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Journal articles on the topic 'Sectarian conflict'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 14 February 2022

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1

Clausen, Maria-Louise. "Sectarianisation of a multidimensional conflict: a reply to Durac." Global Discourse 9, no. 4 (November 1, 2019): 675–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204378919x15718899016255.

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This is a reply to Vincent Durac’s article ‘The limits of the sectarian narrative in Yemen’, which starts with a discussion of the proposition that conflict in the Middle East is driven by sectarian difference including the conflict in Yemen. However, Durac’s article shows that the conflict in Yemen is not inherently sectarian. This reply uses this as a starting point to argue that the conceptual, theoretical and empirical usefulness of sectarianism as an analytical category should be developed. This is exemplified in how the concept is applied to the conflict in Yemen. The reply argues that whereas the conflict on the surface has the characteristics of a sectarian conflict, a rigid focus on sectarian difference to explain the onset of conflict obfuscates as much as it enlightens. This underscores the need for research that combines deep understanding of local dynamics with an appreciation for larger trends in order to understand complex conflicts, such as the one in Yemen.
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Al­‐Qarawee, Harith Hasan. "Sectarian Identities, Narratives and Political Conflict in Baghdad." Levantine Review 4, no. 2 (January 5, 2016): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/lev.v4i2.9160.

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This article addresses some of the effects of political transformations and conflicts on the identity of the Iraqi capital, Baghdad. It illustrates the gradual “Islamization” of space by Saddam Hussein’s regime, which reflected a sectarian bias as it denied Shi’a religious identity the level of visibility given to Sunni religious identity. After the fall of the regime, there was an upsurge in Shi’a symbolism and rituals in Baghdad, which further de-­secularized and sectarianized the public space. The article also addresses some of the cultural consequences for the sectarian segregation in Baghdad, especially by looking into the mosques and worship places, their sectarian distribution and the contesting claims regarding some of them. The rise of sub-­national cultures and the competition between Shi’as and Sunnis have further fragmented Baghdad’s identity and downgraded the cross-sectarian representations. This has been mirrored in the conflict of narratives about the city which is discussed in the last part of this article.
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3

Durac, Vincent. "The limits of the sectarian narrative in Yemen." Global Discourse 9, no. 4 (November 1, 2019): 655–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204378919x15718898814430.

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The conflict in Yemen presents an apparently quintessential example of sectarian conflict in the Middle East today. At the domestic level, the conflict is typically seen as one which pits Shia Muslims, in the form of the Zaydi Houthi movement, against its Sunni Muslim antagonists in the form of the deposed but internationally-recognised president Abd Rabbo Mansour Hadi and his supporters. At the regional level, the conflict is represented as proxy war between Iran, the sponsors of the Houthis and Sunni Muslim powers, led by Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) who intervened in 2015 with the objective of restoring Hadi to power. This paper argues that there are strict limits to the utility of the sectarian narrative in the analysis of the Yemeni conflict and presents a critical analysis of the sectarian framing of Yemeni political dynamics. It begins with a broad attempt to contextualise the discussion of sectarianism in the region. This is followed by an extended discussion of the view of the conflict as inherently sectarian at both the domestic and regional levels. This, in turn, is followed by a critique of the sectarian narrative, at both levels.
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4

Ahnaf, M. Iqbal, and Danielle N. Lussier. "Religious Leaders and Elections in the Polarizing Context of Indonesia." Jurnal Humaniora 31, no. 3 (December 2, 2019): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jh.49420.

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Studies of elections in young democracies point to the risk of elections intensifying existing social conflicts, a process observed in Indonesia in recent years. The 2017 mayoral election in Yogyakarta contradicts this trend, presenting an empirical puzzle. Despite the fact that local conditions might encourage electoral mobilization along sectarian lines, we find evidence of restraint. Based on analysis of the contents of sermons in 12 mosques and churches in the month before the election we identify three factors that discourage religious leaders from exercising opportunities to intensify religious tension. These include (a) elites were not motivated to exacerbate communal tension because they do not feel the election will bring about reform or change that would seriously affect their established position, (b) even though sectarian messaging is possible, the elites did not believe masses could be easily persuaded by sectarian political messaging, and (c) political outbidding by using sectarian messages would risk confronting the local dominant culture of harmony. These findings suggest that several factors need to be activated for religious leaders to exercise their moral authority over worshippers for political purposes. The presence of an opportunity structure for intensifying sectarian conflict is not sufficient for that conflict to emerge.
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Crowley, Peter. "The Integral Nature of Ethnicity and Religion during Northern Ireland’s Troubles." Ethnic Studies Review 41, no. 1-2 (2018): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2018.411204.

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Northern Ireland’s Troubles conflict, like many complex conflicts through the world, has often been conceived as considerably motivated by religious differences. This paper demonstrates that religion was often integrated into an ethno-religious identity that fueled sectarian conflict between Protestants and Catholics in Northern Ireland during the Troubles period. Instead of being a religious-based conflict, the conflict derived from historical divides of power, land ownership, and civil and political rights in Ireland over several centuries. It relies on 12 interviews, six Protestants and six Catholics, to measure their use of religious references when referring to their religious other. The paper concludes that in the overwhelming majority of cases, both groups did not use religious references, supporting the hypothesis on the integrated nature of ethnicity and religion during the Troubles. It offers grounding for looking into the complex nature of sectarian and seemingly religious conflicts throughout the world, including cases in which religion acts as more of a veneer to deeply rooted identities and historical narratives.
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6

Baig, Saranjam Muhammad. "Moral Suasion or Policy Reforms? How to Tackle Sectarian Violence in Pakistan: The Case Study of Gilgit-Baltistan." Global Social Sciences Review IV, no. II (June 30, 2019): 291–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2019(iv-ii).38.

