Journal articles: 'Securitisation of Migration'

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Jaskulowski, Krzysztof. "The securitisation of migration: Its limits and consequences." International Political Science Review 40, no. 5 (November 26, 2018): 710–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512118799755.

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For several years, receiving-country states have increasingly defined immigration as a security issue. This article reviews five recent books that analyse the securitisation of migration from different perspectives. The reviewed books address the securitisation of borders, refugees and their protection, and the consequences of securitisation for migrant minorities. All five books offer a valuable contribution to the literature and expand our knowledge. They fill gaps in existing knowledge, review and systematise the literature, and set new directions for future research. They also convincingly demonstrate the dangers and ambivalence of securitisation politics, including thousands of migrants’ deaths and difficulties with migrant integration. They provoke the reader to think about alternatives to securitisation.

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Korkut, Umut, Andrea Terlizzi, and Daniel Gyollai. "Migration controls in Italy and Hungary." Journal of Language and Politics 19, no. 3 (April 7, 2020): 391–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.19092.kor.

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Abstract This article analyses the humanitarianism and securitisation nexus in effect to migration controls in Italy and Hungary. Noteworthy for our purposes is how the humanitarian discourse is undervalued as the EU border states emphasise either full securitisation or else securitisation as a condition for humanitarianism when it comes to border management and refugee protection measures. Our goal is to trace, on the one hand, how politicians conceptualise humanitarianism for the self and for the extension of the self; and, on the other, how they subscribe to humanitarianism for the other as long as the other follows what the self demands. Reflecting on the institutional and discursive nexus of humanitarianism and securitization in effect to migration controls, we trace political narratives of Europeanisation geared to affect the public. We refer to how securitisation challenges humanitarianism while undervaluing human rights for the other and foregrounding human rights for the self.

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Krotký, Jan. "When Migration Unites Political Parties: The Securitisation of Migration in Czech Party Manifestos." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 26, no. 3 (2019): 181–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2019-3-181.

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Prina, Federica. "Constructing Ethnic Diversity as a Security Threat: What it Means to Russia’s Minorities." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 28, no. 1 (November 26, 2021): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10002.

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This article analyses the Russian government’s securitisation of inter-ethnic relations, and national minorities’ responses to such processes. While Russia’s securitising dynamics have been linked to threats associated with ethnic groups (perceived as) culturally distant from the Russian majority (such as non-Slavic and Muslim minorities), this article argues that securitisation can affect all of Russia’s national minorities (including Slavic and well-integrated communities). Through the analysis of the securitisation of three, partly converging, spheres of domestic politics (civil society, migration, and minority issues) the article highlights forms of (in)security impacting upon national minorities with reference to their experience of securitisation and format of their civic engagement. The article contributes to research exploring the relationship between security and minority studies, through a bottom-up perspective focusing on national minorities’ experience of securitisation. It employs empirical data based on semi-structured interviews with minority representatives held in 2015–2016 in six locations in the Russian Federation.

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Hargitai, Tibor. "Grotius and migration: non-securitisation in the Netherlands." Corvinus Journal of International Affairs 2, no. 4 (2017): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.14267/cojourn.2017v2n4a2.

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Hintjens, Helen. "Failed Securitisation Moves during the 2015 ‘Migration Crisis’." International Migration 57, no. 4 (May 15, 2019): 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/imig.12588.

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Rüland, Jürgen. "The ASEAN Economic Community and National Sovereignty." European Journal of East Asian Studies 16, no. 2 (2017): 193–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-01602004.

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The article examines whether, and how far, the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) has triggered a discourse on labour migration in ASEAN member countries which exhibits a tendency towards securitising the free flow of labour. It begins with the observation that fears linger in ASEAN’s member countries that market liberalisation may not only lead to a flooding with imported goods, but also intensify intra-regional labour migration. The ushering in of the AEC can thus be considered a critical juncture facilitating ideational changes and so exacerbating labour migration politicisation. Resting on the Copenhagen School’s securitisation theory and a discourse analysis of 72 newspaper articles, and based on a taxonomy of politicisation, the article’s major findings are that the level of politicisation is limited in the four countries under investigation. Surprisingly, it is higher in Indonesia than in Singapore and Malaysia where securitisation effects would have been expected. Explanations suggest that issues such as terrorism and maritime border concerns are currently more conducive for securitisation. In Indonesia and Singapore, the level of politicising post-AEC labour migration is higher than in Malaysia and the Philippines due to deeply inculcated vulnerability and survival discourses, which let elites respond seismically to global and regional developments.

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Noda, Orion Siufi. "London walling: the securitisation of migration in the United Kingdom." Conjuntura internacional 15, no. 1 (August 16, 2018): 13–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.1809-6182.2018v15n1p13.

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Noda, Orion Siufi. "London walling: the securitisation of migration in the United Kingdom." Conjuntura internacional 15, no. 1 (August 16, 2018): 13–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.1809-6182.2018v15n1p13-22.

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Thorleifsson, Cathrine. "Disposable strangers: far-right securitisation of forced migration in Hungary." Social Anthropology 25, no. 3 (August 2017): 318–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1469-8676.12420.

