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Journal articles on the topic 'Secularism, secularity, India'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 February 2022

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1

Bigelow, Anna. "Lived Secularism: Studies in India and Turkey." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 87, no. 3 (July 25, 2019): 725–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfz035.

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AbstractPlaces of interreligious encounter provide opportunities to understand secularity as an experience, one that almost necessarily involves the religious other. As the meaning and operations of secularism and its entanglements with the state vary across cultural and legal systems, this is also a fruitful terrain for comparison, particularly regarding states in which the structures of governance are bound up with some form of political secularism. The case studies presented here explore formations of secularism in India and Turkey by paying attention to how the secular works in everyday life through interreligious relations at shared sacred sites. Personal understandings and experiences of multireligious coexistence oftentimes are articulated and performed through arenas of mundane interaction, giving shape and substance to otherwise abstract concepts of pluralism, secularism, and laicism. However, these ways of being secular exist within frames of intensifying religious nationalism in which the secular is being redefined by state actors and political networks to protect and promote the majority’s religious sensibilities. In this shifting landscape, secularism is reworked as a tool of the ruling parties in Turkey and India to further their religio-political agendas. Comparing cases of lived secularism in India and Turkey reveals a constellation of shifting meanings and sensibilities around sharing polities and places with religious others. Whether peacefully shared or contested, monumental or wayside, shared shrines expose the mundane ways in which the secular is a shifting signifier, sometimes evoking a political principle, sometimes an ethical ideal, and sometimes an oppressive, antireligious ideology. This article identifies what is at stake in these various formations and how each perspective on secularism comes with its own set of expectations and dispensations.

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2

Abramov, D. "The Crisis of Secularism in India." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 4 (2021): 132–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-4-132-138.

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Received 11.01.2020. The article discusses the problem of the decline in the spirit of Indian secularism, both in connection with the significant loss of popularity of the INC party and the general crisis of liberal values in the world, examines the reasons for the complication of intercommunal dialogue and the reduction of public space for tolerance. The understanding of such key ideas as secularism, religious tolerance, multiculturalism, pluralism in political culture and society determines not only its prospects on its path to modernization, but also determines the fate of these societies. In addition to the ideological confrontation around the listed concepts within the Indian political system, the study examines the special role of educational institutions at all levels and the media in expanding the space of public dialogue and also outlines the difficulties faced by the country’s political institutions. Based on the examples of recent experience in resolving the Kashmir problem and the adoption of the Citizenship Law, an attempt is made to assess the mutual influence of the secular self-awareness of Indians and religious dynamics in a complex structured Indian society on political processes. The paper assesses the impact of the Hindutva ideology on reducing the degree of secularity in modern India and the role of the Sangh Parivar family (Hindu ethno-nationalist organizations) in the course of the country’s forced “saffronization” policy.

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Das Acevedo, Deepa. "Secularism in the Indian Context." Law & Social Inquiry 38, no. 01 (2013): 138–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2012.01304.x.

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Indian constitutional framers sought to tie their new state to ideas of modernity and liberalism by creating a government that would ensure citizens' rights while also creating the conditions for democratic citizenship. Balancing these two goals has been particularly challenging with regard to religion, as exemplified by the emergence of a peculiarly Indian understanding of secularism which requires the nonestablishment of religion but not the separation of religion and state. Supporters argue that this brand of secularism is best suited to the particular social and historical circumstances of independent India. This article suggests that the desire to separate religion and state is integral to any understanding of secularism and that, consequently, the Indian state neither is nor was meant to be secular. However, Indian secularists correctly identify the Indian state's distinctive approach to religion-state relations as appropriate to the Indian context and in keeping with India's constitutional goals.

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4

Taydas, Zeynep, Yasemin Akbaba, and Minion K. C. Morrison. "Did Secularism Fail? The Rise of Religion in Turkish Politics." Politics and Religion 5, no. 3 (December 2012): 528–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048312000296.

