Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Secularism, secularity, India'

Säkularismus ist in Indien spätestens seit den Assembly Debates Ende der 1940er Jahre ein Schlüsselbegriff in öffentlichen Debatten und ein zentraler Wert der Verfassung und der nationalen Identität. Als Gegenkonzept zu Kommunalismus, insbesondere Hindunationalismus, und Gewalt wird Säkularismus in Indien vorrangig als Toleranz und equal respect for all religions konzipiert. Die akademische Debatte über Säkularismus erscheint in Indien ausgesprochen normativ, emotional und politisiert. In der von mir untersuchten Kontroverse, die um die Frage kreist, inwieweit es sich bei der Kategorie Säkularismus um ein hegemoniales, westliches Konzept oder eine indigene Tradition handele, stehen sich zwei Lager oder „Clans“ gegenüber. Während die postkolonialistischen Säkularismus-Kritiker T.N. Madan und Ashis Nandy diese in ihren Augen fremde, imperiale Kategorie ablehnen und Säkularismus in Indien als gescheitert betrachten, unternehmen die Säkularismus-Befürworter Rajeev Bhargava und Romila Thapar den Versuch, säkulare Wurzeln in der indischen Tradition zu rekonstruieren und Säkularismus damit in Indien anschlussfähig zu machen. Interessanterweise beziehen sich alle vier Wissenschaftler in ihren Texten auf die tolerante Religionspolitik des Maurya-Königs Ashoka (3. Jh. v. Chr.) und des Mogulherrschers Akbar (16. Jh. n. Christus). Während Bhargava und Thapar darin eine Art Proto-Säkularismus sehen, geht es Nandy und Madan darum, die indische Toleranztradition von der Vorherrschaft der Säkularismuskategorie zu befreien. Ihnen schwebt eine tolerante „ghandianische“ Staatspolitik vor, die nicht unter dem Label Säkularismus läuft, sondern auf alten, indischen Traditionen und der gelebten, auf Religion basierenden Toleranz des Volkes gründet. Alle vier Wissenschaftler bekennen sich in ihren Texten über den Säkularismus explizit zu ihren politischen Positionen und verstehen sich gleichzeitig als Wissenschaftler und Aktivisten. Beide Lager, sowohl Madan und Nandy, als auch Thapar und Bhargava, engagieren und echauffieren sich in der Kontroverse über Säkularismus und die Anwendbarkeit dieses Konzepts im indischen Kontext in einem bemerkenswerten Ausmaß. Ziel meiner Arbeit ist es, Antworten auf die Frage zu finden, weshalb die untersuchte Debatte so hochgradig emotional ausfällt und was die Wissenschaftler antreibt, so leidenschaftlich am Säkularismus festzuhalten oder diese Kategorie genauso vehement abzulehnen.

This dissertation establishes that the methods used to generate social and political criticism are just as important as the ideas expressed. This proposition is explored in both the ideas and methods of the Indian political psychologist Ashis Nandy. For over thirty-five years Nandy has contributed extensively to a number of debates within a global academic culture, and as a public intellectual in India. His critique of Indian secularism has produced intense controversy, and is a dynamic case to explore this relationship between critique and method, and by extension the identity of the critic. This case study also allows for an analysis, of what is widely accepted, as the confronting features of his critique. In radically questioning the ways in which the ideology of secularism operates in Indian political culture, and in defining concepts of Indianness, Nandy contests dominant political ideas and ideals. Further, he confronts the role these ideas and ideals play in foreclosing understandings of national identity, national integration and Indian democracy. I argue that this confrontation demonstrates a critical and psychoanalytic engagement with the constituting features of Indian political culture, and political identities. This case study also provides a context to consider the implications of this approach for understanding and representing the identity of the critic.
Much criticism of Nandy and his work is based on beliefs that he represents the intellectual basis of anti-secularism and anti-modernism in India. According to these accounts Nandy carries forward a threatening and disruptive quality. This is evident, it is claimed, in his calls to return to a regressive traditionalism. These responses represent his ideas and his identity within a particular ideological and intellectual framework. This takes place though, at the expense of engaging with the methods operating in his work. The focus on the disruptive and threatening features of Nandy and his work creates a series of over-determined responses that undermine recognition of his psychoanalytic approach. I argue that the location of agitation and fascination for critics is in Nandy’s willingness to confront accepted identities, meanings, fantasies, projections and ideals operating in politics, and in working through the complexities of subjectivity. This aptitude for working with external and internal processes, at the border between culture and psyche is where the psychoanalytic focus of his work is located. The psychoanalytic focus, in working with and working through the complexities of human subjectivity, produces a confronting self-reflexivity that can disarm critics. Nandy’s psychoanalytic reading of secularism is the starting point for theorising and characterising the method, or mode of critique operating across his work more broadly.
This dissertation argues that Nandy’s approach or method is characterised by a psychoanalytic mode. The psychoanalytic mode of engagement is illustrated in his capacity to generate critical analytic perspectives that rupture and regenerate subjectivity, including his own. This dissertation demonstrates Nandy’s psychoanalytic commitment, and argues the importance of this approach. Therefore, this reading of Nandy and the methods that are employed to develop this inquiry, build a case for the importance of psychoanalytic concepts, as a necessary interpretive mode for social and political criticism.

