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Journal articles on the topic 'Security and defense cooperation'
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Sadegi, E. Mir Mohammad. "Iran-Russia Defense and Security Cooperation." RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no. 2 (2020): 276–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-2-276-289.
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This article analyzes Russian-Iranian cooperation in the fields of defense and security. Methodology used refers to the theory of the school of foreign policy analysis, particularly latest generation, in framework of method of discursive analysis. The method of discursive analysis, exploring the main elements and concepts in ideology, analyzing and determining their place within a consolidated framework as one dominant discourse in a certain period of time, helps explain the formation of such concepts as ally, friend, colleague, competitor, and opponent. This article attempts to identify driving forces and obstacles to Iranian-Russian cooperation in the fields of defense and security in different periods of time. It is shown that the relations between Iran and Russia in the fields of defense and security have been undergoing important changes since 2014. Aggravation of the Syrian crisis has led to strengthening ties and also military and defense cooperation between Iran and Russia at the regional level. It is concluded that Iran and Russia consider spread of extremism in neighboring countries as main threat to their own national security and will develop cooperation in this area. According to the author, there are certain conditions for development of Iranian-Russian relations to the level of strategic allies, but to achieve this it is necessary to prevent the impact of destructive role of third players on the process of defense cooperation between Tehran and Moscow. Author suggests that existing obstacles to Russia’s military cooperation with Iran can be partially eliminated by lifting United Nations sanctions in 2020.
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Cohen, Richard. "European Defense: Spreading Cooperative Security." Connections: The Quarterly Journal 1, no. 1 (2002): 14–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.01.1.03.
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Podberezkin, A. I., and J. Y. Parshkova. "The Threat from European Missile Defence System to Russian National Security." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(34) (February 28, 2014): 54–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-1-34-54-63.
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The article analyses the political and military aspects of progress in the dialogue between Russia and the U.S./NATO on cooperation in missile defense; investigates the past experiences and current state of cooperation between Russia and the Alliance on missile defense issues; examines the technical features of American missile defence systems today; finds a solution to question whether or not the European Missile Defence Program actually threatens Russia's nuclear deterrent and strategic stability in general; identifies both potential benefits and possible losses for Russia stemming from the development of cooperation with the United States and NATO in countering ballistic missile threats, or from refusal to have such cooperation. Evidently, the initiative of creation of a missile defense in Europe surely belongs to the USA. Washington has enormous technological, financial, economic, military and institutional capabilities in the field of a missile defense, exceeding by far other NATO member-states. In February 2010, the President of the United States B. Obama adopted a project "European Phased Adaptive Approach" (EPAA) as an alternative to G. Bush's global strategic missile defense plan. The first two stages of the Phased Adaptive Approach are focused on creating a system capable of intercepting small, medium and intermediate-range ballistic missiles. The possibility of intercepting long-range missiles is postponed to the third (2018) and forth phases (2020). Moscow finds especially troublesome the third and the fourth phases of Washington's project of creating a European segment of the global antiballistic missile system, considering prospective capabilities of the U.S. interceptor missiles 61 and the envisioned areas of their deployment. The U.S. counter-evidence is that phase four interceptors do not exist yet. Russia insists on getting the political and legal guarantees from the U.S. and NATO that their missile defense systems will not slash the efficiency of Russian nuclear deterrence forces.
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Shcherbakova, Yulia. "Czech Republic: Defence and Security Strategy within the EU." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 4 (2020): 255–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2020.04.11.
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The article examines the defense strategy of the Czech Republic. Based on the analysis of government documents («Defense Strategy of the Czech Republic 2017,» «Priorities of the Czech Presidency in V4») reveals the goals and objectives of the Czech Republic in the field of European security and defense at the present stage. The country is an independent element not only of global security, but, due to its geographical location in the middle of Europe, and an important element of European security. The article explores the Czech Republic's position on participation in the Permanent Structured Cooperation on Security and Defense (PESCO), multilateral projects outside the EU, military missions and operations of the EU and NATO, as well as bilateral cooperation and within the Visegrad Group (V4) comprising Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Slovakia. The Czech Republic's position on military expenditures is being considered, as well as the problem of coexistence of European military structures and NATO. The Czech Republic intends to develop a single European arms market. This includes mandatory investments in the defense industry and the formation of the European Defense Fund, which will be used to invest in member countries. The Czech Republic actively supports and develops bilateral and multilateral defense cooperation with neighboring countries, as well as in a regional format. Defense regional cooperation focuses on two main areas: cooperation with Germany and within the Visegrad Group. Also it observes risks to Czech defense construction revealed due to Coronavirus pandemic.
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Nadtochey, Y. I. "DEFENSE COOPERATION IN EUROPE: SUBREGIONAL LEVEL." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(48) (June 28, 2016): 134–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-3-48-134-143.