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AbstractReligious movements have long been challenging the modernist and secularist ideas around the world. Within the last decade or so, pro-religious parties made significant electoral advances in various countries, including India, Sudan, Algeria, and the Palestinian territories. In this article, we focus on the rise of the pro-religious Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi- AKP) to power in the 2002 elections in Turkey. Using the Turkish experience with political Islam, we evaluate the explanatory value of Mark Juergensmeyer's rise of religious nationalism theory, with a special emphasis on the “failed secularism” argument. Our analysis indicates that the theoretical approach formulated by Juergensmeyer has a great deal of explanatory power; however, it does not provide a complete explanation for the success of the AKP. The rise of religion in Turkish politics is the result of a complex process over long years of encounter and confrontation between two frameworks of order, starting with the sudden imposition of secularism from above, when the republic was established. Hence, to understand the rise of religion in contemporary Turkish politics, an in-depth understanding of history, politics, and the sources of tension between secularists and Islamists is essential. The findings of this article have important implications for other countries, especially those that are experiencing a resurgence of religion in politics, and are struggling to integrate religious parties into a democratic system.

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Korf, Benedikt. "„Wir sind nie säkular gewesen“: Politische Theologie und die Geographien des Religiösen." Geographica Helvetica 73, no. 2 (May 7, 2018): 177–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/gh-73-177-2018.

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Abstract. In these afterthoughts to a themed issue on the „Geographies of Post-Secularity“, I critically interrogate the analytical purchase of the terminology of post-secularism. I suggest that the concept of the post-secular is ill-suited to provide a vocabulary for multi-religious societies in the West as much as elsewhere. Instead, I suggest that the vocabulary of a descriptive political theology (Assmann) better helps us grasp the continuing negotiation of the dialectic relations between the secular and the religious. I illustrate this conceptual vocabulary for the study of religion and politics in the postcolonial world, first, in the political-normative debates on Indian secularism, and second, in the everyday struggles of religious actors in the violent politics of Sri Lanka's civil war, to then return to debates on (post-) secularity. I conclude that, indeed, we have never been secular – that the dialectic relations between the secular and the religious are bound to remain, and to become further complicated in increasingly multi-religious societies.

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6

Scott, J. Barton. "Only Connect: Three Reflections on the Sociality of Secularism." Cambridge Journal of Postcolonial Literary Inquiry 6, no. 1 (January 2019): 48–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pli.2018.29.

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The three reflections joined together in this essay develop a notion of “the sociality of secularism”—a phrase that gestures to how secularism structures the social field, becoming an intimate part of the practice of self for subjects who are always inextricably intertwined with others in a network of connectedness that is central to what it means to be worldly. The first reflection, by following the English wordpriestcraftto colonial India, delineates a mode of Enlightenment focused on persons not ideas. The second asks how the secularist division between the public and the private relegated religion to the feminized domestic sphere. The third argues that postcolonial ethics has, from its inception, presented the self as inherently social. A substantial conclusion unites these threads by asking how religio-political writing from colonial India can reframe contemporary debates about the place of the “free” subject in the global political order.

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7

Singh, Dr Surya Bhan. "Secularism in Indian Constitution." Indian Journal of Applied Research 3, no. 9 (October 1, 2011): 527–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/2249555x/sept2013/160.

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8

MAJEED, JAVED. "THE CRISIS OF SECULARISM IN INDIA." Modern Intellectual History 7, no. 3 (September 30, 2010): 653–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244310000284.

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In the early 1960s, Donald Smith's India as a Secular State questioned the credentials of the Indian state's secularism. Since then the issue of what constitutes secularism in India has loomed large in Indian political thought. Like a number of other key categories in political history, such as nationalism, the debate has centred on the question whether the Indian state's version of secularism is viable in its own right or not, and if it is viable, whether it extends the concept of secularism in new and innovative directions. The other possibility is to see this secularism as a “derivative discourse” (to adopt a phrase from Partha Chatterjee), confusedly echoing Western notions of secularism, with the caste and communal complexities of Indian society and the structuring role of religion in everyday life at odds with any coherent or recognisable notion of secularism.