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Klaus, Witold, and Monika Szulecka. "Extending the net: from securitisation to civicisation of migration control." Crime Prevention and Community Safety 23, no. 2 (April 10, 2021): 213–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41300-021-00114-0.

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Nauman, Sari. "Securitisation of space and time." Journal of the British Academy 9s4 (2021): 13–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/jba/009s4.013.

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This article introduces the concept of securitisation for early modern studies. It identifies security studies� implicit state-centric approach as one of the main culprits for early modern scholars� hesitance to use the concept and argues that, for historians, there is a twofold problem with placing the state at the centre of research. The problem pertains to how scholars have dealt with the interactions between time and space when approaching the state. First, the definition of state is space- and time-centred; it is built to accommodate the system of 19th- and 20th-century Europe, with the idea of the sovereign state at its centre. To fit the early modern period, we need to acknowledge the role of other entities and varieties in securitisation processes. Second, the concept of the state needs to be problematised by acknowledging the changing nature of its space�that is, by temporalising its spatiality. The second part of the text focuses on two interconnected areas especially prone to securitisation, where historians have much to offer those studying securitisation processes: migration and border making. Questions of how to control the future and how to secure it are most often translated into a spatial problem: as long as the border is secure, change will not enter. By focusing on local responses to perceived security threats and studying the effects that measures taken had on local communities, historians can seek not only to understand the underlying assumptions made about the future by our objects of investigation, but also to gain considerable insight into de-securitisation processes.

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Lonardo, Luigi. "Common Foreign and Security Policy and the EU’s external action objectives: an analysis of Article 21 of the Treaty on the European Union." European Constitutional Law Review 14, no. 3 (September 2018): 584–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019618000329.

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Boundaries within EU policies – Common Foreign and Security Policy – EU external relations – Management of boundaries – Institutional interpretation – External action objectives – Linking policies to objectives – Restrictive measures – Area of Freedom Security and Justice – Securitisation of migration – Energy policy – Development – Multilateral diplomacy – Global strategy

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EWERS, MICHAEL C., and JOSEPH M. LEWIS. "RISK AND THE SECURITISATION OF STUDENT MIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES." Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie 99, no. 4 (September 2008): 470–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9663.2008.00474.x.

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Bello, Valeria. "The securitisation of migration in the EU: debates since 9/11." Global Affairs 2, no. 2 (March 14, 2016): 233–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23340460.2016.1168090.

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Parsons, Laurie. "Climate migration and the UK." Journal of the British Academy 9 (2021): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/jba/009.003.

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This article discusses the relationship between climate change and migration in the context of the UK. After a brief overview of climate migration scholarship, it examines the framing of climate migration as a crisis in UK policy discourse, highlighting the disjuncture between policy and academic scholarship in this respect. Subsequently, it examines the reasons for this schism, exploring both the framing of climate migration within the UK media landscape and the securitisation of the topic within UK government policy. Finally, the article explores how the UK�s political landscape undergirds the political logic of climate finance, emphasising the role of British domestic politics in shaping the boundaries and direction of climate change as it manifests in governance. The article closes by exploring potential new directions in UK climate migration policy.

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Tudoroiu, Theodor. "Transit Migration and “Valve States”." Southeastern Europe 41, no. 3 (November 14, 2017): 302–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04103002.

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This article introduces the concept of a “valve” state as an instrument in the study of transit migration. A “valve” state is defined as a transit state that, due to its geographical position, to a specific regional political and geopolitical configuration and to key changes in its migration control policies, can play a decisive role in significantly shaping regional transit migratory flows. The case study of the 2015 Balkan migratory wave is used to show that this phenomenon was triggered by policy changes in two “valve” states, Greece and Macedonia, that challenged the externalisation and securitisation policies of the European Union. Developments in the first part of 2016 are also taken into consideration in order to show the role of “valve” states in putting an end to the migratory wave. Critically, this was due to the creation of a new “valve” state, Turkey, as part of Brussels’ regime of influence.

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Tatalovic, Sinisa, and Dario Malnar. "Migration and refugee crisis in Europe: States on the Balkan route between securitisation and humanitarianism." Medjunarodni problemi 68, no. 4 (2016): 285–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1604285t.

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During 2015, Europe was faced with the migration crisis, which was the consequence of the peak of the perennial migration movements from Africa and Asia, primarily towards the EU member states. Along with the unprecedented number of migrants, the distinctive feature of migration movements was a redirection of the migration route towards the so-called Balkan migration route. Such a dynamic and the direction of movements presented the challenge for the EU and transit countries of Southeastern and Central Europe, which required sustainable solutions in the scope of crisis management. The paper analyzes factors that affected the high increase in the movement of migrants towards the EU member states, primarily into Germany, as well as those that contributed to the opening of the Balkan route, which extended from Greece through Austria towards the other Western European states. Additionally, the paper discusses different actions taken by states affected by the crisis, which were in the span from the humanitarian approach to the securitization. The authors note that domestic and foreign policy goals usually determined different approaches, while sustainability of the approach directly correlated with the ability of the receiving countries to accept migrants. The analysis shows that the only sustainable solution is the one that is based on the factors affecting the migration movements. This applies equally to the migration policies of the emissive, the receiving as well as transit countries.