In the early nineteenth century, European officials in India determined that the education offered in state schools and colleges would be exclusively secular: no religious teaching would be imparted in colonial educational institutions. This thesis enquires into the impact of the religious-secular distinction in Indian education from this date. After revisiting the origins of the government's commitment to secular education, it focuses upon the engagement of Indian Muslims with the colonial state, discerning how far Muslim parties opposed the separation of religion from education. The argument is advanced that concerns for the provision of religious education in the colonial system of public instruction played a critical role in the development of Muslim public activity, and of understandings of Muslim community, under British rule. Across the breadth of northern India, in Bengal, the North-Western Provinces and the Punjab, Muslim parties contested the divorce of religion from education, challenging the colonial government to respond to the requirements of their religious constituency. I employ the Foucauldian concept of governmentality which enhances our understanding of how the British government of India introduced a multiplicity of practices, including colonial public instruction, to regulate conduct and fashion subjectivities among Indian subjects. Building upon existing studies of the Anglo-Indian state as a governmentalised entity, the thesis then explores Indian Muslim negotiations of colonial educational provisions through which aspects of colonial governmentality were revised. The evolving institutions of civil society provided a location for Muslim parties to formulate public opinion and negotiate with government. With the growing support of European officials and educationalists, Muslim individuals and associations challenged the exclusion of religious teaching from government institutions and asserted the importance both of religious community and faith in Indian public spheres. The colonial separation of state. from religion was contested by Muslim parties interrogating nineteenth century meanings of the concept of secularism.

This thesis is a comparative study of Salman Rushdie's Midnight's Children (1981) and Vikram Seth's A Suitable Boy (1993). It compares the novels' representations of the postcolonial Indian nation-state and of the conflict between secular and religious perspectives in the Indian public sphere. The novels are interpreted as responses to specific moments of crisis in the so-called "secular consensus" of the Indian state: Midnight's Children to the Emergency of 1975, A Suitable Boy to the rise of the Hindu right in the early 1990s. The aim of this study is to establish secularism as an interpretative concept in South Asian literature in English. Each chapter examines different aspects of the texts in relation to secularism. The first chapter outlines two different theoretical positions, Seth's "rationalist" and Rushdie's "radical" secularism. The second examines the question of minority identity in the two novels. The third explores the different narrative structures that shape their ideas of Indian citizenship. The fourth compares their differing versions of India's national past. The fifth interrogates the status of English as a secular language in the Indian context by examining the interaction between English and Indian vernaculars in the two texts. The dialogic form of the novel has been appropriated by postcolonial Indian writers in English in order to stage contrasting religious and secular worldviews. This dialogism, it is suggested, may offer the possibility of opening up the public sphere to different modes of communication not exclusively defined by rationalism.