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The existing literature in social sciences and humanities analyzing root causes of sectarian and religious conflicts focus mostly on micro-factors. The inability of market and state factors to control sectarian conflict for last seven decades remains understudied by the contemporary literature. This article aims at filling that gap and seeks to identify certain market and government failures that have implications on sectarian and religious conflicts. More specifically, it identifies four market failures namely asymmetries of information, externalities, equity and public goods and three government failures, which include democracy failure, bureaucratic failure and implementation failure. In contrast to the literature shedding light on the impact and gravity of sectarian and religious violence in the country, the purpose here remains to highlight important aspects of public policy reforms for peace making and peace building. This article, based on the aforementioned market and government failures, suggests a whole new set of policy reforms.
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7

Takdir, Mohammad. "Identifikasi Pola-Pola Konflik Agama dan Sosial (Studi Kasus Kekerasan Berbasis Sektarian dan Komunal di Indonesia." Ri'ayah: Jurnal Sosial dan Keagamaan 2, no. 01 (December 14, 2017): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.32332/riayah.v2i01.962.

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This paper aims to identify patterns of social and religious conflicts in Indonesia. The pattern of religious conflict include the type of conflict, the frequency of conflict, the development and spreading of the conflict, the issue of the causes of conflict, actors, and the impact of the conflict. This research used a sociological approach to reveal the social impact of the rise of religious conflicts.This research is a case study based on sectarian and communal violence that occurred in the some regions. The theory used to identify patterns of religious and social conflict are Louis Coser theory and theory of ethnic conflict from Jaques Jacques Bertrand. This study shows that the Indonesian people have the capacity to respond the issues causing religious conflict in the form of peaceful demonstrations. Our duty is to encourage people to make a peaceful protest as the main option in order to prevent larger conflicts. The issues that drove the conflict in various regions vary widely so that the eradication of violence needs to be designed in accordance with the variation of religious conflict issues that dominate each regions. The results of this study also shows that the issue of religious conflict that faced each different regime. In the New Order regime, the issue of communal becoming the most dominant issue occurs. While the reform era more face sectarian religious conflict related issues.
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8

Alvarez-Ossorio, Ignacio. "The Sectarian Dynamics of the Syrian Conflict." Review of Faith & International Affairs 17, no. 2 (April 3, 2019): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2019.1608644.

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9

Fedorchenko, A. V. "Sectarian conflict in Saudi Arabia, "Shiite question"." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(29) (April 28, 2013): 107–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-2-29-107-112.

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The article deals with the the problems of Shiites community in Saudi Arabia. To this end, issues such as the position of the Shiites in the KSA, the problem of their participation in the public life of the kingdom, the growing protest movement in this community are analyzed. The author assess the prospects for the settlement of inter-confessional conflict between Sunnis and Shiites in the kingdom.
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10

Yosufi, Abdul Basir. "The Rise and Consolidation of Islamic State: External Intervention and Sectarian Conflict." Connections: The Quarterly Journal 15, no. 4 (2016): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.15.4.05.

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11

MAHMOOD, SABA. "Sectarian conflict and family law in contemporary Egypt." American Ethnologist 39, no. 1 (February 2012): 54–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1425.2011.01347.x.

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12

Nasr, S. V. R. "The Rise of Sunni Militancy in Pakistan: The Changing Role of Islamism and the Ulama in Society and Politics." Modern Asian Studies 34, no. 1 (January 2000): 139–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00003565.

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The past two decades have witnessed a notable escalation in sectarian violence in Pakistan. Since 1979 doctrinal disputes between Sunnis (who constitute the majority of Pakistan's population) and Twelver Shi‘is (who number between 15% and 25% of the population, and are to be distinguished from Islami‘ili, Khoja and Bohri Shi‘is) has given place to full-fledged sectarian conflict. Militant Sunni and Shi‘i organizations have carried out assassinations and bombing campaigns that have killed political rivals as well as children and the innocent at prayer in mosques. In the first seven months of 1997 alone—the year when sectarian conflict reached its apogee—one hundred people died in such attacks in Punjab. The violence escalated further when in the first ten days of August 1997 (immediately preceding the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the country's independence) another seventy people were killed in incidents of sectarian violence.
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13

Majeed, Hawkar J., and Ishtiaq Hossain. "Conflict Dynamics in Post-2003 Iraq: A Security Dilemma Perspective." ISSUE EIGHT 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 18–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.25079/ukhjss.v5n1y2021.pp18-28.

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A decade and a half since the U.S. invasion, Iraq remains affected by complicated and increasingly changing uncertainties. Intrastate division and lack of social stability are expressed in ethnic and sectarian hostilities. In view of different reasons, 16 years after establishing the new Iraq, this paper asks: why has Iraq been marked by instability, transformation, and inability to maintain stability and peace? This paper explains the ethno-sectarian interactions in Iraq with the help of the theory of security dilemma and explores the derailment of Iraq's transformation process and the beginning of a new period of confrontation from a security dilemma viewpoint. The findings suggest that the security dilemma and ethno-sectarian conflict are further intensified by Kurdish, Shiite, and Sunni groups attempting to assess the threats posed not only by enemy militias but also by the presence of all groups in close proximity.
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14

Wilson, Walter T. "Finding the Sectarian Self." Religion & Theology 22, no. 3-4 (2015): 275–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15743012-02203004.