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Diez, Thomas, and Vicki Squire. "Traditions of citizenship and the securitisation of migration in Germany and Britain." Citizenship Studies 12, no. 6 (December 2008): 565–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13621020802450643.

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Boixiere, Fleur. "From the securitisation of migration to the criminalisation of solidarity towards migrants." Crimmigratie & Recht 4, no. 1 (May 2020): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/cenr/254292482020004001003.

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Anton, Donald K. "Climate Migration and Security: Securitisation as a Strategy in Climate Change Politics." International Journal of Refugee Law 30, no. 2 (June 2018): 403–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijrl/eey029.

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Horvath, Kenneth. "Securitisation, economisation and the political constitution of temporary migration: the making of the Austrian seasonal workers scheme." Migration Letters 11, no. 2 (May 4, 2014): 154–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v11i2.235.

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Temporary migration has recently received considerable attention from migration researchers. This article shifts the analytic focus from migration practices to migration politics and enquires into the logics and processes underlying the formulation of temporary migration programmes. Based on Foucault’s analysis of liberal governmentality and Jessop’s strategic-relational approach, it is argued that the governing of temporary labour migration by nation-states requires sophisticated political technologies. These technologies entail the differentiated deprivation of fundamental rights and are therefore neither unproblematic nor self-evident. Developing and establishing the necessary legal categorisations along skill levels, nationality, employment status, and so on, requires a complex interplay of two political rationalities that are often conceived of as contradictory: the securitisation and the economisation of migration. Once established, differentiations and measures introduced under securitised conditions can be invested in utilitarian migration policies. The interplay of these two rationalities depends on and is mediated by wider political-economic and societal transformation processes. This general argument is illustrated by the example of the Austrian Seasonal Worker Scheme, which shows significant parallels to policies introduced in other nation-states over the past two decades.

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Amelina, Anna, and Kenneth Horvath. "Regimes of Intersection: Facing the Manifold Interplays of Discourses, Institutions, and Inequalities in the Regulation of Migration." Migration Letters 17, no. 4 (July 30, 2020): 487–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v17i4.710.

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This article proposes to move towards an intersectional regime perspectives to enhance our understanding of the interrelations of borders, boundaries, and inequalities in migration contexts. It addresses a conspicuous mismatch in current research: While the contingencies and context-dependencies of migration regimes are widely acknowledged, little attention has been paid to the actual interwoven mechanisms and processes that link political orders to social formations. We suggest amending already existing analyses of intersectional effects of migration-related ‘lines of oppression’ in two regards. First, we argue for focusing on the intersectional dynamics of political rationalities that give rise to boundaries and borders (the securitisation, the economisation, and the humanitarianisation of migration). Second, we highlight the need to investigate the intersections between different fields of practice involved in the implementation and enactment of boundaries and borders. We conclude by identifying key challenges and promises of an intersectional regime perspective for migration research.

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Léonard, Sarah. "EU border security and migration into the European Union: FRONTEX and securitisation through practices." European Security 19, no. 2 (June 2010): 231–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2010.526937.

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Scheel, Stephan. "Autonomy of Migration Despite Its Securitisation? Facing the Terms and Conditions of Biometric Rebordering." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 41, no. 3 (April 29, 2013): 575–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0305829813484186.

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Nagy, Veronika. "The Janus face of precarity – Securitisation of Roma mobility in the UK." Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit 33, no. 2 (March 2018): 127–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269094218764117.

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Technological developments and the free movement of people within the EU have enabled Member States to implement new geopolitical control measures to increase migration control and social sorting of undesired migrant groups. As part of a securitisation process, these measures are often expanded upon and justified in terms of economic threat that aims to restrain ‘opportunist Central East European migrants’, who are associated with welfare dependence and cheap labour. Although unemployed Roma migrants are exposed to social exclusion due to the stigma of ‘benefit shoppers’, this paper explores how current neoliberal labour market structures facilitate new securitisation processes and fuel the precarity of Roma, even if they are employed in the host country. Based on a multi-sited ethnography completed in The United Kingdom, it will be illustrated how communitarianism of Member States stratifies the moral values of migrants’ labour in a manner that defines the preconditions of social inclusion of newcomers in host societies. In short, this paper argues that even for migrants who are not welfare dependent and who are self-sustaining, their social inclusion is defined by engagement in the sort of labour that is culturally acknowledged by the host society.

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Ahmed, Islam. "Migration and security: in search of reconciliation." Migration Letters 14, no. 3 (September 6, 2017): 371–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v14i3.350.