This dissertation charts how the legal regulation of Islam in colonial India fostered a conception of religion that focused on dividing it from secular economy and politics. Colonial law segregated religious law from other branches of law through intersecting binaries that pitted religion against reason and family against the economy. These binaries continue to shape both popular and scholarly approaches to South Asian religion. Unsettling these common assumptions, the dissertation reveals the close relationship between contemporary conceptions of religion and the imperatives of imperial governance. By segregating religious from secular law, the British developed a bifurcated strategy of governance that balanced contradictory commitments to preserving Indian traditions with introducing modernizing reforms. Scholars have traditionally located the origins of the colonial approach to administering Indian religious laws in the early decades of Company rule. The dissertation argues instead that the conceptual framework of religious personal laws emerged between the second and third quarter of the nineteenth century. Changing concepts of sovereignty, an evangelical commitment to spreading Christian civilization, and the integration of colonial production into global markets led colonial officials to look for ways to consolidate the authority of the colonial state. Due to the history of Mughal rule, colonial officials viewed Islamic law as posing a particular threat to colonial suzerainty, placing Islam at the center of these debates. Limiting religious laws to the sphere of domestic relations and ritual performance allowed the colonial state to maintain the rhetoric of respecting Indian religions while consolidating new bodies of criminal, commercial, and procedural law. The boundaries colonial law drew around religion, however, proved unstable. By bringing different definitions of religion into dialogue, legal adjudication in courts unsettled the boundaries between religious and secular authority that colonial legislation and legal texts attempted to solidify. The dissertation looks at legal debates occurring in different levels of the judicial system and in the wider court of public opinion, turning to newspaper coverage of trials and literature on Islamic law. The dissertation uses this broadened archive of legal contest to explore alternative understandings of the relationship between religion, politics, and economy.
History

Thesis advisor: Arthur Madigan
The human self and society in general have always been in transition and transformation. Our senses of ourselves and of our society are in dialectical relation with our sense of whether or to what degree we feel part of important dimensions such as religion and politics, which are both an expression of our identity and factors that may sometimes change our identity. In modern western society it seems that identity has shifted from what Charles Taylor calls "embeddedness" in religion to a mode of life where religion is, to a great extent, expected to be a personal matter and even a personal choice. This is not impossible to understand, and historical work shows us that there are important continuities between the modern reason that rejects religion and the religion that it rejects. In this complicated process there is no mistaking the emergence of a democratic politics that rests to a significant degree on the rational project of modernity. We might even say that the success of that politics is one of the most important signs of the success of modern reason. In any case, we see in the west the development of a political system that has made society increasingly secular and religion increasingly private. This is not the case everywhere in the world. In may other places outside the "west" religion and its expressions are more public and individuals consider religion as a significant factor in defining their self-identity. In these places, many people are found expressing and promoting an identity that they consider meaningful in a world that is not fundamentally defined--or only defined--by the sort of secular political system that restricts religious beliefs and practices to the private domain. In these places, there is somewhat less difficulty with the sort of dilemma that we find in many liberal secular parts of the modern west, where even public expressions of religious beliefs are protested or challenged even though the right to such expressions are constitutionally guaranteed for all citizens. The dialectics of religion and politics and their importance in defining human self-identity is the central domain for my research, though I need many detours into other cultural factors in order to substantiate my claims. Bouncing back and forth between western and eastern religious, philosophical, and political perspectives, I finally found some points of contacts in Charles Taylor and Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. They became my focus of this research. Still, I felt it necessary to offer a preliminary account of secularism, as our present context, in order to set the background of my exploration of the works and, in some important respects, the lives of Taylor and Gandhi. Hence, my first chapter is an overview of the sources of secularism in the West and in India. The second chapter deals with the Taylorian understanding of diversity, authenticity, and holistic identity. My third chapter is on Gandhi's understanding of diversity, authenticity, and holistic identity. My fourth and final chapter brings to light my own sense of our prospects for an integral understanding of religion, politics, and self-identity within the contexts of post-religious, post-secular, and post-metaphysical thinking. While claims for secular humanism and secular politics have always been somewhat convincing to me, I was not sure why religion should be necessarily so `problematic' for such a program. In fact, the pathologies of both reason and religion have become more explicit to us today. Secularism seems to repeat the exclusivism of the anti-secular stance of some religions by becoming anti-religious itself. Indeed, among secularists and even atheists there is a general trend to consider religions as intrinsically "anti-humanistic" in nature. It is true that secular humanism has sometimes helped religions to explore how deeply "humanistic" they are at heart, in their revelations and traditions. So perhaps, it is possible to have comprehensive frames and theories of humanism and secularism from within the boundaries of religions themselves without negating or diminishing either the spiritual or the secular. A dialogue between Taylor and Gandhi can be useful for us today especially as pointers toward such a humanistic approach to self, religion and politics. This dialogue between these western and the eastern thinkers can enlarge, enrich, and enlighten each other. What we then see, on the one hand, is the limit of a purely secular politics that is lacking a proper metaphysical foundation to guarantee the religious needs of humanity; and on the other hand, we also see the hesitation and struggle of religions to accommodate the demands of secularism. In both cases, we have reason to hope for a new `metaphysics of diversity and authenticity' which in turn might validate a role for religion, and perhaps also the ethical principles that it yields. Still, this is an incomplete and inconclusive dialectic and in that sense only a contribution to ongoing debate. I thank for your attention to my narrative and my proposals. Let me conclude now, so that I can listen to your stories, because you too help me to define myself
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2013
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Philosophy