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Redding, Jeffrey A. "A Secular Failure: Sectarianism and Communalism in Shayara Bano v. Union of India." Asian Journal of Law and Society 8, no. 1 (February 2021): 56–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/als.2020.47.

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AbstractProponents of secularism often describe their support for this form of governance in terms of the protections it provides against the excesses, dangers, and coercions of religious governance. In reality, however, the differences between secular and religious systems of governance are often overstated, with secularism’s promises being in conversation with secularism’s failures. This article explores one recent and important instance of such secular failure, namely the high-profile Indian case of Shayara Bano v. Union of India deciding the legal legitimacy of “triple talaq,” a common Indian Muslim divorce practice. During the litigation of this case, a prominent Indian Muslim organization ended up engaging in sectarian modes of argumentation, whereby aspersions were cast on the Muslim bona fides of certain persons and communities. Further, in the course of deciding Shayara Bano, a religiously diverse set of Indian Supreme Court justices found themselves disagreeing along communal lines about either the necessity or ability of the secular state to “reform” Muslim family law. In all this, sectarian and communitarian divisions in India were heightened, and the social peace and religious freedom promised by secularism were severely undermined.

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Ohm, Britta. "The secularism of the state and the secularism of consumption: ‘Honesty’, ‘treason’ and the dynamics of religious visibility on television in India and Turkey." European Journal of Cultural Studies 14, no. 6 (December 2011): 664–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549411419979.

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This article questions the assumption that the increase in visibility of religion in mass-mediated content is indicative of greater impact of religion in the public and state sphere and of a process of de-secularization. It argues that expressions of Hinduism and Islam have become inseparable from secularist histories in the respective countries. The analysis emphasizes a necessary distinction between piety, public popular culture and political activism in the name of a national religious majority, and shows that in its appropriation and redefinition of secularism and employment of religious symbolism, Hindu nationalist mobilization and governance in India are related more closely to sacralization of secularism in historical Turkish nationalism than to the Islamic movement. In both countries, we can observe a retreat rather than a greater media presence of the pious and sacred in the face of neonationalism and commercialization, which in each case produces a democratically precarious public popular culture.

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11

Nath, Sushmita. "Secularism in Crisis." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 45, no. 4 (October 13, 2016): 520–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429816655573.

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In academic writings on multiculturalism in India the “ Shah Bano controversy” (1985–1986) has been a much cited example of the incompatibility between gender equality and cultural diversity. As a response to the Supreme Court’s Shah Bano verdict in 1985, the then Congress-led Indian government introduced the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986. In this article, I analyze the parliamentary debates on the aforementioned Act in order to examine the dominant normative vocabulary of the Indian state in debating the issue of religious freedom versus demands for democratic citizenship rights. Such an exercise sheds light on how the Indian state has reconciled group-differentiated rights – the legal recognition of Muslim Personal Law in this case – with the liberal democratic principles enshrined in the Constitution of India. The analysis of the parliamentary debates on the Muslim Women’s Bill shows, firstly, that when purportedly incommensurable demands of gender-justice and religious freedom come to an elected deliberative forum, it is not necessary that such demands are resolved through “consensus” or through “negotiation and compromise,” as has been argued by multicultural theorists. Secondly, the analysis of the parliamentary debates also demonstrates that while the proponents of the Bill prioritized group rights at the expense of individual rights, the opponents neglected the concern that vulnerable minority groups should be accorded differential treatment. I thus contend that both the proponents and the opponents of the Muslim Women’s Bill in the Parliament argued in terms of formal equality and lacked arguments based on substantive equality. Finally, I argue that although the Congress government prioritized group rights in the parliamentary debates, it did not give up the ideal of a common civil code, such that the government left the question of accommodating gender-equality concerns unresolved. It was thus left to the judiciary to determine whether to further entrench legal pluralism in the family law of India.

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Tejani, Shabnum. "Defining Secularism in the Particular: Caste and Citizenship in India, 1909–1950." Politics and Religion 6, no. 4 (December 2013): 703–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048313000606.