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In this paper a case is made for the necessity of an inter-disciplinary treatment of the migration phenomenon. The paper addresses the relation between migration and security from a reconciliatory perspective after a brief analysis of the migration-security nexus and how migration got securitised. Based on the Foucauldian notion of biopolitics, one can argue that what contributes heavily to the securitisation of migration is the emergence of biopower and biopolitics which are primarily concerned with the control over lives of the population within a given territory. This makes states and societies consider migration as a matter that should be under control, since it is related to the hygiene of the population and nationals of a given state. I, therefore, discuss the EU and other European countries’ policies regarding migration and how biopolitics have influenced securitising the EU’s migration policies. The main argument is that migration can, and should, be treated as an advantage rather than a threat, though it does not deny the security concerns that alway accompany such social phenomenon. The impact of culture and history on migration policies, and how identity politics shape a given country’s policies are discussed. Perceiving migration as either a threat or an opportunity, the way in which a country perceives migrants shapes its migration policies, whether restrictive or multiculturally-tolerant.

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Ilgit, Asli, and Audie Klotz. "Refugee rights or refugees as threats? Germany’s new Asylum policy." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 20, no. 3 (June 6, 2018): 613–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118778958.

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On-going Mediterranean migration highlights serious tensions over asylum policy in Germany, among European Union members, and with neighbouring states. Yet commentaries thus far lack a clear understanding of these complex dynamics and their policy implications, because each typically relies on only one of two analytically distinct frameworks: either refugee rights or refugees as threats. Instead, we integrate these frameworks. Specifically, we juxtapose securitisation theory with the coalition literature from migration studies in order to analyse societal contestation in Germany’s responses to the Syrian refugee crisis. We conclude that, despite tactical political shifts, Germany’s commitment to rights remains fundamental because of a resilient coalition of political parties, economic actors, and rights advocates. Insights about Germany, the country arguably most responsible for pushing a common European Union approach to refugees, also help us understand better regional dynamics.

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Spijkerboer, Thomas. "The Global Mobility Infrastructure: Reconceptualising the Externalisation of Migration Control." European Journal of Migration and Law 20, no. 4 (November 29, 2018): 452–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718166-12340038.

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Abstract Since the end of the Cold War, migration law and policy of the global North has been characterised by externalisation, privatisation and securitisation. These developments have been conceptualised as denying access to migrants and as politics of non-entrée. This article proposes to broaden the analysis, and to analyse unwanted migration as merely one form of international human mobility by relying on the concept of the global mobility infrastructure. The global mobility infrastructure consists of the physical structures, services and laws that enable some people to move across the globe with high speed, low risk, and at low cost. People who have no access to it travel slowly, with high risk and at high cost. Within the global mobility infrastructure, travellers benefit from advanced forms of international law. For the excluded, international law reflects and embodies their exclusion before, during and after their travel to the global North. Exclusion is based on nationality, race, class and gender. The notion of the global mobility infrastructure allows for questioning the way in which international law reproduces these forms of stratification.

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Korac, Maja. "Gendered and Racialised Border Security: Displaced People and the Politics of Fear." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 9, no. 3 (August 5, 2020): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v9i3.1590.

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This article examines the dynamics of constructing current migration from the so-called Global South in ‘risk’, ‘crisis’ and ‘fear’ terms that translate into xenophobic, racialised and gendered processes of ‘othering’ people who are displaced. This is done within the framework of a ‘coloniality of power’ (Quijano 2000b) perspective, understood as the ‘colonial power matrix’ (Grosfoguel 2011). This is how the location from which the current racialised and gendered politics of fear is being constructed. The notion of racialised security leads to racialised masculinity of the ‘Other’, while stigmatising migrant men. These colonial narratives that have created ‘knowledge’ about other masculinities have been invoked and re-articulated within the current racialised processes of securitisation of migration. They have supported construction of the sexual assault of ‘our’ women as the public security concern. Consequently, racially marked rape becomes an important part of State security, linked to national territory and border control.

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Tungul, Lucie. "The Turkish Community in the Czech Republic: A Diaspora in the Making?" Politics in Central Europe 16, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 499–523. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0025.

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AbstractMigration is a relatively new phenomenon in the Czech Republic, which has gradually become a destination country. The securitisation and politicisation of migration in the Czech domestic discourse has created a great deal of public anxiety, especially towards Muslims. This paper focuses on the position of Turkish migrants, the single largest Muslim community in the Czech Republic, in the specific context of the Czech Republic. The objective is to define the nature of Turkish migration to the Czech Republic as part of broader migration patterns. Using data from the Czech Statistical Office and from a questionnaire survey, it investigates the Turkish community’s assessment of adaptation to the Czech environment and their position within the wider Turkish dias-pora policy. I argue that that the non-transparent Czech immigration policy and Czech Islamophobia are potential factors influencing the adaptation process of the Turkish community, which might affect their decision to remain in the country. Furthermore, the small size of the Turkish community can hamper the migrants’ social life, who might wish to maintain strong ties with the homeland and the diaspora community in Europe.

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Galemba, Rebecca B. "‘He used to be aPollero’ the securitisation of migration and the smuggler/migrant nexus at the Mexico-Guatemala border." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 44, no. 5 (May 24, 2017): 870–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.2017.1327803.