The Caliphate was a fundamental part of Islamic society for nearly 1300 years. This paper seeks to uncover what effect the removal of this institution had on the mobilization of Muslims in several parts of the world; Turkey, Egypt, and British India. These countries had unique experiences with colonialism, secularism, nationalism, that in many ways conditioned the response of individuals to this momentous occasion. Each country’s reaction had a profound impact on the future trajectory of civil society, and the role of Islam in the lives of its citizens. The conclusions of this paper challenge the monolithic depiction of Islam in the world, and reveal the origins of conflict that these three centers of Muslim power face today. Much of the religious narrative now commonplace in Muslim organizations derive from this pivotal event in world history.

This dissertation uses discursive formation as the methodological approach to examine representations of Indian Christians in eleven Bollywood movies released during the 2004-2014 decade. The decade witnessed the exit and eventual re-entry of the Hindu Right, and the citizenry during that period experienced centrist, liberal, and secular governance. Since the present of Indian Christianity is inextricable from a colonial past, and Bollywood emerges in response to colonialism, a postcolonial intervention in methodology and theory is undertaken. A postcolonial perspective illuminates the discourses that enable the formation of the postcolonial nation, i.e., the ways a nation imagines its culture, people, traditions, boundaries, and Others. There is a suggested relationship between the representations of Indian Christians in Bollywood movies and the decade of secular governance because the analysis is approached from the position that culture and media produce and re-produce each other. The representations of Christians in Bollywood movies are a product of contemporary and historical cultural, legal, political, and social discourses. This dissertation demonstrates that representations of Christians as hypersexual women and emasculated men within an emergent Hindu modernity discursively constructs India as a Hindu nation, and Christians as the westernized Other. The theoretical contributions pertain to belonging in the nation through homonationalism and hypersexualization; the relationship between democratic representations and media; the postcolonial ambivalent identity of the Bollywood industry because of way it represents Indian Christians in response to colonialism; and the Indian Christian community’s postcolonial identity as a way to make sense of their contemporary and historical identity.

At the center of this study are three Indian novels with an urban setting and dealing with political and social issues of the 1990s: Githa Hariharan’s In Times of Siege (2003), Vikram Chandra’s Love and Longing in Bombay (1997) and Amit Chaudhuri’s Freedom Song (1998). The Delhi of In Times of Siege is portrayed as a city infused with power but haunted by a troubled past that is brought to the present by a dissenting professor of history. The Bombay of Love and Longing in Bombay is also a haunted city, but is primarily imagined as a narrative locality in which storytelling is central to both the narrative and the city. The Calcutta of Freedom Song is explored through a resident family, blurring the distinctions between the home and the city. The three novels all negotiate an increasingly sectarian environment. The three cities of the novels are explored through the framework of anthropologist Arjun Appadurai’s concept of the production of locality, which sees place as a value and a dimension of social life. By approaching the cities in the novels through locality, it is possible to discern how the authors construct place as meaningful. This study thus extends the anthropological concept of locality into literature, addressing the specific strategies through which the authors portray and create their respective cities. Key concepts explored in the novels include agency, haunting, storytelling, and memory.
Baksidestext At the center of this study are three Indian novels with an urban setting and dealing with political and social issues of the 1990s: Githa Hariharan’s In Times of Siege (2003), Vikram Chandra’s Love and Longing in Bombay (1997) and Amit Chaudhuri’s Freedom Song (1998). The Delhi of In Times of Siege is portrayed as a city infused with power but also haunted by a troubled past. The Bombay of Love and Longing in Bombay is primarily imagined as a narrative locality in which storytelling is central. The Calcutta of Freedom Song is explored through a resident family, blurring the distinctions between the home and the city. The three novels all negotiate an increasingly sectarian environment. The three cities of the novels are explored through the framework of anthropologist Arjun Appadurai’s concept of the production of locality, which sees place as a value and a dimension of social life. By approaching the cities through locality, it is possible to discern how the authors construct place as meaningful. This study thus extends the anthropological concept of locality into literature, addressing the specific strategies through which the authors portray and create their respective cities. Key concepts explored in the novels include agency, haunting, storytelling, and memory.
Denna avhandling behandlar tre indiska romaner vilka utspelar sig i städer och fokuserar på de politiska och sociala konflikterna under 1990-talet: Githa Hariharans In Times of Siege (2003), Vikram Chandras Love and Longing in Bombay (1997) och Amit Chaudhuris Freedom Song (1998). Delhi i In Times of Siege porträtteras som en politisk stad hemsökt av det förflutna vilket påverkar nutiden. Bombay i Love and Longing in Bombay är också delvis hemsökt, men framförallt framställt som en stad i vilken berättandet är centralt. I Freedom Song blir gränsen mellan hem och stad diffus genom det sätt på vilket en familj gestaltar Calcutta. De tre romanerna behandlar alla en alltmer sekteristisk tid. Avhandlingens analys bygger på antropologen Arjun Appadurais begrepp the production of locality, dvs. hur känslan av plats skapas. ”Locality” är ett begrepp som täcker in en plats kapacitet att också ha ett värde och vara en social konstruktion. Genom att använda the production of locality är det möjligt att utforska hur författarna konstruerar plats som något meningsbärande. Denna avhandling vidgar det antropologiska begreppets användningsområde till att innefatta litteratur och används för att identifiera de strategier genom vilka författarna porträtterar och skapar sina respektive städer. Dessa strategier bygger på nyckelbegreppen agens, hemsökelse, berättande och minne.