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The evolution of subregional cooperation among European nations in security and defense area is the topic of the article. It describes sub-regionalism as a phenomenon and explains the reasons why small states of Europe are eager to cooperate in defense area after the end of the Cold War. Such cooperation is analyzed within the broader context of European integration - a trend which still has a great impact on sub-regional cooperation in certain parts of a common EU and NATO space. According to the article former socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe as well as some European neutral states viewed sub-regional groupings as means of security enhancement in a period of transition - a time when these countries were getting ready for fully-fledged integration into European or Euro-Atlantic organizations. Nevertheless, subregional groupings have become even more relevant while EU and NATO enlargements were slowing down. So called threat perception gap among individual members of the EU and NATO contributed to forming of small subregional groupings based on members' security common vision and their aspiration to reach common goals. These groupings estimated as marginal by pan -European organizations, are extremely important for the grouped countries themselves. For European Union and the North Atlantic Alliance it is not easy to govern these subregional trends of multinational cooperation and synchronize them with European and Euro-Atlantic integration as such.
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Kinne, Brandon J. "The Defense Cooperation Agreement Dataset (DCAD)." Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, no. 4 (2019): 729–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719857796.
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The academic study of defense cooperation focuses heavily on formal military alliances. Yet, governments rarely sign new alliances, and the global alliance structure has remained relatively static for decades. By contrast, governments are increasingly active in defense cooperation agreements (DCAs). These bilateral framework treaties institutionalize their signatories’ day-to-day defense relations, facilitating such wide-ranging activities as defense policy coordination, joint research and development, weapons production and arms trade, joint military exercises, training and exchange programs, peacekeeping, and information exchange. Nearly 2,000 DCAs have been signed since 1980. Preliminary evidence suggests that DCAs impact numerous security, military, and defense outcomes and that governments increasingly incorporate DCAs as core elements of their security strategies. This article introduces the new DCA Dataset (DCAD). I provide a brief historical background on DCAs and compare them to other commonly studied forms of defense cooperation. I then explain coding standards and describe the data set in detail. Finally, I illustrate applications of DCAD to militarized interstate disputes and arms trade.
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Belukhin, N. E. "Nordic Defense Cooperation (NORDEFCO) – 10 Years’ Anniversary." Journal of International Analytics, no. 4 (December 28, 2019): 28–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2019-0-4-28-39.
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NORDEFCO which emerged as the new format of defence and militarypolitical cooperation between the countries of the Northern Europe is considered to be the logical result of the previous security initiatives of Nordic countries, but at the same time the emergence of this format has taken the cooperation to a whole new level. NORDEFCO has in ten years evolved from the structure aimed at enhancing the effectiveness of defence expenditures to the forum on security issues of the Northern Europe. Nordic countries did not manage, however, to achieve significant progress on most proposals laid out in the Stoltenberg Report of 2009. Nevertheless, as foreign policies of Nordic countries continue to converge, NORDEFCO continues to retain its value and significance, even if it is taken into account that the multilateral cooperation within the framework has not proved as effective as the bilateral cooperation as in the case of Sweden and Finland. At the same time different relations of Nordic countries with the EU and NATO hinders further progress in the sphere of defence integration. NORDEFCO along with other subregional initiatives such as NG12, NB8 and e-PINE (NB8+USA) has the potential to serve as the groundwork for a full-fledged security forum in the Baltic Sea region.
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Permatasari, Diah Ayu. "An Overview of the Indonesian Security Outlook." Jurnal Keamanan Nasional 1, no. 1 (2015): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31599/jkn.v1i1.1.
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Security issue has always become a major problem for every sovereign state. Tremendous changes to the world society these days for example through advance technologies, extreme perception of the religious beliefs, people movement across the globe, and economic disparity, had oblige sovereign states to adjust significantly towards its security policy. Indonesia, an archipelagic, with its strategic location and diverse community has always at the crossroad to overcome the security challenges that occurs since Independence Day in 1945 until recent days. This article will briefly define Indonesia’s security policy, and discussing possible ways to deterrence conflicts through strengthening the main tools of internal defenses and beneficial international cooperation in security. Contemporary Second track Indonesia foreign policy stands on the basic of the international cooperations on security to protect the people and interests.Keywords: Security, Indonesia, Military and Defense
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Baun, Michael, and Dan Marek. "Making Europe Defend Again: The Relaunch of European Defense Cooperation from a Neoclassical Realist Perspective." Czech Journal of International Relations 54, no. 4 (2019): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv.1643.
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This article examines the relaunch of European defense cooperation since 2016 from the perspective of neoclassical realism, a theoretical approach to the study of foreign policy which explores how domestic political and ideational factors shape national foreign policy responses to international systemic pressures. It argues that while Europe’s changing geostrategic and security environment has created incentives for increased defense cooperation, explaining the form and content of this cooperation requires understanding the preferences of key European states, especially France and Germany. The article focuses on two new forms of European defense cooperation: PESCO and the E21, the former inside the EU institutional framework and the latter outside of it. The article argues that these initiatives are explained by the contrast between French and German preferences on defense cooperation, which in turn reflect their divergent national security priorities but also their different strategic cultures, including their differing perspectives on European integration.
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Ploumis, Michail. "A New Way Forward: Rebalancing the U.S. Security Cooperation with Greece in a Fast Changing Geostrategic Environment." Applied Finance and Accounting 4, no. 1 (2018): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/afa.v4i1.2950.