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AbstractDrawing on recent debates on secularism, this article addresses the methodological problem of writing histories of secularism in context. It considers the experience of India. I argue that a study of the issues from which secularism emerged historically offers a way out of the secularism-religion binary which, in India, has obscured contemporary problems related to democracy. These issues had to do with ensuring the public representation of minorities, both religious and caste, regardless of their relative size or social power. Scholarship on the minority question has begun with the constituent assembly and that on secularism centered on the category of religion. In contrast, this article argues that caste was central to the formulation of Indian secularism and requires a longer historical perspective. It maintains that secularism reified the religious minority and, in so doing, denied both its potential to overcome marginality and the legitimacy of the community in the nation.

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IQTIDAR, HUMEIRA, and DAVID GILMARTIN. "Secularism and the State in Pakistan: Introduction." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 3 (April 28, 2011): 491–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000229.

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Pakistan occupies an uncertain and paradoxical space in debates about secularism. On the one hand, the academic consensus (if there is any), traces a problematic history of secularism in Pakistan to its founding Muslim nationalist ideology, which purportedly predisposed the country towards the contemporary dominance of religion in social and political discourse. For some, the reconciliation of secularism with religious nationalism has been a doomed project; a country founded on religious nationalism could, in this view, offer no future other than its present of Talibans, Drone attacks and Islamist threats. But on the other hand, Pakistan has also been repeatedly held out as a critical site for the redemptive power of secularism in the Muslim world. The idea that religious nationalism and secularism could combine to provide a path for the creation of a specifically Muslim state on the Indian subcontinent is often traced to the rhetoric of Pakistan's founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah. But debate among Muslim League leaders specifically on the relationship of religious nationalism with secularism—and indeed on the nature of the Pakistani state itself—was limited in the years before partition in 1947. Nevertheless, using aspects of Jinnah's rhetoric and holding out the promise of secularism's redemptive power, a military dictator, Pervez Musharraf, was able to secure international legitimacy and support for almost a decade.

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14

Madan, T. N. "Secularism in Its Place." Journal of Asian Studies 46, no. 4 (November 1987): 747–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2057100.

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This is the text, with a few verbal modifications, of a lecture delivered by T. N. Madan at the President's Panel in Honor of the Fulbright Fortieth Anniversary Program, on the occasion of the 1987 meeting of the Association of Asian Studies in Boston. T. N. Madan has invigorated the social sciences in India for many years by his research, writing, and teaching. As an author he has written on such themes as Hindu culture, culture and development, ethnic pluralism, family and kinship, and the professions. As editor of Contributions to Indian Sociology, he has attracted to its pages distinguished research and writing from an international pool of contributors. This achievement is related to his capacity to combine discriminating intellectual taste with a friendly capacity to insinuate the journal into the publishing program of outstanding social scientists. It is also related to the fact that his anthropological understanding is combined with a wide-ranging methodological sympathy for other social sciences as well as the humanities.

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15

Madan, T. N. "Whither Indian Secularism?" Modern Asian Studies 27, no. 3 (July 1993): 667–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00010921.

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The present paper seeks ‘to explore the nature of Indian secularism, the difficulties it has run into, and the ways in which it may be revised’. This is a large undertaking for a short text, originally written as public lecture, particularly because the issues posed do nopt readily translate into plain questions. The most that I can hope to do is to raise some doubts and make a few suggestions for rethinking the issues involved.

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Ghosh, Yashomati, and Anirban Chakraborty. "Secularism, Multiculturalism and Legal Pluralism: A Comparative Analysis Between the Indian and Western Constitutional Philosophy." Asian Journal of Legal Education 7, no. 1 (August 16, 2019): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2322005819859674.

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India over thousands of years had become a ‘melting pot’ of religious, linguistic and cultural diversity, and thereby created a unique cultural fabric based on the principles of multiculturalism and pluralism.The ancient Indian philosophy was based on the ideals of vasudaivakutumbakam - the whole world is one family and sarvadharmasambhava- all religion leads to the same destination. These philosophical notions have attained legal status in the India. This article will focus on the background and constitutional perspective of secularism as implemented in India, the Supreme Court’s interpretation of secularism and identification of certain religious practices as an essential and integral part of a religion and lastly the role of the State in regulating the freedom of religion.