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Elements of the Matthean mission discourse (Matt 10:5b–42) contributing to the evangelist’s sectarian agenda are identified and analyzed through comparison with the Hodayot, drawing on the work of Carol Newsom (The Self as Symbolic Space: Constructing Identity and Community at Qumran, 2004). Each composition is shown to address basic challenges of sectarian legitimation and differentiation by constructing a “figured” world in which subjectivities resistant to those promulgated by the dominant cultural script are articulated through the reaccentuation of normative idioms, situating these subjectivities in relation to mythoi of both the group’s leader and the group’s members. The two compositions are also shown to demonstrate significant differences, especially in terms of the types of normative idioms to which they appeal, the forms of experience and agency assigned the respective mythoi, and the manner in which the ideal sectarian subject negotiates the dynamics of self-alienation, non-acceptance, and conflict engendered by its interaction with the non-sectarian world.
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15

Hoover, Jacqueline. "Sectarian Conflict in Egypt: Coptic Media, Identity and Representation." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 24, no. 2 (April 2013): 263–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596410.2012.761410.

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16

Clark, Janine A., and Bassel F. Salloukh. "ELITE STRATEGIES, CIVIL SOCIETY, AND SECTARIAN IDENTITIES IN POSTWAR LEBANON." International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, no. 4 (October 15, 2013): 731–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813000883.

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AbstractThis article explains the endurance of sectarian identities and modes of political mobilization in Lebanon after the civil war. This is done by examining three case studies that demonstrate a recursive relation between sectarian elites and civil society actors: on one side of this relation, sectarian elites pursue their political and socioeconomic interests at the expense of civil society organizations (CSOs); on the other side, civil society actors instrumentalize the sectarian political system and its resources to advance their own organizational or personal advantage. These mutually reinforcing dynamics enable sectarian elites to penetrate, besiege, or co-opt CSOs as well as to extend their clientelist networks to CSOs that should otherwise lead the effort to establish cross-sectarian ties and modes of political mobilization or that expressly seek to challenge the sectarian system. The article fills a gap in the literature on sectarianism in postwar Lebanon and helps explain a puzzle identified by Ashutosh Varshney in the theoretical debate on ethnic conflict, namely the reasons behind the “stickiness” of historically constructed ethnic identities.
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17

Kuznetsov, A. A. "THE SUNNI-SHI'ITE RIVALRY AND ITS INFLUENCE ON THE GEOPOLITICAL SITUATION OF THE MIDDLE EAST." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(36) (June 28, 2014): 146–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-146-155.

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The article "The Sunni-Shi'ite rivalry and its influence on the geopolitical situation of the Middle East" is dedicated to the sectarian conflicts in the Middle East region in last 30 years. Author considers the Islamic revolution of 1979 in Iran as the point of departure of this conflict. Author of the article makes a difference between the Shi'ite Islamic revolutionary doctrine of Khomeini and the Salafi Islamic fundamentalism of Saudi Arabia. Author realizes the analysis of the war between Iran and Iraq in 1980-1988. This analysis is emphasized on the regional geopolitical situation and positions of the outside actors (Saudi Arabia, USA, France, Germany). Then it is covered the American invasion of Iraq in 2003 and its geopolitical consequences. To the author's mind this aggression and further empowerment of the Shi'ite majority reduced to the civil war in Iraq and exacerbation of the sectarian conflict. Author of the article considers these events as a part of the geopolitical rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia to unfold in the areas of Iraq, Syria and Lebanon.
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18

Kim, Jong Il. "Study on Recent Islamic Sectarian Conflict in the Middle East." Mission and Theology 38 (February 29, 2016): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17778/cwmputs.2016.1.47.

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19

PAASCHE, ERLEND. "Iraqi refugees in a Damascus suburb: Carriers of sectarian conflict?" International Journal of Contemporary Iraqi Studies 5, no. 2 (November 28, 2011): 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijcis.5.2.247_1.

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20

Murshed, Syed Mansoob. "On the Salience of Identity in Civilizational and Sectarian Conflict." Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 16, no. 2 (January 6, 2011): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1554-8597.1211.

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21

Chuang, Yao-Li, Maria R. D’Orsogna, and Tom Chou. "A bistable belief dynamics model for radicalization within sectarian conflict." Quarterly of Applied Mathematics 75, no. 1 (August 1, 2016): 19–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1090/qam/1446.

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22

Sagarika, Sipra. "Book review: Sanjay Palshikar and Satish Pandey (Eds.), Sectarian Violence in India: Hindu–Muslim Conflict, 1966–2015." Sociological Bulletin 70, no. 2 (April 2021): 281–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038022920970300.

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23

Sinkaya, Bayram. "Implications of the Syrian Civil War on the Alawites." Journal of Humanity and Society (İnsan & Toplum Dergisi) 10, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 95–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.12658/m0379.