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The Hellenic National Defense Forces (HNDF) modernization is at a crossroads because of the current and persistent Greek economic and fiscal crisis. After WW II until today, Greece benefitted from the U.S. security assistance and cooperation programs. Meanwhile, the Balkans and the Eastern Mediterranean regions geostrategic environment is changing fast to an unpredictable future. That said, Greece, and the U.S.A. under rebalanced approaches, should consider the U.S. security assistance and defense cooperation programs to meet HNDF modernization requirements and current security challenges for both countries in the region. A new framework of cooperation would serve common national security interest of both Greece and the United States in the Balkans and the Eastern Mediterranean regions.
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Nation, R. Craig. "NATO in the Western Balkans: A Force for Stability?" Southeastern Europe 35, no. 1 (2011): 120–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633311x545706.
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AbstractNATO has made important contributions to regional security in post-Cold War Southeastern Europe. Engagement with the alliance's security assistance programs provides opportunities for security sector reform and professional development, helps to reorient national defense and security policies toward contemporary challenges, and places the responsibility of territorial defense in a collective security framework that allows for a more efficient utilization of limited resources and reduces the likelihood of interstate conflict. All the countries of the Western Balkans are committed to cooperation with the alliance, and to varying degrees are moving toward (or have already achieved) closer or full association, a process that this article seeks to document. NATO membership is also often perceived, rightly or wrongly, as a necessary step along the road toward membership in the European Union, the most important strategic goal for the majority of Western Balkan states. Association with the alliance is not, however, a sufficient foundation for regional stability and cooperative security. This will require a more complex process of development, including economic, political, social and cultural dimensions. Inclusive policies, including more effective cooperation between NATO and the Russian Federation in pursuit of mutual interests, would be of particular value.
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Midhio, I. Wayan, and Juniawan Priyono. "EDUCATION AND RESEARCH AS COMPONENTS OF INDONESIA DEFENSE DIPLOMACY." Jurnal Pertahanan 5, no. 1 (2019): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jp.v5i1.487.
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<p>Defense diplomacy seeks to build partnerships through the use of defense-related programs. The Government of Indonesia develops practical cooperation among regional and extra-regional defense establishments on areas of mutual concern in education and research. Indonesia assigns Indonesia Defense University (IDU) to provide professional graduate education in defense studies with strong practical and area emphasis, conduct relevant research in defense strategy and management, national security and defense technology. Heads of Defense Universities/Colleges/Institutions Meeting (HDUCIM) serves the exchange of information concerning curriculum, defense concepts, and state defense development; it is also possible to conduct cooperation on research. In promoting regional security, defense diplomacy through education and research could play an important role in posing the stability of interstate relations by illustrating the relations between Indonesia-Cambodia and Indonesia-Philippines. </p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: 0in; line-height: 106%;"> </p>
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Kinne, Brandon J. "Defense Cooperation Agreements and the Emergence of a Global Security Network." International Organization 72, no. 4 (2018): 799–837. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818318000218.
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AbstractBilateral defense cooperation agreements, or DCAs, are now the most common form of institutionalized defense cooperation. These formal agreements establish broad defense-oriented legal frameworks between signatories, facilitating cooperation in such fundamental areas as defense policy coordination, research and development, joint military exercises, education and training, arms procurement, and exchange of classified information. Although nearly a thousand DCAs are currently in force, with potentially wide-ranging impacts on national and international security outcomes, DCAs have been largely ignored by scholars. Why have DCAs proliferated? I develop a theory that integrates cooperation theory with insights from social network analysis. Shifts in the global security environment since the 1980s have fueleddemandfor DCAs. States use DCAs to modernize their militaries, respond to shared security threats, and establish security umbrellas with like-minded states. Yet, demand alone cannot explain DCA proliferation; to cooperate, governments must also overcome dilemmas of mistrust and distributional conflicts. I show that network influences increase thesupplyof DCAs by providing governments with information about the trustworthiness of partners and the risk of asymmetric distributions of gains. DCAs become easier to sign as more states sign them. I identify two specific network influences—preferential attachmentandtriadic closure—and show that these influences are largely responsible for the post-Cold War diffusion of DCAs. Novel empirical strategies further indicate that these influences derive from the proposed informational mechanism. States use the DCA ties of others to glean information about prospective defense partners, thus endogenously fueling further growth of the global DCA network.
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Simon, S. "The Limits of Defense and Security Cooperation in Southeast Asia." Journal of Asian and African Studies 33, no. 1 (1998): 62–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002190969803300104.
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Widian, Rizky, and Arimadona Arimadona. "Cooperation & Security Dilemma In The South China Sea." Jurnal Global Strategis 12, no. 2 (2018): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.12.2.2018.91-106.
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This article will talk about security dilemma and offense-defense balance in the South China Sea. The rising of China’s power in the South China Sea that facilitate the process security dilemma makes cooperation between claimant countries become more difficult. Regarding this matter, it’s important to explain why cooperation in the area is difficult in the midst of many literatures that advocated cooperation as the tools for conflict management in the South China Sea. In order to form an ideal explanation, this article will refer to the concepts of security dilemma and offense-defense balance by Robert Jervis. The data in this article will be explored using qualitative research method of literature review to illustrate the distribution of power in the region. Through the data exploration, this article found that China’s offensive power in the South China Sea is large enough to cause the sense insecurity and security dilemma. Thus, this article argue that the security dilemma caused by China’s offensive power capability in the South China Sea is the main the reason that inhibiting cooperation between claimant states.