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Srikantan, Geetanjali. "Reexamining Secularism." Journal of Law, Religion and State 5, no. 2 (March 13, 2017): 117–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22124810-00502002.

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It is widely recognized that the secular Indian state unlike its Western counterpart does not follow the strict separation of religion and state, opting to intervene in the domain of religion by treating religions equally. This article examines how the concept of equal treatment of religions is applied in the legal domain by an intellectual history of the Ayodhya litigation and argues that the courts cannot treat religions equally due to the incompatible nature of the claims made by the parties i.e. the history of religion claim of the Hindus vis-a-vis the property rights claim of the Muslims. Departing significantly from the current consensus about the litigation being characterized by defective legal interpretation and political influences, it further argues that the real legal challenge in resolving this dispute is addressing the theological frameworks within modern property law which are dependent on a set of normative inferences embedded in colonial discourse.

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18

Pantham, Thomas. "Indian Secularism and Its Critics: Some Reflections." Review of Politics 59, no. 3 (1997): 523–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500027704.

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Several critics of Indian secularism maintain that given the pervasive role of religion in the lives of the Indian people, secularism, defined as the separation of politics or the state from religion, is an intolerable, alien, modernist imposition on the Indian society. This, I argue, is a misreading of the Indian constitutional vision, which enjoins the state to be equally tolerant of all religions and which therefore requires the state to steer clear of both theocracy or fundamentalism and the “wall of separation” model of secularism. Regarding the dichotomy, which the critics draw between Nehruvian secularism and Gandhian religiosity, I suggest that what is distinctive to Indian secularism is the complementation or articulation between the democratic state and the politics of satya and ahimsa, whereby the relative autonomy of religion and politics from each other can be used for the moral-political reconstruction of both the religious traditions and the modern state.

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19

Khalidi, Omar. "Hinduising India: secularism in practice." Third World Quarterly 29, no. 8 (December 2008): 1545–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436590802528614.

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20

Engineer, Asghar Ali. "Future of secularism in India." Futures 36, no. 6-7 (August 2004): 765–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.futures.2003.12.003.

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21

Kumar, Dharma. "Indian Secularism: A note." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 1 (February 1994): 223–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00011793.

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Choudhury, Tapash K. Roy. "Secularism in Indian Ethos." Indian Historical Review 27, no. 1 (January 2000): 121–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/037698360002700119.

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Furani, Khaled. "Said and the Religious Other." Comparative Studies in Society and History 52, no. 3 (June 18, 2010): 604–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417510000320.

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Whether observed in French laïcité, Kemalist Turkey, Kantian political theory, Western Christian theology, or North Indian classical music, the presence of modern secularity has been demonstrably complex (Asad 2003; Bakhle 2008; Blumenberg 1985; Connolly 1999; Navaro-Yashin 2002). My purpose in this essay is to further examine the intricacies of the modern secular, specifically its relation with what it deems “religious.” My focus will be Edward Said, whose paradigmatic engagement in secular, critical, and comparative inquiry makes his work an ideal place to investigate the modern apparition of the secular. It is widely acknowledged that Orientalism (1979) led to a profound transformation of entire fields of inquiry in the humanities and social sciences, and even the creation of new ones. Said's work as a practice of criticism has been instrumental in addressing the affinities between forms of knowledge and domination, especially in their colonial variety. However, studies of his writings have only recently begun to address the topic of modern secularism in his work, which will be at the center of this paper (e.g., Mufti 2004; Hart 2000; Anidjar 2006; Apter 2004; Robbins 1994; Gourgouris 2004).

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ASSAYAG, JACKIE. "Spectral Secularism: Religion, Politics and Democracy in India." European Journal of Sociology 44, no. 3 (December 2003): 325–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975603001310.