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Anti-regime demonstrations erupted in Syria in 2011 that turned into armed conflicts and then a civil war wrecked the country for over eight years have profoundly impacted all social groups. The Alawite background of the long-lasting ruling family, the Assads, and the growing sectarian characteristics of the conflict drew projections particularly on the Alawite community. Indeed, it was regarded very critical both for the continuation of the ruling regime, and for the potential success of its opposition. There have been many debates in various occasions on the Alawite’s relations with the opposition and the Assad administration, however, currently there are few scholarly researches on implications of the civil war with regard to the Alawite community. Moreover, the existing literature underexplored communitarian concerns of the Alawites and effects of clashes on them. It also underestimated breaks among the Alawites, and their complicated relations with the regime and the opposition. This article aimed at analyzing the position of Syrian Alawites in a period that start with the anti-government demonstrations that evolved into the civil war. In this respect, it reviewed the Alawites’ relations with both the Assad administration and the opposition, and it discussed implications of the civil war on this community. It appeared that the Alawites did not act in a monolithic way in the face of anti-regime demonstrations; while some of them stood behind the Assad administration, a considerable part of them tended towards opposition. However, the growing sectarian color of the conflict that deepened sectarian concerns of the most of the Alawites, led them to extend their support to the Assad administration against the Islamist-dominated opposition. However, it did not mean that the Alawites had seamless relations with the Assad administration; and the Alawite support for the Assad could not be explained solely by sectarian reasons. There has been a number of sociological, historical and political factors that affected the Alawite choice.
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24

Йосуфи, Абдул Басир. "Восход и консолидация Исламского государства: внешняя интервенция и сектантский конфликт." Connections: The Quarterly Journal 15, no. 4 (2016): 101–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.15.rus.4.05.

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25

Kudryashova, Irina, and Alexander Kozintsev. "Institutional solutions for sectarian conflicts in the Middle East in the context of imperial legacy." Political Science (RU), no. 2 (2021): 140–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2021.02.05.

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The article focuses on the nature of sectarian conflicts in the Middle East as well as ways to resolve this and possible transformations. We assume that the rising level of ethnic confrontation stems from the disruption of governance regimes established during the Ottoman Empire. Hence, the research question states as follows: are there any ways to use the imperial practices of ethnocultural diversity management as the institutional framework for the resolution of current sectarian conflicts? By applying a structural functional approach, we identify the political space of the late Ottoman Empire, its main elements and constellation. We show that the process of statebuilding in the Middle East resulted in the decay of social ties between local communities and the increase of ethnic violence. These claims are confirmed by comparative analysis of a number of conflicts. It is found that the institutional framework for conflict resolution in Arab states should be based on political devolution and powerdividing agreements. This allows to reset inactive imperial practices in order to mitigate violence and enhance legitimacy. We point out that among the various reforms designed to achieve harmonization of formal and informal political institutions are federalization, non-territorial autonomy, consociationalism and local governance.
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Al-Dulaimi, Saleem A. Salih, Mohammad Kamal, and Dalal Mahmoud Elsayed. "The Impact of Sectarian Conflict in Syria on Iran-Gulf Relations." Asian Social Science 13, no. 7 (June 23, 2017): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v13n7p92.

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Iran-Gulf relations are a confusing maze of complexities and contradictions. Iran’s voracious aspirations have been manifest in more than one act and place. The 1979 Revolution created a pervasive atmosphere of anxiety and fear in the Gulf region of that revolution’s ideological expansion into the Gulf states, especially those countries in which Shiites form important parts of their societies. In the Iran-Iraq war 1980, on the other hand, the Arab Gulf states supported Iraq against Iran as it was a proxy war to protect the Arab Gulf states, and Saddam Hussein, nevertheless, ended up occupying Kuwait in 1990. And then the Iranian-Gulf relations took a new turn at the time of both presidents Hashemi Rafsanjani and Mohammad Khatami, who adopted an open approach to the Gulf countries. However, those relations worsened when Ahmadinejad came to power as he started to export the revolutionary thought to the Gulf countries and extended the Iranian influence to Iraq after 2003, to Syria in the aftermath of the revolution that erupted in Syria in 2011 and to the Gulf Cooperation Council states, especially in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Bahrain. All this comes at the expense of the Gulf states, particularly Saudi Arabia, which is keen to maintain its influential role in the face of Iranian encroachment in Syria, through the support of the Syrian revolution, which seeks to overthrow Iran's ally in Damascus, Bashar al-Assad. Therefore, this study is trying to find an answer to this question: how has sectarian conflict in Syria impacted the Iranian-Gulf relations?
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27

Farooqi, Dr Yaseen Sultana, Dr Usman Quddus, and Nasir Iqbal. "Sectarian Conflict in Elite Newspapers of Pakistan: A Peace Journalism Perspective." Journal of Peace, Development & Communication me 05, issue 2 (June 30, 2021): 341–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.36968/jpdc-v05-i02-30.

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Mass Media occupies a significant place in contemporary era of volatile changes and in a country like Pakistan, which is hovered by internal and external conflicts since its inception, it turns pivotal. The geo-strategic depth and ethno-political structure of the country has highlighted the sensitivity of media reporting and its implications on a wider scale. The ingrained private media outlets in 2000 have grown mature over the past 20 years. Yet the reporting dilemmas haunt the underdeveloped nation. The present study aims to explore the emerging sectarian unrest in the country and its coverage in elite English newspapers Dawn and The News over the years 22019, 2021 using census technique to examine the existence and frequency of war and peace frames by John Galtung, and thus finds the role of media escalatory in nature.
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Azmeh, Shamel. "Syria’s Passage to Conflict." Politics & Society 44, no. 4 (November 2, 2016): 499–523. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329216674002.