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Van Eerden, James R. R. "Seeking Alpha in the Security Cooperation Enterprise: A New Approach to Assessments and Evaluations." Journal of Advanced Military Studies 11, no. 1 (2020): 113–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21140/mcuj.2020110105.
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Despite the billions of dollars invested in the security cooperation enterprise each year, the Marine Corps and the Department of Defense (DOD) have failed to implement standardized metrics and processes for evaluating security cooperation engagements at the tactical level. Without such data, it is nearly impossible for the security cooperation enterprise to accurately assess progress in achieving national security objectives, such as partner nation basing access and partner force capacity building. Without clear signposts of progress, cooperation engagements will continue to be hampered by redundant or irrelevant training that limits the return on investment for the DOD and strategic U.S. partners.
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Dorosh, Lesia, and Vasyl Romanyk. "PESCO, CARD, EDF: Strategy, Analysis, and Financing in the European Union Security Guaratee." Humanitarian vision 6, no. 2 (2020): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/shv2020.02.001.
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In the article the authors analyze the institutional basis for strengthening the EU security and the implementation of specific projects designed to expand cooperation between the Member States in the defence and security sectors. The point at issue is about Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO); the Coordinated Annual Review on Defence (CARD) and the European Defence Fund (EDF). The relevance of the comprehensive study of PESCO, CARD, EDF, which activities are aimed at ensuring the strategic component of cooperation, the analysis of the defence sector and funding priorities in the security sphere of the Union have been proved. The authors claim that PESCO has become a key strategic initiative of the EU, CARD allows coordinating the development of military capabilities in the Member States; the EDF was created to coordinate, increase investment and improve defence interoperability between EU member states. The challenges faced within the functioning of these initiatives have been analyzed. It is alleged that a key challenge for the CARD is the unwillingness of Member countries to share national defence plans, as well as the available and potential coordination and harmonization of defence planning within NATO’s Defence Planning. The peculiarities of specific projects financed within the European Defense Fund (“Ocean 2020”, “Eurodrone”, “SPIDER”, “EuroSWARM”, “TRAWA”, “ACAMSII”, “Gossra”, “Vestlife”) have been analyzed. There is continued progress in the field of the EU security and defence: numerous defence projects have been initiated under PESCO; there is a synchronization of defence planning through the CARD; the investments in defence are stimulated by financing the defence research projects through the EDF, the improving military mobility is continuing; coordination of the EU-NATO cooperation is improving, etc.
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Glaser, Charles L. "The Security Dilemma Revisited." World Politics 50, no. 1 (1997): 171–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100014763.
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Robert Jervis's article “Cooperation under the Security Dilemma” is among the most important works in international relations of the past few decades. In it, Jervis develops two essential arguments. First, he explains that the security dilemma is the key to understanding how in an anarchic international system states with fundamentally compatible goals still end up in competition and at war. The security dilemma exists when “many of the means by which a state tries1to increase its security decrease the security of others.” It provides the rational foundation for what Jervis termed the “spiral model,” which describes how the interaction between states that are seeking only security can fuel competition and strain political relations.2Second, Jervis explains that the magnitude and nature of the security dilemma depend on two variables: the offense-defense balance and offense-defense differentiation.3As a result, the security dilemma can vary across space and time. Although states exist in a condition of international anarchy that does not vary, there can be significant variation in the attractiveness of cooperative or competitive means, the prospects for achieving a high level of security, and the probability of war.
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Manurung, Hendra. "Enhancing Bilateral Cooperation: Indonesia-Russia Defense Relations." Journal of Advance in Social Sciences and Policy 1, no. 1 (2021): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.23960/jassp.v1i1.28.
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This research aims to elaborate further on Indonesia and Russia bilateral cooperation by utilizing defense relations in the Southeast Asia region. Indonesia’s defense cooperation with Russia is a strategy of sustaining foreign and defense policy instruments abroad to achieve interests and protect national sovereignty. This study uses a descriptive analysis of qualitative approach, and done through literature-based relating to the problems that arise. Additionally, journals, related documents, and websources are also used as supporting data. It employs neorealism approach in understanding bilateral defense relations. Thus, by strengthening Indonesian defense diplomacy, how Indonesia national interests is able to pursue closer defense cooperation with Russia, and how this collaborationcontributes to Indonesian defense diplomacy regionally in encountering external threat. However, through the ASEAN Defense Ministerial Meeting and the ASEAN Regional Forum, Indonesia’s defense diplomacy utilized strategy which aim to generating mutual confidence, and reducing potential threats that can arise from the external threat. Indonesia, so far, has utilized its defense diplomacy by intensifying defense cooperation with Russia to foster a sense of mutual trust and enhancement effort in national defense capabilities to anticipate any potential external security threats. Indonesia’s effort to enhance its regional power reputation for implementing foreign and defense policy at the international level, particularly at upgrading its national defense system. This research revealed that by strengthening economic cooperation and defense diplomacy, Indonesia would secure its defense cooperation with Russia and vice versa. As the most populous Muslim nation, Indonesia, 3rd world largest democraciesand significant regional power, intentionally has a strategic interest in maintaining peace and stability.