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Teloni, Dimitra-Dora, and Regina Mantanika. "'This is a cage for migrants': the rise of racism and the challenges for social work in the Greek context." Critical and Radical Social Work 3, no. 2 (August 20, 2015): 189–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204986015x14332581741051.

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Greece has been an emblematic case for the European Union's implementation of anti-immigration securitisation and externalisation. These policies have been translated into non-tolerance and intimidation towards certain populations, which, in turn, has resulted in more and more violent forms of the rejection of migration, which has become mainstream. Parallel to this are racist attacks, pogroms and acts of violence committed by neo-Nazi groups. On the other hand, a growing anti-racist movement has emerged in the form of human rights defence and solidarity networks and anti-racist resistance. This article aims to show the ways in which the rise of situations of rejection and racism have come to challenge the work of social workers and to understand how social work can be rearticulated with regard to its core values of social change and social justice, the antithesis of the profession's traditional 'neutrality' and 'culture of silence'.

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Holzberg, Billy. "‘Wir schaffen das’: Hope and hospitality beyond the humanitarian border." Journal of Sociology 57, no. 3 (February 25, 2021): 743–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783321991659.

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This article examines how hope for a different culture of hospitality has been articulated during the long summer of migration of 2015 in Germany by juxtaposing Angela Merkel’s ‘Wir schaffen das’ speeches with the cross-border migrant March of Hope. The article suggests that while Merkel’s rhetoric opens the horizon to a more hospitable Europe, her policies of humanitarian securitisation ultimately redistribute hope away from migrants and towards a German nation imagined to be in need of protection from them. Subsequently, the article turns to the March of Hope to see how the gesture of hospitality embedded in Merkel’s rhetoric was reinterpreted and resisted. It shows that cross-border marches reveal affective infrastructures of care and hospitality that extend beyond the humanitarian border enacted by the state. These infrastructures provide the space for intimate negotiations of citizenship in which the relationality of social life is not framed through the racialised emergency logics of biopolitical control.

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Sajjad, Tazreena. "What’s in a name? ‘Refugees’, ‘migrants’ and the politics of labelling." Race & Class 60, no. 2 (August 30, 2018): 40–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396818793582.

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Through a critical examination of European immigration policy and using the case of Afghan asylum seekers in the European continent, this article argues that the politics of labelling and the criminalisation and securitisation of migration undermine the protection framework for the globally displaced. However, the issue goes deeper than state politicking to circumvent responsibilities under international law. The construction of migrants as victims at best, and as cultural and security threats at worst, particularly in the case of Muslim refugees, not only assists in their dehumanisation, it also legitimises actions taken against them through the perpetuation of a particular discourse on the European Self and the non-European Other. At one level, such a dynamic underscores the long-standing struggle of Europe to articulate its identity within the economic, demographic and cultural anxieties produced by the dynamics of globalisation. At another, these existing constructions, which hierarchise ‘worthiness’, are limited in their reflection of the complex realities that force people to seek refuge. Simultaneously, the labels, and the discourse of which they are part, make it possible for Europe to deny asylum claims and expedite deportations while being globally accepted as a human rights champion. This process also makes it possible for Europe to categorise turbulent contexts such as Afghanistan as a ‘safe country’, even at a time when the global refugee protection regime demands creative expansion. Ultimately, the politics of European migration policy illustrates the evolution of European Orientalist discourse – utilised in the past to legitimise colonisation and domination, now used to legitimise incarceration and deportation.

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Hodge, Paul. "#LetThemStay#BringThemHere: Embodied politics, asylum seeking, and performativities of protest opposing Australia’s Operation Sovereign Borders." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 37, no. 3 (July 19, 2018): 386–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654418788868.

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The body is the object of border protection. Yet the body remains largely outside reigning notions of the political in debates on bordering practices and challenges to it. Exploring what bodies do in their performativity as they negotiate and resist the securitisation of forced migration can open up new ways of understanding the disruptive potential of the body. In this paper, I draw on Judith Butler’s seminal work on contingency and norms of existence, along with her musings on forms of assembly, and recent feminist scholarship on social movements, to think through what the #LetThemStay and #BringThemHere protests in Australia might signal as advocates for those seeking asylum put their bodies on the line to disrupt the federal government’s border protection policy – Operation Sovereign Borders. While people seeking asylum themselves are at the bodily forefront of opposition and resistance – their bodies and bodily tactics negotiating border enforcement technologies – it is the bodily performativities of advocates for those seeking asylum that are the focus of this paper. The paper describes the way linguistic and bodily performativity coalesce in these performativities of protest as advocates embody the sociality being asserted. By making explicit the embodied politics at play in these forms of assembly, I explore the transformative potential of the body in its myriad capacities adding to long-standing feminist calls for a ‘corporeal geopolitics’ in political geography, one that centres the already existing politics of bodies.

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Unruh, Jon, Matthew Pritchard, Emily Savage, Chris Wade, Priya Nair, Ammar Adenwala, Lowan Lee, Max Malloy, Irmak Taner, and Mads Frilander. "Linkages Between Large-scale Infrastructure Development and Conflict Dynamics in East Africa." Journal of Infrastructure Development 11, no. 1-2 (June 2019): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974930619872082.