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Syria’s descent into conflict is receiving growing scholarly attention. On their own, the sectarian and geopolitical interpretations of the Syrian conflict provide us with little understanding of the roots of the conflict. Recent studies have started to unpack the political economic and socioeconomics aspects of the conflict, highlighting issues such as the economic reforms in the 2000s, rising inequality, and climate change. This article aims to contribute to this growing literature by placing these issues in a broader analysis of Syria’s political and economic institutions. It argues that the movement of 2011 should be seen as an unorganized protest movement driven by the consolidation and institutionalization of multisectarian elite rule through the economic reform process that started in the 2000s, following the expiration of the “developmental rentier fix” that had ensured authoritarian stability in Syria in earlier decades.
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Svendsen, Are L., Rainer O. Bless, and Matthew K. Richards. "Voluntary Codes of Conduct for Religious Persuasion: Effective Tools for Balancing Human Rights and Resolving Conflicts?" Religion & Human Rights 6, no. 2 (2011): 151–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187103211x576080.

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AbstractAttempts by people of faith to persuade others to their beliefs can provoke conflicts—even violence—in communities intent on protecting their privacy and identity. Both advocates and targets claim the protection of competing human rights, which must be balanced. Voluntary codes of conduct offer a viable alternative to government regulation. This article evaluates twenty-one codes and identifies which have greatest potential for conflict-resolution. Effective codes balance competing rights consistent with international law norms, respect multiple traditions, and address a general audience. They motivate compliance, provide a platform for dialogue, and promote the pluralism necessary to freedom of conscience. In contrast, codes focused on a single faith’s or network’s own constituencies are less likely to prevent or resolve conflicts because they tend to advocate a sectarian view and sometimes violate international law. Like aggressive state regulations, these codes can perpetuate rather than prevent conflict.
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Akdedian, Harout. "Ethno-Religious Belonging in the Syrian Conflict: Between Communitarianism and Sectarianization." Middle East Journal 73, no. 3 (October 15, 2019): 417–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/73.3.14.

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Based on research conducted between 2011 and 2014 on how Syrians experience, interpret, and redefine ethnic and religious-based differences, this article explores the dynamics that have made sectarianism such a salient feature of the Syrian conflict. Two distinct forms of sectarianism are simultaneously at work: a preexisting ethno-religious communitarianism and a more recent, dehumanizing sectarian outlook that emerged during the conflict. While the two are correlated, they are outcomes of different processes and conditions. As a byproduct of the Syrian conflict, sectarianism can thus neither be deemed the outcome of a process superseding the conflict nor the expression of preexisting conditions.
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Ali, Widad H. K., and Muhaymin A. T. Al-Wadi. "The Conflict of Active Regional and International Powers over Nagorny Karabakh Region." Journal of the College of Education for Women 31, no. 4 (December 28, 2020): 115–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.36231/coedw.v31i4.1436.

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The current study is descriptive; it focuses on studying the contemporary geopolitical problem, and sectarian differences in Caucasus. Nagorno-Karabakh is considered an important disputed region nowadays. Many parties and states participated in this dispute, especially after the conflict had developed into an open war between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Thus, the study aims to examine the causes of the conflict in this region, analyze the international positions on this conflict, and find if Armenia was able to occupy this region. The methodology adopted by the researchers is the functional approach, and the theory of power analysis that Cohen created for analyzing all strengths that drove each of the parties to compete with one another other over the vital area. Among the most important findings of the research are: the multiplicity of causes of conflict in this region; one of which is the passage of one of the most important energy pipelines, Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan line, and the different positions and roles of the actors in this conflict, where some of which support the state of Azerbaijan, and others support the state of Armenia according to what serves their interests. Armenia was able to occupy Karabakh region, and other areas surrounding it that constitute a fifth of the area of ​​Azerbaijan through the war between them since 1989. The study concluded that the conflict is sectarian, ethnic and historical. Armenia considers Karabakh a starting point to achieve the ambition of the united states of Armenia.
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Faraj Mahmood, Anwar Mohammad, and Jalil Omar Ali. "Constructivism theory and its explanation of the interactions and issues of the Middle East." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 19 (May 24, 2020): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i19.214.

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The emergence of social constructivism theory is a turning point in the field of theories of International Relations, being viewed by a different subject from what preceded it from theories through a social understanding of what is going on in this relationship. Hence, this research examines the main concepts of social structural theory such as identity and interest and the role of actors without countries along with the main role of the state in interactions and international issues, and then using the main concepts of structural theory at the international level in the interpretation of interactions and major issues in the Middle East. Accordingly, interactions and issues in the Middle East are interpreted as a conflict that is between the components of the states and non-state actors. Furthermore, in this region interactions and issues revolve around religious, sectarian, and national identities. Additionally, the perspective of social constructivism, it is clear that the sectarian conflicts produces interactions and issues in three forms: namely, the struggle of the Iranian Shiite-Saudi identities and the struggle of the Shiite-Sunni identities in Iraq and lastly the conflict of Shiite-Sunni identities in Yemen. In terms of interactions and issues between national identities in the region, there is a struggle for the identity of the Turkish-Kurdish nationalities, the struggle for the identity of the Arab-Kurdish nationalities, and the struggle for the identity of the Persian-Kurdish nationalities. Thus, conflict and religious interactions produced issues between the Islamic and Jewish identities divided into two parts, namely the struggle of the Sunni-Jewish Islamic identities and the struggle of the Shiite-Jewish Islamic identities. Consequently, chaos is prevalent in this region, and it is difficult to imagine a way out of it, as long as a conflict within the region is characterized by ideologies, values and identities..
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Atran, Scott. "Psychology of Transnational Terrorism and Extreme Political Conflict." Annual Review of Psychology 72, no. 1 (January 4, 2021): 471–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-psych-010419-050800.