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Hadiaty, Febry, and Anak Agung Banyu Perwita. "JAPAN � U.S. BALLISTIC MISSILE DEFENSE COOPERATION: THE IMPLEMENTATION OF �THE JOINT STATEMENT OF THE SECURITY CONSULTATIVE COMMITTEE (SCC)� IN COUNTERING NORTH KOREA�S BALLISTIC MISSILES PROGRAM (2015-2019)." Jurnal Dinamika Global 5, no. 01 (2020): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jdg.v5i1.168.
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Asia-Pacific (now also known as Indo-Pacific) region has a highly complex geopolitics and strategic environment with the fact that some political confrontation and conflicts still remain unsolved within the region. One of important issues in the region also includes North Korea�s ballistic missiles program. This program has become a rapid growing threat for both regional and global security. The lack of accountability on the program and erratic leadership of Kim Jong-Un have also projected threats for the United States and its allies, including Japan. The alliance between Washington and Tokyo has been able to become a remarkable resilient security partnership and has served as the cornerstone for the region�s stability. Both countries have conducted many defense cooperation in several areas, including for ballistic missiles defense cooperation. As one of the forms of the ballistic missiles defense cooperation between Japan and the U.S., the Security Consultative Committee (SCC) as the alliance�s primary defense forum produces joint statement which also highlights the ballistic missiles defense cooperation of Japan and the U.S. to counter North Korea�s ballistic missiles program. Therefore, this article analyzes the implementation of the joint statement of the SCC in deterring North Korea�s ballistic missiles program, particularly the joint statement in the period of 2015 to 2019. In analyzing that, this article uses qualitative method that relies on the primary and secondary resources found that Japan and the U.S. implemented their joint statement of the SCC by enhancing the capabilities of their ballistic missiles defense system.
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Alunaza, Hardi, and Bastian Andhony Toy. "THE ESTABLISHMENT OF PERMANENT STRUCTURED COOPERATION (PESCO) BY THE EUROPEAN UNION TO INCREASE INTEGRATION AND INDEPENDENCE EUROPEAN REGIONAL MILITARY COOPERATION." Indonesian Journal of International Relations 5, no. 2 (2021): 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.32787/ijir.v5i2.193.
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This paper aims to discuss the efforts of the European Union in enhancing integration and defense-security cooperation through the establishment of Permanent Structured Cooperation. This paper seeks to answer how the formation of PESCO can increase the integration and independence of military cooperation between EU member states. Whereas before there has been a North Atlantic Treaty Organization as a security pillar that has long been recognized in the European region. The author uses the theory of regional security complex and the concept of collective security in analyzing related phenomena. This research uses descriptive method with qualitative approach. The data collection technique is literature study consisting of books, journals, and including data from reliable websites to support the explanation of this paper. The results of this research indicate the establishment of PESCO as a form of implementation of Article 42 paragraph 6 of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009 concerning the efforts of member countries in establishing defense-security cooperation within the European Union framework. The establishment of the PESCO was also based on doubts by the European Union on the role of the US in NATO, but PESCO did not directly replace NATO but rather as a complement to autonomous and effective crisis resolution.
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Lymar, Marharyta, and Viktoria Ahieieva. "The European Defence Policy and Transatlantic Cooperation in Times of Obama and Trump Administrations." European Historical Studies, no. 16 (2020): 6–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.1.
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The purpose of the study is to analyze the development of the European common security and defense policy during the Obama and Trump administrations by determining the specifics of its formation, trends and causes. It is observed the preconditions and principles for the formation of European CSDP; tendencies of its evolution in the post-bipolar era are considered; the EU CSDP is explored as a part of transatlantic system in the times of Obama administration; the trends and changes in the CSDP are examined in correlation with NATO policy under the Trump administration. The research emphasizes a significance of the European defense policy, which has been creating in two following ways: as a united force within NATO and as a unique initiative in parallel to the transatlantic cooperation (mostly, after the destruction of the bipolar system). However, the Euro-Atlantic defense ties never crashes, despite the periodic abatements. The article notes that Europe has substantially strengthened its positions at the end of the era of bipolarity, demonstrating its intention to create the own security system. It was found that in 2010–2016 there was a tendency weakening of American influence on the European community defense integration. According to Western European researchers, the EU defence initiatives became a matter of concern to both American presidents. However, during the Obama period, European governments failed in realizing their intentions (despite the desire to create their own army) due to the lack of mutual understanding on the issue and unwillingness to bear the additional costs of implementing the CSDP. However, such an opportunity has arisen during Trump’s presidency. It is stated that the foundation of a new stage of European defence integration was laid in 2016. Since 2017, European countries have taken new steps by creating the European Defense Fund (EDF) and starting the Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO). In addition, the article notes that in 2017–2018 there was an increase in the participation of national contingents in NATO. Moreover, the EU considers its defense system as «autonomous», but not absolutely independent of existing and effective structures. It is concluded that transatlantic relations matter and the further cooperation between European governments and the United States could be enhanced.
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Shypovskyi, Volodymyr, Volodymyr Cherneha, and Serhiy Marchenkov. "Analysis of the ways of improvement of Ukraine – NATO cooperation on cybersecurity issues." Journal of Scientific Papers "Social development and Security" 10, no. 2 (2020): 11–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.33445/sds.2020.10.2.2.