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Everyone invokes secularism in India. So the spectrum of secularism is very large. However, it is rather the spectral ideas of “majority” (hindus) and “minorities” (Muslims, Christians) conceived in demographic (rather than political) terms which characterizes the discussion of this question. The insistence of Hindu nationalists on emphasizing that they are the majority tend to blur the difference between Hindu identity and Indian identity, coextensive with the territory of India. This concept, moreover, serves them in their legitimating of the democratic system insofar as the arithmetical rule is a first principle of this political regime. In the name of a secularism founded on the idea of the greater number (and also the supposed ideal of immemorial Hindu tolerance) India must be governed in accordance with demographic fact defined in religious terms. One of the paradoxical consequence of this “majoritarianism” is the development of “majority minority complex” of the Hindus and the increasing hate and violence (against Muslims and Christians). Today, the Hindu nationalism programme effectively dominates public debate. Its partisans has succeeded in discriminating between “friends” and “foes”, those inside and those outside, those whom one holds dear and those whom one pillories on the basis of a real or imaginary menace weighing upon autochthony, culture, religion and race, and the national (state) sovereignty.

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Bader, Veit. "Constitutionalizing secularism, alternative secularisms or liberal-democratic constitutionalism?A critical reading of some Turkish, ECtHR and Indian Supreme Court cases on ‘secularism’." Utrecht Law Review 6, no. 3 (November 18, 2010): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/ulr.138.

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Hashim, Rosnani. "Secularism and Spirituality." American Journal of Islam and Society 24, no. 3 (July 1, 2007): 116–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v24i3.1531.

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This compilation provides a systematic overview of the development andchallenges of Islamic education in Singapore. After the introduction by NoorAishah and Lai Ah Eng, Chee Min Fui focuses on the historical evolution ofmadrasah education (chapter 1) and Mukhlis Abu Bakar highlights the tensionbetween the state’s interest and the citizens’ right to an Islamic education(chapter 2). In chapter 3, Noor Aishah elaborates on the fundamental problemof the madrasah’s attempt to lay the educational foundation of both traditionaland rational sciences. Azhar Ibrahim surveys madrasah reforms inIndonesia, Egypt, India, and Pakistan in chapter 4, while Afiza Hashim andLai Ah Eng narrate a case study of Madrasah Ma`arif in chapter 5. Tan TayKeong (chapter 6) examines the debate on the national policy of compulsoryeducation in the context of the madrasah, and Syed Farid Alatas (chapter 7)clarifies the concept of knowledge and Islam’s philosophy of education,which can be used to assess contemporary madrasah education.Formal madrasah education in Singapore began with the establishmentof Madrasah Iqbal in 1908, which drew inspiration from Egypt’sreformist movement. This madrasah was a departure from traditionalIslamic education, which was informal and focused only on the traditionalsciences and Arabic. The madrasah’s importance and popularity in Singaporewas attested to by the fact that at one point, Madrasah al-Junied was“the school of choice for students from the Malay states, Indonesia and thePhilippines” (p. 10). After the Second World War, there were about 50-60such schools, mostly primary, with about 6,000 students using Malay asthe medium of instruction. The number declined with the introduction ofMalay-language secondary schools in the 1960s ...

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Shankar, Shylashri. "SECULARITY AND HINDUISM’S IMAGINARIES IN INDIA." Soft Power 01, no. 02 (July 2015): 62–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17450/140204.

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Rath, Prabhash Narayana. "Secularism and Pluralistic Democracy in India." Artha Vijnana: Journal of The Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics 56, no. 3 (September 1, 2014): 421. http://dx.doi.org/10.21648/arthavij/2014/v56/i3/111197.

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Selvanayagam, Israel. "Indian Secularism: Prospect and Problem." Implicit Religion 15, no. 3 (October 1, 2012): 357–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/imre.v15i3.357.

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30

Upadhyaya, Prakash Chandra. "The Politics of Indian Secularism." Modern Asian Studies 26, no. 4 (October 1992): 815–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00010088.