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Fear of transnational terrorism, along with a revitalization of sectarian nationalism, is sundering social and political consensus across the world. Can psychology help? The focus of this review is on the psychological and related social factors that instigate and sustain violent extremism and polarizing group conflict. I first describe the changing global landscape of transnational terrorism, encompassing mainly violent Islamist revivalism and resurgent racial and ethnic supremacism. Next, I explore the psychosocial nature of the devoted actor and rational actor frameworks, focusing on how sacred values, identity fusion, and social network dynamics motivate and maintain extreme violence. The psychology of the will to fight and die is illustrated in behavioral and brain studies with frontline combatants in Iraq, militant supporters in Morocco, and radicalizing populations in Spain. This is followed by a consideration of how to deal with value-driven conflicts and a discussion of how the Internet and social media encourage the propagation of polarized conflict.
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de Gaay Fortman, Bas. "Between Principles and Practice: Grotius’ Commitment to Religious Peace in a Contemporary Context." Grotiana 34, no. 1 (2013): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18760759-03400004.

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This article discusses Hugo Grotius’s ‘pamphlet’ Ordinum pietas in the political and religious setting of 1613, attempting to draw some lessons from a contemporary perspective. At a time of religious struggle and strife De Groot felt himself committed to ´religious peace´, implying freedom of conscience as a public-political principle coupled with toleration of religious diversity in practice. It is in the context of religious conflict at a time of transition that his allegiance to an established confession and his rejection of sectarian sectarian concepts of theocracy, may be understood. A connection is made to both modern requirements of ‘religious peace’ and universal human rights as a ‘global faith’.
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Khalaf, Teacher Osama AbdAli. "Consensual democracy And the role of elites in institutionalizing political divisions." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 224, no. 3 (October 27, 2018): 253–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v224i3.299.

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The consensual democracy Considered a form of a ruling , in the Unconsensus in heterogeneous national or sectarian or ideological, which is limited to the core political issues that require political consensus, does not extend to all levels of political action because this democracy may be crippling political stability and lead the leaders of the political forces role pivotal in this aspect, the more these leaders have taken in the national interest supreme value at the expense of ethnic or narrow sectarian interests, whenever consensus and political stability, and the more hardened leaders in their own interests, were introduced in a closed circle of conflict and instability.
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Bala, Salisu. "Sufism, Sects and Intra-Muslim Conflicts in Nigeria, 1804-1979." Comparative Islamic Studies 2, no. 1 (March 18, 2008): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v2i1.79.

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Muslims in Nigeria have for several decades been faced with the problem of intra-religious conflict which eventually led to incessant hostility and disaffection among the followers of the same faith(S.P.I.Agi,1998.p.57) The conflicts have punctuated Nigerian affairs before and after independence. The problem has led to degeneration of the mutual relationships shared between followers of the same faith, albeit with different sectarian beliefs. Government, at federal, state and local level, has created measures to try to bring about a lasting solution to this problem. Despite this effort, the input of academia in this area has been less concerted, not going beyond presentations in workshops, conferences and seminars. The task of embarking on an in-depth research on Sufism and its relationship with sectarian beliefs among the Muslim groups in Nigeria has not been given much attention. The aim of this paper therefore, is to examine critically the relationship between Sufi orders and other sects among the Muslim communities in Nigeria. The research will also look at major areas of discord among the Nigerian Muslim intellig
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Hoffman, Michael T., and Elizabeth R. Nugent. "Communal Religious Practice and Support for Armed Parties." Journal of Conflict Resolution 61, no. 4 (July 10, 2016): 869–902. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715590880.

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Does religion inevitably promote support for militant politics? Using a new and unique data set compiled from a nationally representative survey in Lebanon, we examine the conditions under which communal religious practice may serve to promote support for or opposition to armed parties. We argue that this relationship, far from being unidirectional and consistent, depends on the interests of the individual sectarian group. For groups engaged in conflict, communal prayer may increase support for arming political parties. For noncombatant groups, however, religion tends to promote opposition to such militarization. Using both observational and experimental evidence, we demonstrate that communal religion increases the salience of group interests through both identity and informational mechanisms. For regular worship attenders, communal religious practice increases the salience of sectarian identity. For nonattenders, informational primes about sectarian interests have the same effect. Among noncombatant groups, this increased salience leads to opposition to armed parties whose presence would threaten the livelihoods and security of those on the sidelines.
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Taylor, Laura K., Christine E. Merrilees, Andrea Campbell, Peter Shirlow, Ed Cairns, Marcie C. Goeke-Morey, Alice C. Schermerhorn, and E. Mark Cummings. "Sectarian and nonsectarian violence: Mothers' appraisals of political conflict in Northern Ireland." Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology 17, no. 4 (2011): 343–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10781919.2011.610199.

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Lawson, Fred H. "Why did the Syrian Uprising Become a Sectarian Conflict? A Provisional Synthesis." Politics, Religion & Ideology 21, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 216–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2020.1763318.

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Groarke, Emer. "“Mission impossible”: exploring the viability of power-sharing as a conflict-resolution tool in Syria." International Journal of Conflict Management 27, no. 1 (February 8, 2016): 2–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijcma-12-2014-0090.