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Recent events in Ukraine have shown that, along with the advancement of information technology, methods of conducting modern warfare are being enhanced. Cyberspace is deliberately used by the Russian Federation to commit cyber warfare against Ukraine. Therefore, in order to address their influence effectively, it is important not only successfully deal with its consequences but also to foresee the potential adversaryʼs actions by analyzing their previous operations and incorporating the lessons learned by other countries.
 Across the globe, including Ukraine, the issue of information security and cyberattacks has become exceedingly urgent. Everybody is aware of the ongoing attacks on information networks of various government agencies and energy firms, cyberattacks on e-mail networks of political parties and organizations around the world. Likewise, despite the steadily growing numbers, cyberattack cases against the individuals and private businesses are not reported as widely as they occur.
 As a result, The North Atlantic Alliance countries began tackling the issue of cyberthreats much earlier than Ukraine. Consequently, NATO and its allies rely on powerful and robust cyber defenses to ensure the Alliance's core tasks of collective defense.
 The article discusses methods and strategies for providing cyber defense in NATO member states and recommends ways to increase the level of protection in the state's cyber space, as part of Ukraineʼs national security and defense domain.
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Naugle, Asmeret Bier, Austin Silva, and Munaf Aamir. "Cooperation and Free Riding in Cyber Security Information-Sharing Programs." International Journal of System Dynamics Applications 6, no. 2 (2017): 71–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsda.2017040104.
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Even with substantial investment in cyber defense, the risk of harm from cyber attacks is significant for many organizations. Multi-organization information-sharing programs have the potential to improve cyber security at relatively low cost by allowing organizations that face similar threats to share information on vulnerabilities, attacks, and defense strategies. The dynamics of an information-sharing program are likely to depend heavily on interactions between human decision makers. This article describes a system dynamics model of an information-sharing program. The model incorporates decision-making strategies of managers and cyber defenders in each participating organization. The model was used to assess how free-riding behavior is likely to affect the success of a multi-organization information-sharing program. Results shows that free riding may make information sharing more volatile and less beneficial early on, but other factors, including cost savings and the perceived utility of shared information, are likely to create success later in the time horizon.
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Sulistyani, Yuli Ari. "LITTORAL STATES’ DEFENSE DIPLOMACY IN MALACCA STRAIT THROUGH THE MALACCA STRAIT PATROL FRAMEWORK." Jurnal Pertahanan & Bela Negara 9, no. 2 (2019): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jpbh.v9i2.573.
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<p>Malacca Strait, as one of the strategic straits in world trade, often face various non-traditional security threats. In accordance with United Nations Convention on the Law of The Sea (UNCLOS), littoral states such as Indonesia, Singapore, and Malaysia are obligated to maintain the security in Malacca Straits, to ensure that world trades and world economic are not disrupted. This study analyzes how the Malacca straits patrol (MSP) framework is formed by littoral states in order to maintain the security stability in Malacca Strait. The authors employ qualitative method through literature study. The obtained data were analyzed using the theory of defense cooperation and concept of defense diplomacy. The results of the study conclude that MSP, which is consisted of the Malacca Straits Sea Patrol (MSSP), "Eyes-in-the-Sky" Combined Maritime Air Patrols (EiS), and the MSP Intelligence Exchange Group (IEG), is classified as a defense diplomacy activity in the form of multilateral contacts between military officials and multilateral military exercises aimed at increasing mutual trust and defense capabilities of each country.</p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> Malacca Strait, Malacca Straits Patrol Framework, Threat, Defense Cooperation, Defense Diplomacy</p>
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Jacuch, Andrzej. "Security and defense challenges – civil preparedness in NATO." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 196, no. 2 (2020): 270–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.2532.
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The current security and defense challenges, a new type of cold war, requires strengthening civil preparedness in areas that are critical for collective defense, enabling the conduct of operations and military mobility. The article analyses the Alliance’s approach to security and defense threats, including to counter hybrid threats. NATO’s decisions to reinforce the Allies Eastern Flank are presented. Allied forces should be able to move into and across Europe at high speed to reinforce a threatened Ally. Therefore, attention is paid to civil preparedness and civil sector resilience to provide support to military operations. It considers recent summit decisions and measures to improve military mobility. A wide range of civilian capabilities and active cooperation between public and private partners are critical. In conclusion, the research demonstrates that civil support is a critical enabler for the Alliance’s collective defense.
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Stercul, Natalia. "MODERNIZATION OF THE MOLDOVA’S SECURITY SYSTEM IN THE FRAMEWORK OF THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP: ACHIEVEMENTS AND PROBLEMS." Moldoscopie, no. 1(92) (June 2021): 60–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.52388/1812-2566.2021.1(92).06.
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The article analyses the national security system as an integral part of the state, which is exposed to modernization processes. The security sector reform paradigm is based on the principles of democratic control, transparency and good governance. The process of modernization of the Moldova’s security system aims to create secure environment, prevent security risks tha treats and rule of law. The last decade the Republic of Moldova in the framework of the Eastern Partnership has been working to achieve progress in security sector reform – a review of security legislation and national defense; institutional reform; consultations with EU on Common Security Defense Policy; cooperation with Europol, the European Center for Monitoring Drugs, the Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO); elaboration measures in the context of reintegration process to putthe Transnistrian region in the legal field of the Republic of Moldova. The geopolitical factor has strong influence to the modernization process and reforms in the Republic of Moldova. The contradictions of geopolitical interests create additional difficulties and hinder the security sector reform.
