and Representation. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.
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15
Bhatti, Safeer Tariq. International Conflict Analysis in South Asia: A Study of Sectarian Violence in Pakistan. University Press of America, Incorporated, 2015.
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16
Wehrey, Frederic, ed. Beyond Sunni and Shia. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190876050.001.0001.
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This collection seeks to advance our understanding of intra-Islamic identity conflict during a period of upheaval in the Middle East. Instead of treating distinctions between and within Sunni and Shia Islam as primordial and immutable, it examines how political economy, geopolitics, domestic governance, social media, non- and sub-state groups, and clerical elites have affected the transformation and diffusion of sectarian identities. Particular attention is paid to how conflicts over distribution of political and economic power have taken on a sectarian quality, and how a variety of actors have instrumentalized sectarianism. The volume, covering Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf, Iran, and Egypt, includes contributors from a broad array of disciplines including political science, history, sociology, and Islamic studies. Beyond Sunni and Shia draws on extensive fieldwork and primary sources to offer insights that are empirically rich and theoretically grounded, but also accessible for policy audiences and the informed public.
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Sebastián, Sofía. Intervention and Peace Operations. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198805373.003.0004.
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The hybrid and transnational nature of current conflicts poses one of today’s most pressing global security challenges, with crises ranging from western Africa to the Himalayas. This chapter evaluates the policies, strategies, and mechanisms in place in conflicts that encompass transnational security threats such as terrorism, organized crime, and cross-border sectarian insurgencies in the context of UN peace operations. International efforts aimed at addressing these threats have been ad hoc and piecemeal. Further work needs to focus on maximizing the use of existing regional initiatives and reinforcing the policy, operational, and political support for UN missions operating in these environments. The chapter draws from the Malian conflict to reflect on these issues.
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Brandt, Marieke. The Language of War 2006–11. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190673598.003.0007.
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This chapter reconstructs the fourth, fifth and sixth round of the Ṣaʿdah War whose principal feature was their enormous territorial expansion. The chapter discusses the conflict’s internal and external dynamics which began to obstruct any efforts at mediation and peace-making. Tribal feuding, the emergence of a war economy, domestic political intrigues, foreign meddling, elite conflict and the increasing sectarian character of the war contributed to the emergence of a hybrid, explosive conflict situation that hardly resembled the initial situation in 2004. As the Houthis continuously grew bolder, Saudi Arabia’s entry into the war in November 2009 provided significant relief for the Yemeni army. In February 2010, the sixth and final ‘official’ Houthi war ended in stalemate.
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Brandt, Marieke. Into the Maze of Tribalism 2004–6. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190673598.003.0006.
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Chapter 5 reconstructs the course and the dynamics of the first three rounds of the Houthi conflict, also called the ‘Ṣaʿdah War’, from its eruption in June 2004 until the February 2006 ceasefire, which successfully brought the third Ṣaʿdah War to a halt and ushered into several months of detente. It shows how, in the course of the war, the sectarian and social-revolutionary thrust of Houthism began to fuse with existing open and latent conflicts in Yemen’s North, a process that led to an enormous expansion of the war’s scope and magnitude. It analyses the course of the war’s first three rounds, the composition of the national military and Houthi armed forces, their respective supporters and opponents among the local tribes, and attempts at mediation between the two sides.
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Volkman, Lucas P. Printed Religion, the Public Sphere, and the Disordering of the Union. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190248321.003.0004.
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Chapter 4 reveals that the evangelical schisms in Missouri spurred a radical escalation of theological and political disputation between pro- and antislavery evangelicals in religious newspapers and other printed publications. This verbal sparring played a heretofore unexamined central role in spawning a vicious conflict between northern and southern evangelicals and partisans on the border with Kansas after 1854. To the extent that sectarian strife over the morality of African American bondage spurred armed strife in Missouri from the spring of 1854 through 1860, it played an important role in generating the larger sectional tensions that led to secession and the Civil War.
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Brandt, Marieke. Tribes and Politics in Yemen. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190673598.001.0001.