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Indian newspapers and academic journals assault their readers with stories of large-scale communal violence and of the communalization of India's political institutions. These stories are frequently accompanied by pious editorials which enact the well-known Indian ritual of paying lip-service to the concept of ‘secularism’. Secularism is one question on which intellectuals have made common cause with social workers and politicians, joining them in meetings and seminars, even participating in the peace marches which are commonly organized in the aftermath of communal riots. There have even been occasions in which individuals who are known to have been involved, directly or otherwise, in communal battles, have participated in these rites of secularism.

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Sikka, Sonia. "The Perils of Indian Secularism." Constellations 19, no. 2 (June 2012): 288–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8675.2012.00684.x.

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Govil, Manish Kumar. "Defining Secularism: The Indian Experience." Indian Journal of Public Administration 62, no. 2 (April 2016): 249–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556120160203.

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Ganguly, Sumit. "The Crisis of Indian Secularism." Journal of Democracy 14, no. 4 (2003): 11–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2003.0076.

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Shah, Prakash. "Secularism's threat to tradition: A reading of Europe, India and the Limits of Secularism." Sikh Formations 15, no. 3-4 (February 11, 2019): 468–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448727.2019.1565309.

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Gould, William. "Congress Radicals and Hindu Militancy: Sampurnanand and Purushottam Das Tandon in the Politics of the United Provinces, 1930–1947." Modern Asian Studies 36, no. 3 (July 2002): 619–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x02003049.

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A recent trend in the historiography of north India has involved analyses of ‘Hindu nationalist’ motifs and ideologies within both mainstream nationalist discourses and subaltern politics. A dense corpus of work has attempted to provide historical explanations for the rise of Hindutva in the subcontinent, and a great deal of debate has surrounded the implications of this development for the fate of secularism in India. Some of this research has examined the wider implications of Hindutva for the Indian state, democracy and civil society and in the process has highlighted, to some degree, the relationship between Hindu nationalism and ‘mainstream’ Indian nationalism. Necessarily, this has involved discussion of the ways in which the Congress, as the predominant vehicle of ‘secular nationalism’ in India, has attempted to contest or accommodate the forces of Hindu nationalist revival and Hindutva. By far the most interesting and illuminating aspect of this research has been the suggestion that Hindu nationalism, operating as an ideology, has manifested itself not only in the institutions of the right-wing Sangh Parivar but has been accommodated, often paradoxically, within political parties and civil institutions hitherto associated with the forces of secularism. An investigation of this phenomenon opens up new possibilities for research into the nature of Hindu nationalism itself, and presents new questions about the ambivalent place of religious politics in institutions such as the Indian National Congress.

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Kapur, Ratna. "GENDER AND THE “FAITH” IN LAW: EQUALITY, SECULARISM, AND THE RISE OF THE HINDU NATION." Journal of Law and Religion 35, no. 3 (December 2020): 407–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlr.2020.42.

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AbstractThis article analyzes how concepts of gender, gender equality, and secularism have been addressed by the higher judiciary in India in cases dealing with matters of religion. The discussion focuses on three landmark decisions of the Indian Supreme Court on gender equality. The cases involve challenges to discriminatory religious practices that target women in the Muslim-minority and Hindu-majority communities. In each case, gender equality is taken up in relation to religion in ways that produce several outcomes for women that are problematic rather than ones that are unequivocally progressive or transformative. The judicial reasoning in each case resonates with the Hindu Right's approach to gender, gender equality, and secularism. Each concept is used to advance the Hindu Right's majoritarian and ideological agenda, which seeks to establish India as a virile “Hindu” nation. Ironically, interventions by progressive groups, including feminist and human rights advocates opposed to the Hindu Right's makeover of the Indian nation, have not proved to be disruptive of gender norms; nor have they pushed back the tides of Hindu (male) majoritarianism that are increasingly determining the terms of engagement on issues of gender and faith in law.

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Sontakke, Atharva. "Book review: Abhinav Chandrachud, Republic of Religion: The Rise and Fall of Colonial Secularism in India." South Asia Research 41, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 134–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0262728020967479.

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Dr. Anand Chauhan. "Secularism versus religious fanaticism: A Constitutional Challenge." Legal Research Development an International Refereed e-Journal 5, no. III (August 3, 2021): 07–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.53724/lrd/v5n3.03.