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Akaha, Tsuneo. "Beyond self‐defense: Japan's elusive security role under the new guidelines for US‐Japan defense cooperation." Pacific Review 11, no. 4 (1998): 461–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09512749808719267.
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Dokuchaev, O. V., O. O. Sverhunov, V. V. Zubariev, and I. B. Chepkov. "Evaluation method of realization the policy of military-technical cooperation (mtc) of Ukraine." Озброєння та військова техніка 21, no. 1 (2019): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.34169/2414-0651.2019.1(21).9-14.
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The article is devoted to the approach to the formation of a methodology for assessing the state of implementation of the defense-industrial component of military-technical policy. The materials of the article may be useful for specialists of the defense industry of Ukraine at the initial stages of assessing the level of military security of the state
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Adi Bandono, Avando Bastari, and Okol Sri Suharyo. "The relations concept of Indonesia-India; political, education, and defense perspective." Global Journal of Engineering and Technology Advances 7, no. 3 (2021): 071–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.30574/gjeta.2021.7.3.0080.
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Indonesia and India see the Indian Ocean as their strategic political, education, defense, and maritime security. Diplomatic relations between Indonesia and India have been established since 1951 and were upgraded to become a Strategic Partnership in the fields of politics, defense, and maritime security aimed at increasing Confidence Building Measures (CBM). This study aims to analyze the perspective of Indonesia's cooperation with India in the fields of politics, defense and maritime security. The development of Indonesia-India relations has included mutual influence between soft power and hard power. Soft power in Indonesian and Indian foreign policy began to shift to strategic thinking or hard power in entering the stages of the development of Indonesian and Indian Education. This development is in line with Indonesia's foreign policy, which embraces free and active politics. Free means not being bound by ideology or by a foreign country's politics or by a specific bloc of nations, or superpowers, while active means a realistic contribution to developing freedom of friendship and international cooperation by respecting the sovereignty of other countries. Commemorating 70 years of Indonesia-India relations is expected to be a momentum to strengthen strategic cooperation between the two countries is neighboring and have the same interests, covering the Indian Ocean, South China Sea, and the Indo-Pacific as part of emerging strategic entities.
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Ohn, Daewon. "European Defense Capability Initiatives and the Future of US-Europe Security Cooperation." Journal of international area studies 23, no. 1 (2019): 185–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.18327/jias.2019.1.23.1.185.
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Gackle, Jonathan O. "US-Australian Defense Cooperation: A Model for Twenty-first Century Security Arrangements." Defense & Security Analysis 18, no. 1 (2002): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07430170120113721.
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Wilujeng, Nila Febri, Yoedhi Swastanto, and Thomas Gabriel Joostensz. "COUNTER-TERRORISM COOPERATION IN THE ASEAN REGIONAL FORUM (ARF) FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF INDONESIA DEFENSE DIPLOMACY." Jurnal Pertahanan: Media Informasi ttg Kajian & Strategi Pertahanan yang Mengedepankan Identity, Nasionalism & Integrity 7, no. 2 (2021): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jp.v7i2.728.
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<p>Terrorism is a threat that not only jeopardizes a country's security, but also the survival of ASEAN as a regional organization, the security of peace and stability, and the region's overall economic possibilities. This research aimed to examine the implementation of Counter-terrorism (CT) cooperation in the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) from the perspective of Indonesia's defense diplomacy. The research method used was the qualitative method which is based on the combination of interviews and literature review regarding ASEAN’s or ARF’s Counter-terrorism cooperation and Indonesia’s defense diplomacy from the year 2015-2019. The findings showed that CT cooperation is less discussed in the mechanism of the ARF since the current focus of ARF is on Trafficking in Person (TIP) and threats of Chemical, Biological, Radiological, and Nuclear (CBRN). Meanwhile, from the perspective of defense diplomacy, Indonesia has successfully initiated ARF Statement on Preventing and Countering Terrorism and Violent Extremism Conducive to Terrorism (VECT) with Australia and New Zealand in 2019. However, it is undeniable that CT cooperation through the ARF mechanism remains difficult to achieve due to several obstacles, including the differences of national interests and legal framework, the principle of non-interference, and the existence of mutual distrust between participating countries.</p>
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Zvozdetska, Oksana. "NATO’s new strategic concept in cybersecurity issues in the context of up-to-the date vulnerability and threat information." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 6 (December 17, 2018): 71–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2018.6.71-93.