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With the rapid increase in the number of mega-infrastructure projects underway across East Africa, how the social, economic, political and environmental repercussions of these projects intersect with ongoing conflict dynamics is a poorly understood topic. Although recent interest in large-scale land acquisitions has led to a number of detailed investigations into specific projects and trends, there has not yet been a broad, systematic review of how large-scale infrastructure developments in East Africa interact with previous, ongoing and potential conflict in their areas of operation. The objective of this article is to report on an analysis of 26 mega-infrastructure projects across Kenya, Tanzania, Ethiopia and Uganda, with an explicit focus on the common tension points that contribute to security dynamics. The methodology used involved two composite indicators of risk—a conflict risk score and a project impact score. The study found seven common tensions across all projects: in-migration, population displacement and relocation, a negative history of community relations with previous or follow-on developments, land rights, securitisation, environmental degradation and expectations of the local population relative to benefits delivered by the project. The study recommends increased attention on prior assessments that focus on the broader and more interconnected impacts in addition to those confined to the immediate project location, as well as in-depth examination of possible mitigation measures. JEL Classification: O1, O2, Q2, Q3, Q4, R1, R4

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Szalai, András, and Ákos Kopper. "Translating Security across Borders: Staging the Migration Crisis in Hungary and Transylvania." Millennium: Journal of International Studies, August 16, 2020, 030582982093707. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0305829820937071.

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This article highlights the synergies between securitisation theory and the empirically rich literature on crossborder kin-state policies by underlining the unique dilemmas the logic of security brings to the fore in the transborder setting. Doing so, the article critically engages securitisation theory by focusing on two of its underdeveloped aspects: first, the concept’s relevance for non-liberal settings where securitisation can serve multiple goals other than justifying emergency measures; and second, how securitisation can unfold in a trans-border context and thereby disrupt the Westphalian notion of the unity of state, society and sovereignty. The way Hungary’s illiberal regime exported the securitisation of migration to its kin-minority in Transylvania provides the empirical backdrop for the article. Transylvania is neither a target nor a transit region; nevertheless, the securitising narrative resonated with ethnic Hungarians. To account for this resonance, the article relies on the concept of translation to show how local audiences in Transylvania reconstructed the exported meaning of security to suit their own identity, partly by linking it to their historical experiences – even turning it into banal everyday performances – and partly by seeing it as an opportunity to enact national unity and to demonstrate their loyalty to the securitising actor in Budapest, across the border.

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Stivas, Dionysios. "Securitisation of Migration at the EU level after Paris’ Attacks: The Response of the European Public." Australian and New Zealand Journal of European Studies 11, no. 1 (February 7, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.30722/anzjes.vol11.iss1.15208.

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By applying the Copenhagen School’s securitisation theory, this paper assesses the extent to which immigration has been securitised at the EU level after the 2015 Paris attacks. It is doing so by not only examining the presence of the securitisation actors and the security speech acts, as is commonly done in the current securitisation literature, but also by analysing from a legal point of view, two emergency measures implemented by the EU to deal with the migration crisis. Most importantly, this paper investigates the response of the European public to the securitisation moves and highlights that this aspect of the Copenhagen School’s analytical framework has been not only undertheorised but also understudied.

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Paterson, Ian, and Georgios Karyotis. "‘We are, by nature, a tolerant people’: Securitisation and counter-securitisation in UK migration politics." International Relations, October 20, 2020, 004711782096704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117820967049.

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The ‘securitisation’ of migration is argued to rest on a process of framing migrants as a threat to key values, principally identity. Yet, the socially constructed nature of ‘identity’ implies the potential for dual usage: support and contestation of the security frame. Using the UK as an illustrative case, this overlooked dynamic is explored through mixed-methods, incorporating elite political and religious discourse (2005–2015) and original public attitudinal survey evidence. The discourse analysis reveals that the preservation of an imperilled British identity (‘tolerance’) is a frame invoked, in different ways and by different actors, to either support or contest the securitisation of migration. Similarly, British citizens who deeply value the preservation of ‘Britishness’ have diverse, positive and negative views on migration, challenging the notion that identity as a referent object is deterministically linked to anti-immigration attitudes. The innovative concept of ‘counter-securitisation’ is utilised and developed, unpicking these nuances and their implications.

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Jaroszewicz, Marta, and Jan Grzymski. "Technocracy Revisited: the Polish Security Dispositif and Ukrainian Migration to Poland." Journal of Contemporary European Research 17, no. 2 (May 18, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v17i2.1215.