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Purpose – This paper aims to show the viability of consociational power-sharing as a conflict-resolution tool in Syria. It further argues that a subsequent movement from consociational to centripetal power-sharing is vital to ensure sustainable peace. Design/methodology/approach – A theoretical overview of power-sharing as a conflict-resolution tool provides the basis for this paper, supported by empirical evidence and qualitative research analysis for its proposed application in Syria. Perceived obstacles to a negotiated settlement are outlined, with suggestions made as to how these issues can be transformed into incentives for invested parties. Such obstacles include Bashar al-Assad remaining in power, and calls for the implementation of Shari’a law by some opposition groups. Findings – While previously the conditions of the conflict were not conducive to peace talks, this paper finds that regional developments, including the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, have re-opened the possibility of, and indeed the necessity for, political negotiations. Detailing the complexity of a conflict that goes far beyond a mere sectarian divide, the findings of this paper dispel the notion that a sectarian partition is a viable model for Syria. The paper highlights the multiple cleavages occurring simultaneously, and shows how a power-sharing model is best suited to deal with them. Originality/value – The paper analyses the ongoing inertia of political negotiations to peacefully resolve the conflict. It offers an approach to conflict-resolution in Syria that has, thus far, not been adequately considered in academic – or political – spheres.
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Bush, Jonathan. "The priest and the parson of Hartlepool: Protestant-Catholic conflict in a nineteenth-century industrial town." British Catholic History 33, no. 1 (March 31, 2016): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2016.8.

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This article examines the role of Protestant-Catholic conflict in the English town of Hartlepool, a hitherto unknown centre of religious conflict during the nineteenth century. It will demonstrate how a combination of unique structural forces and the conduct of religious ministers created a culture which, in terms of ferocity and longevity, rivalled other sectarian centres in Britain. It also provides an important case study for examining the role of Catholics themselves in generating anti-Catholicism. It therefore has important implications for understanding the nature of religious conflict, how it develops, and how it is sustained over thelongue durée.
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Del Sarto, Raffaella A. "Sectarian securitization in the Middle East and the case of Israel." International Affairs 97, no. 3 (May 2021): 759–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab011.

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Abstract Focusing on the politics of sectarianism in the Middle East after the Arab uprisings, this article advances two main claims. First, it identifies the current climate of insecurity in the region amid major geopolitical shifts as a key condition that allows political leaders to present sectarian identities as being under (existential) threat. However, a heightened sense of insecurity not only acts as an enabling condition but is also the outcome of these sectarian securitization strategies. The ‘politics of fear’ may thus trigger a self-sustaining mechanism, or a vicious cycle. Second, as sectarian securitization has intensified in Israel since the early 2000s, the article discusses the vicious cycle of securitized sectarianism in the case of Israel in a comparative perspective. By drawing the attention to insecurity (or the sense thereof) as a key enabling condition against the backdrop of major disruptive events, and by bringing the case of Israel into the picture, the article contributes to our understanding of the current structure of regional politics in the Middle East. It concludes by reflecting on the impact of sectarian securitization on the region's conflict potential and the comparability of the Israeli case with those of other states in the region.
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Taylor, Laura K., and Shelley McKeown. "Does violence beget violence? The role of family ethnic socialization and intergroup bias among youth in a setting of protracted intergroup conflict." International Journal of Behavioral Development 43, no. 5 (May 12, 2019): 403–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0165025419844036.

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Does violence beget violence among youth in a setting of protracted conflict? Framed by a developmental intergroup approach, this paper examines the mediating roles of family ethnic socialization and intergroup bias. Two time points from 466 (50% female/50% male, 51% Catholic/49% Protestant) 14- to 16-year-olds in Northern Ireland were analyzed. Bootstrapped chain mediation found that previous experience with sectarianism, or intergroup violence, was positively related to family ethnic socialization, which predicted later intergroup bias, which was related to higher levels of adolescent participation in sectarian antisocial behavior. Findings identify the importance of family processes in the link from experiencing to committing sectarian acts. Implications for preventing youth participation in sectarianism are discussed.
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Khoiri, Muhammad Aziz, and Leila Chamankhah. "Survival Mechanism of The Shia Community Post-Shia–Sunni Sampang Conflict in 2012." Al-Mada: Jurnal Agama, Sosial, dan Budaya 4, no. 2 (September 6, 2021): 240–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31538/almada.v4i2.1248.

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The purpose of this article is to discuss the mechanisms that the Shia community of Rusunnawa Puspa Agro Sidoarjo adopted to survive the sectarian conflict of 2012. This research uses a qualitative approach, using a snowball sampling technique with key informants, Ustad Tajul Muluk and Ustad Iklil. Data collection techniques include in-depth interviews. The result is indicative of the fact that the Shia community took three approaches to survive the sectarian clashes. First, the Shia community attempted to reduce its daily expenses to the most urgent needs. Second, the Shia community members used an alternative subsystem of working as coconut shelling labor, farming the surrounding land, and raising goats and chickens to help meet their daily needs. Third, the Shia community members got a governmental network in the form of jadup money,[1] in the form of the patron-client relationship. This research also shows that the Shia community needs to get social support because material assistance is not enough [1] - Jadup is the acronym of jatah hidup, and Jatah is a financial help which is either provided by the government, or parents, or even one’s boss, but not because one has done something, but rather, because it is part of one’s right.
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Iacovoiu, Viorela-Beatrice, Mirela Panait, and Alexandru-Cristian Enache. "An Economic and Social Assessment of the Syrian Civil War." International Journal of Sustainable Economies Management 9, no. 1 (January 2020): 12–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsem.2020010102.