This thesis seeks to answer the question of why some rebel movements choose to take on a religious character, and why some do not, even in cases where they share many characteristics. This thesis argues that a religious or secular framing is a tool that can be tactically utilised by rebel groups in order to further their goals and strengthen their position.   Given the fact that rebel groups usually start out at an inherent resource disadvantage, securing external support is paramount for any rebel group to stand a fighting chance. External actors need to be talked into supporting these rebel groups, and are more likely to support rebel groups with whom they share certain characteristics. This thesis argues that one of the main ways in which insurgent groups can seek to lobby or appease external actors is through aligning its religiosity to fit that of the external actor. Through examining the lifespan of two separate ethnic insurgencies in Pakistan, that of the Baloch and of the Pashtun, and tracing that to the religiosity of the latest iterations of insurgent groups within these long-standing conflicts, the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) and the Tehreek-e-Taliban (TTP), which have taken very different paths when it comes to religiosity despite their similar origins, and examining their potential external backers and the influence they may have had, this thesis found that foreign backer religiosity might be a powerful determinant in influencing insurgent religiosity.

Säkularismus ist in Indien spätestens seit den Assembly Debates Ende der 1940er Jahre ein Schlüsselbegriff in öffentlichen Debatten und ein zentraler Wert der Verfassung und der nationalen Identität. Als Gegenkonzept zu Kommunalismus, insbesondere Hindunationalismus, und Gewalt wird Säkularismus in Indien vorrangig als Toleranz und equal respect for all religions konzipiert. Die akademische Debatte über Säkularismus erscheint in Indien ausgesprochen normativ, emotional und politisiert. In der von mir untersuchten Kontroverse, die um die Frage kreist, inwieweit es sich bei der Kategorie Säkularismus um ein hegemoniales, westliches Konzept oder eine indigene Tradition handele, stehen sich zwei Lager oder „Clans“ gegenüber. Während die postkolonialistischen Säkularismus-Kritiker T.N. Madan und Ashis Nandy diese in ihren Augen fremde, imperiale Kategorie ablehnen und Säkularismus in Indien als gescheitert betrachten, unternehmen die Säkularismus-Befürworter Rajeev Bhargava und Romila Thapar den Versuch, säkulare Wurzeln in der indischen Tradition zu rekonstruieren und Säkularismus damit in Indien anschlussfähig zu machen. Interessanterweise beziehen sich alle vier Wissenschaftler in ihren Texten auf die tolerante Religionspolitik des Maurya-Königs Ashoka (3. Jh. v. Chr.) und des Mogulherrschers Akbar (16. Jh. n. Christus). Während Bhargava und Thapar darin eine Art Proto-Säkularismus sehen, geht es Nandy und Madan darum, die indische Toleranztradition von der Vorherrschaft der Säkularismuskategorie zu befreien. Ihnen schwebt eine tolerante „ghandianische“ Staatspolitik vor, die nicht unter dem Label Säkularismus läuft, sondern auf alten, indischen Traditionen und der gelebten, auf Religion basierenden Toleranz des Volkes gründet. Alle vier Wissenschaftler bekennen sich in ihren Texten über den Säkularismus explizit zu ihren politischen Positionen und verstehen sich gleichzeitig als Wissenschaftler und Aktivisten. Beide Lager, sowohl Madan und Nandy, als auch Thapar und Bhargava, engagieren und echauffieren sich in der Kontroverse über Säkularismus und die Anwendbarkeit dieses Konzepts im indischen Kontext in einem bemerkenswerten Ausmaß. Ziel meiner Arbeit ist es, Antworten auf die Frage zu finden, weshalb die untersuchte Debatte so hochgradig emotional ausfällt und was die Wissenschaftler antreibt, so leidenschaftlich am Säkularismus festzuhalten oder diese Kategorie genauso vehement abzulehnen.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 2000.
Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 92-95).