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The article investigates the reaction of the Polish technocratic security dispositif to the arrival of Ukrainian migrants in Poland between 2014-2020. It contributes to the studies on securitisation and on technocracy by proposing to re-conceptualise research on the security practices towards migration, drawing upon the notions of a security dispositif and regime of practices. It is exemplified by migration from Ukraine to Poland. The paper distinguishes three regimes of practices within Polish migration control: state ignorance, technocratic governance and neighbourhood. Contrary to most securitisation practices on migration to the European Union from the South, there have been very few populist ‘speech acts’ by Polish political agents that would have positioned the migration from Ukraine as an existential threat. The article concludes that the Polish security dispositif mainly mobilised state ignorance as a resource in governing migration, since neither new legal nor institutional practices were adopted to address the increased arrivals of Ukrainians. Simultaneously, this was accompanied by an internal logic of technocratic governance and its ubiquitous strategic tendency to widen surveillance and control capacities towards foreigners. The article also highlights the role of local identity and the politics of memory in governing Ukrainian migration to Poland.

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Hirschler, Helena. "Populist Radical Right Parties and the Securitisation of Asylum Policy." Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe 20, no. 1 (August 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/mjym3820.

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This article examines the indirect impact of populist radical right parties on the securitisation of asylum policy. The theoretical foundation of the paper draws on classic theories of securitisation, expanding them to the field of (forced) migration and combining them with theories on indirect policy impact. In a two-step analysis, this article firstly investigates changes to asylum law in Austria and Germany from 2015 to 2016, using a policy analysis. The case studies include populist radical right parties with and without parliamentary representation. Thus, the resulting stage model also accounts for gradation of the influencing factor. In the first step of the analysis a securitisation of the policy field is revealed in both cases; however, it appears to a stronger degree in Austria. The results are then related to the strength of the populist radical right parties, operationalised as poll ratings, and to election dates to capture the behaviour of government parties under growing electoral competition. In Austria, the securitisation of asylum law could be attributed to the increasing strength of FPÖ, while the results for Germany are ambiguous. Accordingly, the results suggest that securitisation of asylum policy is more likely when populist radical right parties experience strong support from the electorate.

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Byaruhanga, Ronald. "THE IMPACT OF COVID-19 ON SECURITISATION OF MIGRATION AND MOBILITY IN THE UNITED STATES." European Journal of Social Sciences Studies 5, no. 6 (November 9, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.46827/ejsss.v5i6.939.

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This article examines transformations in migration and security, arising from COVID-19 prevention measures. It utilises the Copenhagen school to theorise and illuminate the changes in the securitisation of migration and mobility in the United States. The focus on the United States was based on the fact that the country has, on top of being the world's most securitised, been the most severely affected by the pandemic, considering numerical statistics of infected and affected persons, deaths, and socio-economic impact. In doing so, the paper utilised relevant information sourced from online publications such as newspaper articles and other relevant institutional websites of the key agencies in the fight of the COVID-19 pandemic, chiefly the World Health Organisation, Centre for Disease Control, and the United States federal and state governments and academic journal articles. The main argument of the paper is that the COVID-19 pandemic will produce similar effects on migration and security as the September 11, 2001, terror attacks. The lessons gleaned from the current pandemic will most likely be a significant factor in shaping future politics and policies on the securitisation of migration and human mobility. The pandemic's portrayal as a security threat to human health has resulted in significant changes like travel embargoes, suspension of issuance of specific visa categories, and internal mobility controls, and now many countries are demanding for negative test results before allowing in any foreign arrivals into their territories. The paper concludes that the pandemic has ushered in alternative securitisation measures that would cause a shift in migration and security discourse from human-to-human aggression, notably terrorism, to the contagion of the pathogens like the coronavirus. Article visualizations:<img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0751/a.php" alt="Hit counter" />

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Léonard, Sarah, and Christian Kaunert. "De-centring the Securitisation of Asylum and Migration in the European Union: Securitisation, Vulnerability and the Role of Turkey." Geopolitics, June 1, 2021, 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14650045.2021.1929183.

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Carlà, Andrea. "Fear of Others: Processes of (De)Securitisation in Northern Ireland." Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe 20, no. 1 (August 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/rpar7665.

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Situated at the junction between the field of ethnic politics, security studies, and migration, this paper analyses processes of (de)securitisation in Northern Ireland. The country is characterised by its violent past, consociational power-sharing institutions, experience with periods of political instability, and the recent arrival of several thousand people from other EU and non-EU countries. As a case study, Northern Ireland epitomises the problems of divided societies and the challenges posed by the presence of competing nationalisms in multinational and ever more diversifying countries. This paper applies the concept of (de)securitisation to analyse the extent to which past conflicts and tensions have been overcome; uncovering who or what is perceived as a threat, according to which terms, and how this affects majority-minority relations. To conduct the analysis, I adopt the Copenhagen School understanding of securitisation as a speech act. I use a qualitative methodology, examining (de)securitising discourses that emerged in the party programmes of the main political forces which won seats in the Northern Ireland Assembly in 2017 and in previous elections since 1998. I look at the evolution and transformation of such discourses since the Good Friday Agreement of 1998 to today, bringing to light the different security narratives that characterise Northern Ireland concerning the divisions and relationship among its communities and the broader issue of diversity.

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Léonard, Sarah, and Christian Kaunert. "The securitisation of migration in the European Union: Frontex and its evolving security practices." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, December 18, 2020, 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.2020.1851469.