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Starting from the theories and studies on armed conflicts and in particular civil wars, and based on relevant figures, this paper presents a comprehensive analysis of the Syrian Civil War. The Syrian conflict developed into a civil war with a sectarian dimension and has lasted longer mostly because of major powers, as well as some Middle Eastern countries that were directly and actively involved in the conflict, supporting the government forces or rebel groups. According to the analysed data, the war deeply affected the Syrian economy and its citizens due to the loss of governmental control over oil fields, the destruction of infrastructure and households, and the great number of forcibly displaced people and casualties. At the same time, the Syrian Civil War created great opportunities for arms-producing companies to sell their products without cutting off profits. Thus, the conclusion is that there is no benefit to war except for those who profit of it, namely the countries as well as the arms manufacturers that use conflicts as a proxy to promote their interests.
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Løland, Ingrid. "Between Utopia and Dystopia: Sectarianization through Revolution and War in Syrian Refugee Narratives." Religions 10, no. 3 (March 12, 2019): 188. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10030188.

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Whereas much recent research has tried to understand the role of sectarianism in the Syrian conflict, few studies address the issue from a bottom-up viewpoint as seen from people’s everyday and lived experiences. This article seeks to access trajectories of sectarian identity formations through Syrian refugee narratives, articulated in stories that evolve around the revolution and the emerging civil war. It questions how the sectarian debate is experienced and reflected upon from refugees’ micro-narrative perspectives and the ways in which these experiences correspond to politicized frames operating on a macro-level. By taking the concept of ‘sectarianism’ as a theoretical vantage point, the study argues for a dynamic identity approach when attempting to understand complex processes of contested and contesting identities. Moreover, it suggests that by replacing the concept of sectarianism with ‘sectarianization’, we may provide a more nuanced understanding of processes in which religious identities are discursively constructed and mobilized in conflicts such as the Syrian one. The qualitative analysis of this study is based on in-depth narrative interviews with a multi-religious Syrian refugee population residing in Norway. Divided into four narrative clusters, their stories deal with hope, fear, victimization as well as hate and distrust. Through the extremities of revolution and war, each of these clusters reveal particular memories, moments and experiences that in various ways have informed and shaped issues of identity and perceptions of the ‘religious other’. Taken together, their stories expose a valuable juncture through which the complexities surrounding religion, identity and conflict can be further studied.
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Granshaw, Michelle. "Performing the Northern Athens: Dr. Corry's Diorama of Ireland and the Belfast Riot of 1864." Theatre Survey 61, no. 1 (January 2020): 102–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557419000450.

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Although sectarian violence characterized life in Belfast for hundreds of years, 1864 marked a shift in how violence played out in the city. Unlike previous conflicts that occurred in open spaces and reflected long-held rural rituals, the riots of August 1864 took place in the city's rapidly developing urban streets. The violence broke out in response to celebrations around the foundation laying for a new statue of Daniel O'Connell, the late Catholic politician, in Dublin. Thousands of Belfast Catholics traveled to Dublin for the celebration. Upon their return to Belfast, ten thousand Protestant loyalists greeted them by burning an effigy of O'Connell on Boyne Bridge and staging a mock funeral and procession that attempted to enter a Catholic burial ground. The resulting violence and rioting continued for ten days on the city streets, where homes and businesses faced destruction on a scale previously unseen. Expelling residents of opposing views, rioters reinforced older ideas of “communal conflict” expressed through “disagreements over each group's place—literally and imaginatively—in the city” and strengthened notions of neighborhood geography based on religious beliefs. As historian Mark Doyle argues, the shifting patterns of violence resulted from “[t]he steady advance of working-class alienation from the state, the growing hegemony of violent extremists in working-class neighbourhoods, the sectarian alliance between Protestant workers and elites, the insecurity of the Catholics and, above all, the polarising effects of earlier outbreaks of violence.” Lasting reminders of conflict lingered as the city recovered, reminding anyone walking the streets of the city's violent past and the likely potential of future clashes.
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Cohen, Daniel A. "The Respectability of Rebecca Reed: Genteel Womanhood and Sectarian Conflict in Antebellum America." Journal of the Early Republic 16, no. 3 (1996): 419. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3124058.

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Varley, Emma. "Targeted doctors, missing patients: Obstetric health services and sectarian conflict in Northern Pakistan." Social Science & Medicine 70, no. 1 (January 2010): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2009.09.028.

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Tayyab, Muhammad, Shahid Ahmad Afridi, and Maria Hamid. "Sectarian Divide as a Cause of Protracted Conflict: A Case of Syria (2011-18)." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 4, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): 294–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/4.2.23.

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Since the people’s uprising in 2011 against the authoritarian regime of Bashar Al Assad and its oppressive policies, Syria is entangled in a long spiral of violent conflict. Though a number of factors explain the violent nature of war and its longevity, however sectarianism proved to be the most significant and the most dominant factors of all. The dominancy of minority Alawite community in the country led to the discrimination against other sects especially the Sunni majority, comprising 74 percent of the total population. Such prejudices against Sunnis and other sects have pitched Syrian people against the regime which evolved into a long and sectarian civil war that dominates the Syrian society till date. Applying Protracted Social Conflict Model, this paper tries to answer the question that how sectarianism played a role in the perpetuation of the Syrian civil war during 2011-2018. Using qualitative methods of analysis, the paper endeavours to dig out the roots of the current violent conflict in the country. For data collection and analysis, secondary sources in the form of books, research articles and other internet sources have been consulted in an attempt to analyse what is unknown on the basis of what is known.
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