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Abstract: The caste and the religious animosity among the people of India that are being instigated by some with ulterior motive resulted in the loss of many precious lives. The data on such religious violence shows a very annoying. In five year period from 2005 to 2009 in the states of Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Orissa alone contributed 64% of deaths from communal violence in India. Among this violence, the highest rate of death registered in Madhya Pradesh, at 0.14 deaths per lakh people. It has become a formidable challenge for the law makers and implementing agencies to manage the religious fanatism in India.

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Kłodkowski, Piotr. "Socjalizm, świeckość, wolny rynek i hindutwa. Indyjska narracja o państwie i jego ideologii w perspektywie historycznej." Sprawy Międzynarodowe 72, no. 3 (September 27, 2019): 91–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2019.72.3.04.

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The Republic of India, as probably the most culturally and religiously diverse country in the world, has built a very unique socio-political system which is based on cross-cultural compromises between various communities. The ideological foundations of secularism and socialist development were implemented by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. For almost half a century, they symbolised the identity of the state and constituted the essential elements of every official narrative by the Indian National Congress. Nehru was also the maker of India’s main foreign policy vectors, which were generally approved by subsequent governments. Although the ideology of socialist development was eventually replaced with a free market economy, the concept of secularism remained relevant in the public sphere. The author presents the gradual process of socio-economic transformation and describes the international context of building the image of the country in the 20th century. With the Bharatiya Janata Party coming to power in 2014, the old philosophy of Nehruvian secularism is gradually being undermined by the followers of Hindutva, Hindu fundamentalists. The author analyses the three-layered narratives constructed by the ruling coalition and widely promoted both at home and abroad. The third layer, being most radical, is directed against the Muslim community which is the biggest religious minority in India. The Hindutva ideology, although not always clearly postulated by the current government, may contribute to communal polarisations and the eruption of interfaith violence in the years to come.

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Pardesi, Manjeet S., and Jennifer L. Oetken. "Secularism, Democracy, and Hindu Nationalism in India." Asian Security 4, no. 1 (January 23, 2008): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14799850701783148.

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Latré, Stijn. "Europe, India, and the Limits of Secularism." Politics, Religion & Ideology 17, no. 2-3 (July 2, 2016): 323–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2016.1234759.

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Bhambhri, C. P. "Indian State, Social Classes and Secularism." Social Scientist 22, no. 5/6 (May 1994): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3517902.

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George, Kenneth M. "The Art of Secularism: The Cultural Politics of Modernist Art in Contemporary India (Zitzewitz)." Museum Anthropology Review 9, no. 1-2 (February 11, 2015): 146–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.14434/mar.v9i1-2.13634.

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Sebastian, J. Jayakiran. "BELIEVING AND BELONGING: SECULARISM AND RELIGION IN INDIA." International Review of Mission 92, no. 365 (April 2003): 204–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1758-6631.2003.tb00396.x.

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Krishna, Sankaran. "Methodical Worlds: Partition, Secularism, and Communalism in India." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 27, no. 2 (April 2002): 193–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030437540202700204.

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Basu, Amrita. "Whither Democracy, Secularism, and Minority Rights in India?" Review of Faith & International Affairs 16, no. 4 (October 2, 2018): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2018.1535035.

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Nagpaul, Hans. "Secularism in India: Unresolved conflicts and persistent problems." International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society 2, no. 2 (December 1988): 201–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01387980.

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Sen, Ragini, and Wolfgang Wagner. "Gandhi, secularism and social capital in modern India." Psychological Studies 54, no. 2 (May 26, 2009): 133–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12646-009-0016-3.

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Copley, Antony. "Indian secularism reconsidered: From Gandhi to Ayodhya." Contemporary South Asia 2, no. 1 (January 1993): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584939308719702.

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Patnaik, Arun K., and Prithvi Ram Mudiam. "Indian secularism, dialogue and the Ayodhya dispute." Religion, State and Society 42, no. 4 (October 2, 2014): 374–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2014.983038.

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