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Tribes and Politics in Yemen tells the story of the Houthi conflict in Sa’dah Province, Yemen, as seen through the eyes of the local tribes. The Houthi conflict, which erupted in 2004, is often defined through the lenses of either the Iranian-Saudi proxy war or the Sunni–Shia divide. Yet, as experienced by locals, the Houthi conflict is much more deeply rooted in the recent history of Sa’dah Province and northern Yemen. Its origins must be sought in the political, economic, social and sectarian transformations since the 1960s civil war and their repercussions on the local society, which is dominated by tribal norms. From the civil war to the Houthi conflict these transformations involve the same individuals, families and groups, and are driven by the same struggles over resources, prerogatives, and power. This book is based on years of anthropological fieldwork both on the ground and through digital anthropological approaches. It offers an intimate view of the local complexities of the Houthi conflict and its historical background. By doing so, it underscores the absolute imperative of understanding the highly local, personal, and non-ideological nature of internal conflict in Yemen.
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Beiner, Guy. Post-Forgetting. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198749356.003.0008.
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Popular commemoration of previously forbidden memories seems to signal the end of social forgetting. Though this is not necessarily the final word. The bicentenary of 1798 coincided with the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, which promised to bring to Northern Ireland a new ‘parity of esteem’, accommodating traditions that had hitherto been forbidden. The wide range of commemorative activities through which the legacy of the United Irishmen has been publicly celebrated at a local and provincial level since 1998 gives the impression that all inhibitions about speaking of ‘Ninety-Eight’ have been overcome. Yet, on the background of continuing sectarian tensions in post-conflict Northern Ireland, there are indications that social forgetting has not been entirely eradicated.
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Collins, Jeffrey. All the Wars of Christendom. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198803409.003.0014.
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This chapter considers Thomas Hobbes’s account of religious warfare, and his position within modern historical memory of the European ‘wars of religion’ as an era. From an interdisciplinary perspective, it critically interrogates the concept of religious war as a modern observer’s category. It then measures Hobbes’s specific account of European religious conflict against both rival contemporary accounts and this modern theoretical construct. Hobbes’s account, it is argued, emerged from a specific and sectarian perspective. In another register, however, Leviathan offered a psychologized account of religious violence, which anticipated generic modern theories that often obscure that specificity. This tension in Hobbes’s account suggests features of the political project that the concept of religious war has sought to advance.
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Heo, Angie. Political Lives of Saints. University of California Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520297975.001.0001.
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From the Arab uprisings in 2011 to ISIS's rise in 2014, Egypt's Copts have been at the center of anxious rhetoric surrounding the politics of Christian-Muslim coexistence in the Middle East. Despite the unprecedented levels of violence they have suffered in recent years, the current predicament of Copts signals more durable structures of church and state authoritarianism that challenge the ahistorical kernel of persecution politics and Islamophobia. This book examines the political lives of saints to specify the role that religion has played in the making of national unity and sectarian conflict in Egypt since the 1952 coup. Based on years of fieldwork throughout Egypt, it argues that the public imaginary of saints—the Virgin, martyrs (ancient and contemporary), miracle-workers—has served as a key site of mediating social relations between Christians and Muslims. An ethnographic study, it journeys to the images and shrines where miracles, martyrs, and mysteries have shaped the lived terms of national unity, majority-minority inequality, and sectarian tension on the ground. It further delves into the material aesthetics of Orthodox Christianity to grasp how saintly imaginings broker ties of sacrifice across faiths, reconfigure sacred territory in times of war, and present threats to public order and national security. Above all, it draws attention to the ways in which an authoritarian politics of sainthood shores up Christian-Muslim unity in the aftermath of war, revolution, and coup. In doing so, this book directly counters recurrent and prevalent invocations of Christianity's impending extinction in the Arab Muslim world.
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Vatlin, Alexander, and Stephen A. Smith. The Comintern. Edited by Stephen A. Smith. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199602056.013.045.
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The essay falls into two sections. The first examines the history of the Third International (Comintern) from its creation in 1919 to its dissolution in 1943, looking at the imposition of the Twenty-One Conditions on parties wishing to join the new International in 1920, the move from a perspective of splitting the labour movement to one of a united front in the early 1920s, the shift to the sectarian ‘third period’ strategy in 1928, and the gradual emergence of the popular front strategy in the mid-1930s. It examines the institutions of the Comintern and the Stalinization of national communist parties. The second section looks at some issues in the historiography of the Comintern, including the extent to which it was a tool of Soviet foreign policy, conflict over policy within the Executive Committee of the Comintern (ECCI), and the relationship of ECCI to ‘national sections’, with a particular focus on the Vietnamese Communist Party. Finally, it discusses problems of cultural and linguistic communication within the Comintern.