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Marino, Sara, Simon Dawes, and David Morley. "Media, Migration and the Borders of Fortress Europe: An Interview with David Morley." Networking Knowledge: Journal of the MeCCSA Postgraduate Network 9, no. 4 (May 24, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.31165/nk.2016.94.452.

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In this interview, David Morley addresses the contemporary European refugee ‘crisis’, the representation of the ‘migrant’ and the increasing securitisation of Europe’s borders in terms of a crisis in European political identity. Looking back on several of his own publications, as well as the work of those who have influenced him and his time as a student in the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies in Birmingham, Morley discusses the links between geopolitics and communications, and between the virtual and material realms, as well as the contemporary significance of mobility and re-territorialisation for understanding the causes of and responses to the current ‘crisis’. Reflecting on the imperial past and uncertain future of Europe, he argues for the need to be alert for positive political opportunities within moments of disjuncture and crisis, and for an emphasis on developing new modes of everyday living.

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Boukala, Salomi. "Far-right discourse as legitimacy? Analysing political rhetoric on the “migration issue” in Greece." Studies in Communication Sciences, August 10, 2021, 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24434/j.scoms.2021.02.014.

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This article advances research on the normalisation of far-right rhetoric on the “migration issue” by analysing statements from the current Greek prime minister, Kyriakos Mitsotakis, and the ruling political party New Democracy political figures. Having presented the discourse-historical approach (DHA) from critical discourse studies (CDS) as a suitable theory and method of analysis of political discourses, I use an argumentative-based DHA approach and add the argumentative schemes of Aristotelian topoi and fallacies to explore how the leadership of the conservative New Democracy government adopted far-right rhetoric on the refugee issue to justify its tough political agenda on security, law, and order. In particular, I focus on the representation of migration as a threat to national security and public health, the politics of hate, and theories of securitisation via an in-depth analysis of the current and former prime ministers’ discourses, the former government spokesman’s statement on the refugee issue and a popular journalist and New Democracy’s MP television interview, and intend to illustrate how extreme right rhetoric could serve the conservative New Democracy’s political strategies.

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Baldwin-Eduards, Martin. "Mediterranean Migrations: Regionalisms Versus Globalisation." Finisterra 39, no. 77 (December 13, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.18055/finis1558.

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This paper challenges the claim of globalisation as a cause ofimmigration into Southern Europe and, on an empirical basis, identifies regionalisation as being the primary issue, along with networked migratory patterns. However, the changing patterns of immigration do present challenges to both state and society. It is argued here that recent policy responses in Portugal, Italy and Spain have been inconsistent and irrational – reflecting more the ‘securitisation’ of migration than European reality. Earlier policy innovations are identified, by country and date: most of these have now been abandoned. It is suggested that all of Southern Europe has converged onto a statist, restrictionist model of immigration control that was formerly held only by Greece. The principal characteristics of this model are outlined, along with a migration flowchart and indicative data for migrant flows and sub-flows in Italy and Spain. In the final section, I try to show that the needs of the economy cannot be predicted, immigration cannot becontrolled in the manner currently being enforced across Southern Europe, and attempts to do so will damage rather than improve economic productivity and growth. The concept of an accomodating immigration policy is advanced, whereby the state tries to manage the needs of both employers and potential migrants. Six guidelines for policy development are suggested – most of which have alreadybeen successfully carried out in the European Union. These are the following: migration in order to find a job; circular cross-border migration; EU level negotiation of readmission agreements; the need for a variety of migration-for-employment schemes; legal residence should not depend upon continuity of employment; and discreet legalisation will still be needed in Southern Europe.

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Cichocki, Piotr, and Piotr Jabkowski. "Immigration attitudes in the wake of the 2015 migration crisis in the Visegrád Group countries." Intersections 5, no. 1 (May 3, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v5i1.480.

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In the summer of 2015 the tensions over managing external immigration into the European Union morphed into a full-blown crisis. Political and social reactions towards the Balkan Route emergency exposed major divisions between EU member states. Notably, the Visegrád Group (V4) countries, i.e. Czechia, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia, stood out as a block united by governmental opposition to immigration. This political unity of countries should not be interpreted, however, as certain proof for an underlying convergence of social attitudes to migration. This paper examines the impact of the crisis on the V4 public opinion on the basis of cross-country surveys, with special attention afforded to a comparative analysis of European Social Survey waves 7 (2014) and 8 (2016). General Linear Modelling is used to test two hypotheses concerning the linkage between opposition to immigration and normative orientations in Czechia, Hungary and Poland (with Slovakia missing from ESS7 and ESS8). We demonstrate that adherence to the values of Universalism corelates with lower levels of opposition to immigration, which had been the case prior to the 2015 crisis and has mostly remained true thereafter. When it comes to respondents expressing value-based concerns with Security, they are more likely to voice more negative opinions about immigration after the crisis, although no such association held in 2014 measurements. We postulate that this public opinion shift should be interpreted as an effect of the strong securitisation of the immigration debate in the V4 countries.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Securitisation of Migration'

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