The role of secularism in government is an important question following the events of the Arab Spring. This report aims to look at how Turkey and India's political systems evolved in the 20th and 21st century against the backdrop of constitutional secularism. Moreover, this report explores some of the consequences of secular principles on economic and societal progress. Turkey, with a stance that separates religion and state, has had numerous problems between secular and religious groups. This strife has led to multiple coups and cycles of progress and political turmoil. The military sees its duty as guarding the secular principles of Turkey -- a problem for politicians perceived as overly religious. In India, which has a concept of secularism that requires government consideration and protection for all religions, what has evolved is a political system that pits a party devoted to secularism against a party that advocates a more Hindu national identity. In both Turkey and India, some social and economic interests are drowned out by more vocal religious political groups. While both these countries have different interpretations of secularism, the current atmosphere in both countries fosters civil unrest and, at times, violence. On a societal level the rhetoric only serves to divide people. So long as this rhetoric and atmosphere exists, there is a limit to economic progress, societal stability, and international influence. This last aspect is especially important for these two countries, which have broad historical reach. In Turkey, previous restrictions on religion have been repealed by the current government in order to follow more democratic principles, however, many also see this as the first step towards a politically Islamic Turkey. In India, the religious rhetoric concerns the religious minority groups. India is a country with relatively high governmental restriction and very high societal hostility towards religion. Much of this hostility manifests as public violence. The emergence and predicted victory of a more Hindu political party only fuels the public debate over secularism. The challenge is to balance secularism with freedom of religion, and perhaps accept an evolving stance that reflects each policy's limit.
text

This working paper is part of a larger research project on emerging visualities and imaginaries of living together in plurality and on equal terms. Against the background of growing majoritarianism in India and the normalization of violence against religious minorities and marginalized communities, the search for new visual forms and aesthetic means to counter increasing divisiveness and conflict has acquired exceptional urgency. It is a search pursued by many and in multiple directions, occasionally even in the realm of marketing and advertising which is the focus of this article. The larger project considers documentaries, fictional films and transmedia interventions in order to understand how different actors seek to create new visualities that are markedly different from earlier form(at)s used to visually mediate the normative project of political secularism for many decades, but nevertheless draw on the idea that secularity is a mode of living together and socially interacting in plural societies.

In this paper, we show how this plural legal landscape is negotiated by litigants, especially women, and thereby illustrate the procedural interplay between civil and religious courts through this adjudication process. The ethnography of adjudication at the Darul-Qaza situated in a large Muslim neighbourhood in Kanpur and the institution’s intersections with the societal (We mean the tribunals that function at the neighbourhood or community level) secular courts show how Muslim personal law functions. In this paper, we identify both the links between the Darul-Qaza and civil courts, and the processes of evidence making and legal reasoning that are integral to this interlegality. We argue that the issue of personal law should be understood within the post-colonial legal structure of India and with a good understanding of the processes through which disputes in the delicate area of family, affect and kinship are addressed and resolved. The above case shows how resolution occurs in a family dispute when plural institutional mechanisms are at work. This paper explores the adjudication process at a Darul-Qaza to understand how religion-based family laws get constituted as litigants seek both religious counsel and civil authority.