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Winter, Stefan. Introduction. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691167787.003.0001.
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This introductory chapter begins with a brief description of the ʻAlawis, considered one of the most conspicuous, talked-about confessional groups in the Middle East today. The ʻAlawis represent perhaps 11 percent of the population in Syria, with important regional concentrations in the province of Antioch (Hatay) as well as in Adana and Mersin in southern Turkey, and in the ʻAkkar district and the city of Tripoli in northern Lebanon. The discussion then turns to classical perceptions of ʻAlawism, nomenclaturism, and dissimulation. Almost all previous studies of the ʻAlawi past either have been too concerned with theology or have provided only histoiré événementielle, emplotting a handful of references to seemingly ubiquitous, but in fact very rare, instances of sectarian strife, discrimination, and violence of the sort favored in the narrative chronicles, to produce a story of apparently unremitting conflict. In contrast, this book focuses on the less conspicuous—but ultimately more typical—historical evidence of mundane, uneventful, everyday interaction between the ʻAlawis, their neighbors, and the state authorities. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.
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Nash, Geoffrey. Abdullah Quilliam, Marmaduke Pickthall and the Politics of Christendom and the Ottoman Empire. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190688349.003.0006.
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Abdullah Quilliam and Marmaduke Pickthall are arguably the most significant British converts to Islam in the period of their lifetimes. Much has been made of both men’s attempts to balance loyalty to Islam with their membership of the British nation. This chapter discusses the context of their leave-taking from Christianity before situating them as international Muslim actors. It probes their divergences, notably over the issue of Sultan Abd al-Hamid II’s Caliphate and pro-Turkish agitation during the First World War, and their similarities on the Ottoman issue and its relation to their visions of Islam as a living faith. Increasingly scrutiny returns to the Ottoman polity and the significance of its loss for Islam in the modern world. Their varied responses raise stimulating perspectives on whether modernist thought of the Young Ottoman/Turk type has anything to offer, and if the search for a unified Islamic authority still has purchase, as well as what role if any race and nationalism should have in a confluence of Islamic peoples. Both men warned of dangers facing the Muslim umma, before the Ottoman reference point was lost and extremism, fundamentalism, radicalism and sectarian conflict became norms.
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Volkman, Lucas P. Houses Divided. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190248321.001.0001.
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This work argues that congregational and local denominational schisms among Baptists, Methodists, and Presbyterians in the border state of Missouri before, during, and after the Civil War were central to the crisis of the Union, Civil War, and Reconstruction. Employing an array of approaches that examine these ecclesiastical fractures beyond the customary antebellum temporal scope of analysis, and as a local phenomenon, this study maintains that the schisms were interlinked religious, sociocultural, legal, and political developments rife with implications for the transformation of evangelicalism and the United States in that period and to the end of Reconstruction. The evangelical disruptions in Missouri were grounded in divergent moral and political understandings of slavery, abolitionism, secession, and disloyalty. Publicly articulated by factional litigation over church property and a combative evangelical print culture, the schisms were complicated by race, class, and gender dynamics that arrayed the contending interests of white middle-class women and men, rural churchgoers, and African American congregants. These ruptures forged antagonistic northern and southern evangelical worldviews that increased antebellum sectarian strife and violence, energized the notorious guerrilla conflict that gripped Missouri through the Civil War, and fueled postwar vigilantism between opponents and proponents of emancipation. As such, the schisms produced the intertwined religious, legal, and constitutional controversies that shaped pro- and antislavery evangelical contention before 1861, wartime Radical rule, and the rise and fall of Reconstruction.
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Outram, Dorinda. Education. Edited by William Doyle. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199291205.013.0021.
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The history of education is enmeshed with the growth and final crisis of the Ancien Régime. The rapid expansion of the state, and the vigour of international competition in the eighteenth century, interlocked with educational change. Struggles between church and state for the control of schools and pupils were vital for the making of well-trained armies and docile peasants. The vast and complex international intellectual movement known as the Enlightenment is incomprehensible without a history of education. It is from sectarian conflicts under the French Third Republic that the history of education has evolved many of its traditional themes: institutions, literacy, ideologies, religion, curriculum, personnel, and young and not so young learners.