My dissertation interrogates the figure of the priestly charlatan in colonial India. It begins in a theoretical register by arguing that the unmasking of charlatans serves as a metonym for the secularizing procedures of modernity. Tales of charlatans' exposure by secularist skeptics promise a disenchanted world freed from the ill-gotten influence of sham divines; such tales evacuate the immanent frame of charismatic god-men, thereby allowing the extension and consolidation of secular power. I trace the trope of charlatanic exposure, beginning with Enlightenment anxieties about "priestcraft," continuing on to nineteenth century criticisms of religion, and then making a lateral move to colonial India. I suggest that by the 1830s it had become difficult for many English critics to extricate the problem of priestly imposture from the broader problematic of empire and, more specifically, from the specter of the "crafty brahmin." I track the cultural crosscurrents that conjoined English and Indian anticlericalisms, not only to insist on the centrality of colonial thinkers to the constitution of modernity, but also to reconsider modernity's putative secularity. The "anticlerical modernity" that I identify brings religious and secular skeptics together in a shared war on sacerdotal charisma, best observed at the interstices of empire.

The dissertation disperses the intellectual lineage of the "imposture theory of religion" by rerouting it through colonial India. The imposture theory, or the notion that religion is but a ruse concocted by crafty priests to dupe gullible masses, was central to the emergence of secular modernity and its mistrust of religion. Closely associated with the English and French Enlightenments, it was also pervasive in British polemics against Indian religions. My dissertation demonstrates how in its colonial redeployment the imposture theory came to abut Indic imaginaries of religious illusion, ranging from folkloric spoofs of gurus' authority to philosophical debates about the ontological status of "maya." Starting from religious controversies of the colonial era, my interrogation of Indic illusion extends from the ninth century philosopher Shankaracharya to the sixteenth century saint Vallabhacharya to the twentieth century guru Osho. Its focus, however, is on three nineteenth century religious reformers: Karsandas Mulji, Dayanand Saraswati, and H.P Blavatsky. Through archival research, textual analysis (in Hindi, Gujarati, and English), and theoretical inquiry, I insinuate these three colonial thinkers into the history of the imposture theory of religion. In doing so, my aim is to contribute to scholarship on the genealogy of religion, particularly in colonial contexts.

Dissertation

This thesis is concerned with the ideas of two of the most prominent thinkers within the 'fundamentalist' religious movements that have become so prominent over the last few decades in Pakistan and India; Maulana Maududi of the Muslim Jamaat-I-Islami and M.S. Golwalkar, of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. Though both are now dead, their ideas live on in the thinking and deeds of others. This thesis explores a comparison of the ideas of these men and their radical/fundamentalist ideologies with a focus on the way they viewed the relationship between religon and the state. Others have established that such a comparison between significant individuals, who lived in the same historical timeframe, and in this case the same geographical and political contexts, offers valuable insight into the situations/nations in which they were directly involved.

For the 70 years since Independence, India has been facing a two-fold problem: on the one hand, there is a strong need of a just society on the basis of cultural and religious diversity. On the other hand, however, there is a strong urge to find an overarching unifying idea which could keep the polity together without any risk of further fragmentation. Taking the communitarian philosophy of Charles Taylor and his distinction between the politics of equal dignity and politics of difference as the basic conceptual framework, the thesis pursues three different objectives. First, to prove that affirmative approach towards recognition of minorities does not provide stability in the Indian case. Second, to rehabilitate the Nehruvian secularism as a viable state ideology of independent India. And third, to interpret the Indian political discourse on the level of political practice as a struggle for hegemony between the elites and bourgeoisie in the Gramscian sense. The rise of identity politics and Hindu nationalism is thus perceived not as an outcome of the failure of the Indian secularism as such, but rather of its ineffective application and subsequent crisis of legitimacy. Keywords: India; multiculturalism; politics of difference; secularism; anti-modernism; Hindu nationalism; hegemony; passive revolution