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Hutchings, Robert, and Gregory F. Treverton, eds. Truth to Power. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190940003.001.0001.
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This first-ever history of the US National Intelligence Council (NIC) is told through the reflections of its eight chairs in the period from the end of the Cold War until 2017. Coeditors Robert Hutchings and Gregory Treverton add a substantial introduction placing the NIC in its historical context going all the way back to the Board of National Estimates in the 1940s, as well as a concluding chapter that highlights key themes and judgments. The historic mission of this remarkable but little-understood organization is strategic intelligence assessment in service of senior American foreign policymakers. It has been at the center of every critical foreign policy issue during the period covered by this volume: helping shape America’s post–Cold War strategies, confronting sectarian conflicts around the world, meeting the new challenge of international terrorism, and now assessing the radical restructuring of the global order. Each chapter places its particular period of the NIC’s history in context (the global situation, the administration, the intelligence community) and assesses the most important issues with which the NIC grappled during the period, acknowledging failures as well as claiming successes. With the creation of the director of national intelligence in 2005, the NIC’s mission mushroomed to include direct intelligence support to the main policymaking committees in the government. The mission shift took the NIC directly into the thick of the action but may have come at the expense of weakening its historic role of providing over-the horizon strategic analysis.
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Holmes, Andrew R. Evangelism, Revivals, and Foreign Missions. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199683710.003.0017.
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Dissenters in the long nineteenth century believed that they were on the right side of history. This chapter argues that the involvement of evangelical Nonconformists in politics was primarily driven by a coherent worldview derived from a Congregationalist understanding of salvation and the gathered nature of the church. That favoured a preference for voluntarism and a commitment to religious equality for all. Although Whig governments responded to the rising electoral clout of Dissenters after 1832 by meeting Dissenting grievances, both they and the Conservatives retained an Erastian approach to church–state relations. This led to tension with both those Dissenters who favoured full separation between church and state, and with Evangelical Churchmen in Scotland, who affirmed the principle of an Established Church, but refused government interference in ministerial appointments. In 1843 this issue resulted in the Disruption of the Church of Scotland and the formation of a large Dissenting body north of the border, the Free Church. Dissenting militancy after mid-century was fostered by the numerical rise of Dissent, especially in cities, the foundation of influential liberal papers often edited by Dissenters such as Edward Miall, and the rise of municipal reforming movements in the Midlands headed by figures such as Joseph Chamberlain. Industrialization also boosted Dissenting political capacity by encouraging both employer paternalism and trades unionism, whose leaders and rank and file were Nonconformists. Ireland constituted an exception to this pattern. The rise of sectarianism owed less to Irish peculiarities than to the presence and concentration of a large Catholic population, such as also fostered anti-Catholicism in Britain, in for instance Lancashire. The politics of the Ultramontane Catholic Church combined with the experience of agrarian violence and sectarian strife to dispose Irish Protestant Dissenters against Home Rule. The 1906 election was the apogee of Dissent’s political power, installing a Presbyterian Prime Minister in Campbell-Bannerman who would give way in due course to the Congregationalist H.H. Asquith, but also ushering in conflicts over Ireland. Under Gladstone, the Liberal party and its Nonconformist supporters had been identified with the championship of oppressed nationalities. Even though Chamberlain and other leading Dissenting liberals such as Isabella Tod resisted the extension of that approach to Ireland after 1886, preferring local government reform to Home Rule, most Dissenting voters had remained loyal to Gladstone. Thanks to succeeding Unionist governments’ aggressive foreign policy, embrace of tariff reform, and 1902 Education Act, Dissenting voters had been keen to return to a Liberal government in 1906. That government’s collision with the House of Lords and loss of seats in the two elections of 1910 made it reliant on the Irish National Party and provoked the introduction in 1912 of a third Home Rule Bill. The paramilitary resistance of Ulster Dissenters to the Bill was far from unanimous but nonetheless drove a wedge between British Nonconformists who had concluded that religion was a private matter and would do business with Irish Constitutional Nationalists and Ulster Nonconformists, who had adopted what looked like a bigoted insistence that religion was a public affair and that the Union was their only preservative against ‘Rome Rule’. The declaration of war in 1914 and the consequent suspension of the election due in 1915 means it is impossible to know how Nonconformists might have dealt with this crisis. It was the end of an era.