Esta tese tenta demonstrar que a experiência da cidadania católica, no estado indiano de Goa, corresponde a quem se encontra entre a sociedade civil e a sociedade política. Parte-se do postulado de que o reconhecimento do concani no alfabeto devanágari como língua oficial de Goa determina os limites da sociedade civil. Através de um estudo etnográfico das contestações produzidas em torno da reivindicação do reconhecimento do alfabeto romano, a tese evidencia como, pela exclusão deliberada do alfabeto romano da língua concani, grande parte dos católicos de castas e de classes de baixo estatuto são considerados inferiores aos “autênticos” membros da sociedade civil. Como consequência, em lugar do usufruto de direitos permanentes, que simbolizam a sociedade civil, a sua experiência de cidadania decorre do lugar que ocupam na sociedade política. Efetivamente, aqueles que usam o alfabeto romano têm frequentemente de justificar o seu posicionamento na comunidade cultural do Estado, sendo-lhes atribuídas concessões temporárias, cuja continuidade depende de que não seja ameaçado o status quo, estabelecido pelos grupos dominantes no sistema governamental goês. O argumento que proponho contribui para a discussão mais alargada da natureza do secularismo na república indiana, ao focar-se num contexto não pertencente à Índia britânica e, ancorando-se no conceito de casta e de religião, afastar-se das perspectivas binárias que frequentemente caracterizam o estudo das experiências de cidadania de grupos minoritários.
This thesis argues that the nature of the citizenship experience of the Catholics in the Indian state of Goa is the experience of those located between civil society and political society. This argument commences from the postulate that the recognition of Konkani in the Devanagari script as the official language of Goa, determined the boundaries of the state’s civil society.Through an ethnographic study of the contestations around the demand that the Roman script also be officially recognised, the thesis demonstrates how by deliberately excluding the Roman script for the language, the largely lower-caste and lower-class Catholic users of the script were denoted as less than authentic members of the legitimate civil society of the state. As a result, rather than enjoy the experience of permanent rights, the hall mark of civil society, their experience of citizenship is in the nature of a location in political society, where those who use the Roman script have to often justify their location in the cultural community of the State, and are awarded temporary concessions the continued existence of which depend on whether the status quo established by the dominant groups within the Goan polity is threatened or not. The argument I forward adds nuance to the larger discussion on the nature of secularism in Indian republic by introducing a focus on a region outside of British-India, as well as invoking caste, and religion; and looking outside of the binaries that often determine the study of citizenship experiences of minority groups.

En 1947, après l’obtention de l’indépendance, l’Inde est devenue une république séculière et démocratique proposant ainsi une nouvelle organisation de la société. Sans faire l’unanimité, des lois familiales différenciées selon l’identité religieuse ainsi que des droits socioéconomiques associés à l’appartenance à un groupe ont été reconnus par l’État. Dans le climat politique des années 90, le secularism et les droits de groupe ont été le sujet de débats. À partir d’une considération du contexte sociohistorique, cette recherche porte sur les manières de se représenter la laïcité indienne et sur ses rapports potentiels avec des lois différenciées selon l’appartenance religieuse. À travers la notion d’égalité, cette recherche explore les droits et les devoirs associés à la juste approche de la diversité religieuse en Inde indépendante. Une attention particulière est accordée à la période contemporaine et aux droits des Indiens musulmans. Dans cette recherche, les représentations juridiques qui se dégagent de l’analyse des débats publics et intellectuels sont mises en parallèle avec les points de vue de dix-sept répondants de la classe moyenne de Kolkata (été 2011). À travers cette démarche, cette analyse du discours informe sur les conceptions du secularism débattues en Inde indépendante et dans la période contemporaine. Parallèlement à un accent mis sur l’amour de la diversité, les droits individuels, les devoirs et l’auto régulation, les droits différenciés pour les musulmans sont, pour la majorité des répondants, rejetés. Deux approches de l’État sont soulevées dans les définitions du secularism, une version plus dirigiste et l’autre laissant plus de souveraineté aux groupes.
In 1947, India became a secular democratic republic proposing a new organization of society. Family laws, established according to religious affiliation and affirmative action policies, were recognized by the state without unanimity. In the political climate of the nineties, such secularism and group rights were questioned. From a socio-historical perspective, this research focuses on the practices & representations of Indian secularism and its potential relationship with laws differentiated by religious affiliation. Based on the notion of equality, the present research explores the rights and obligations associated with the just approach to religious diversity in independent India. Particular attention is given to the contemporary period and to Indian Muslims’ group rights. In this research, legal representations that emerge from the analysis of public and intellectual debates are paralleled with the viewpoints of seventeen of Kolkata’s middle-class informants (summer 2011). Using this approach, the discourse analysis informs the reader on the conception of secularism discussed in contemporary, independent India. Recognising the value of diversity, duties and self regulation, the majority of respondents reject differentiated rights for Muslims. Two approaches of the state emerge; one in which the State is more directive and one which provides more autonomy to the group.