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The focus of the article revolves around NATO’s roadmap of smart defense against cyber attacks as the bedrock of Euro-Atlantic security. The author discloses NATO’S new policy and cutting-edge technical initiatives, aimed at focusing on countering global threats and cyber security challenges. It is stressed out, that new ideas towards a more synergetic approach between all the NATO Cyber Defense agencies should be explored to develop a shared framework for cybersecurity that might provide up-to-the date intelligence in order to ensure the development, acquisition and maintenance of the necessary military capabilities. The research highlights the core aspects of the 2010 Lisbon Summit that adopted NATO’s Strategic Concept ‘Active Engagement, Modern Defense: Strategic Concept for the Members of the North Atlantic. Treaty Organization’, that recognizes Cyber Defense as one of its strategic priorities. In particular, to foster Allied Nations’ cooperative efforts to counter terrorism, cyber attacks, prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction (WMD), Reinforce energy security and environmental constraints. Develop the capacity to contribute to energy security, including protection of critical energy infrastructure and transit areas and lines, cooperation with partners, and consultations among Allies on the basis of trategic assessments and contingency planning; In July 2011, NATO Defense Ministers adopted revised NATO Policy on Cyber Defense, which highlighted three areas: • The principles of subsidiarity and proportionality, which involve the assistance provided only upon request, in any other cases, the principle of selfresponsibility of sovereign states is applied; • Avoiding unnecessary duplication of the structures or capabilities and approaches on the international, regional and national levels; • Collaboration based on trust, with regard to the potential sensitivity and vulnerability of the system, the access to which has to be given. After the 2014 Wales Summit, in the revised NATO Cyber Defense Policy, cyber threats were identified as a potential prerequisite for collective defense under the Article 5 of the NATO Treaty. Noteworthy, Cyber Security is responsible for providing the broad spectrum of services in the following specialist security areas: CIS Security, Cyber Defense, Information Assurance, and Computer & Communications Security. Cyber defense is provided by many Alliance bodies: any NATO response concerning collective defense against cyber attacks will be subordinated to the North Atlantic Council (NAC), The Cyber Defense Committee (CDC) – the leading advisory body of the NAC. The executive level is represented by The Cyber Defense Management Board (CDMB), NATO Communications and Information Agency (NCI Agency), Cyber Security incorporates the NATO Computer Incident Response Capability (NCIRC) Technical Centre, providing specialist services to prevent, detect, respond to and recover from cyber security incidents.
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Ben, Yana. "Organizational And Legal Mechanism Ukraine's Cooperation With NATO: Developments And Disadvantages." Science and Education a New Dimension IX(254), no. 46 (2021): 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31174/send-hs2021-254ix46-11.
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The study was conducted on the basis of the contradictory nature of Ukraine's cooperation with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, established in 1992. On the onehand, Ukraine has consistently stated its intention to integrate into NATO as a full member. The country has formed an organizational and legal mechanism for cooperation with NATO. The reis an indefinite Charter on a Distinctive Partnership between Ukraine and NATO. Intentions for full membership in the Alliance are included in the Constitution of Ukraine and national security legislation. The norm of cooperation between the parties is the development and signing of various programs for cooperation in security, defense, education and other areas. The majority of Ukrainian society supports the state's intention to join NATO. On the other hand, despite long-term cooperation with the Alliance, Ukraine has not receivedan Action Plan for NATO membership, which makes the ultimate goal of integration unattainable. The main obstacle to Ukraine's Euro-Atlantic integration has been and remains the insufficient pace of reforming the country's political, economic, judicial and other basic systems, as well as the security and defense sector. The over all result of the study is to emphasize the attention of the Ukrainian side to the need to accelerateur gent state reforms, update the existing organizational and legal mechanism of cooperation between Ukraine and NATO, bringing all components of the security and defense sector to Western standards. The conclusions point to the main contradiction in the practical support of Ukraine's Euro-Atlantic movement: the national state-building elite did not ensure the continuity of the political course on Euro-Atlantic integration and the accumulation of constructivism along the way. The hypothesis of the study was to prove the existence of a "medium" level of cooperation between Ukraine and NATO on the basis of the existing organizational and legal mechanism, which does not yetallow to raise the issue of Ukrainian integration into the Allianceon a full basis.The hypothesis is generally proven. It is considered appropriate to further monitor the state, problems of functioning, prospects for the development of the organizational and legal mechanism of Ukraine's cooperation with NATO with the formulation of appropriate recommendations to improveits effectiveness.
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Konyshev, V. N., and E. M. Skvortsova. "Foreign lobbying as an instrument of defense cooperation between Poland and the United States." Baltic Region 12, no. 2 (2020): 4–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2020-2-1.
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Defence cooperation between Poland and the United States significantly affects the security agenda of Russia, the Baltic region, and Europe as a whole. On the one hand, Poland intends to become a key partner of the US in ensuring European security. On the other hand, it has ambitions to take the leading position in the security area among the Baltic States. The Polish leadership sees an additional advantage in expanding military cooperation with the United States, regarding it as a jumping board to accelerating its economic and technological development. This article examines a mechanism underlying defence cooperation between the US and Poland, i.e. lobbying Poland’s interests in another state. This allows Warsaw to actively promote its interests in the US. The research methodology employed includes the periodisation of Polish lobbying activities in the US and an empirical study of lobbying based on analysis of original documents, many of which have been analysed for the first time. It is shown that, under the existing party system, Poland will not abandon strategic partnership with the United States, primarily in security and defence. Over the study period, Poland quickly gained experience in promoting its interests in the US through direct lobbying, showing flexibility in negotiations, relying on the two-party support in the US Congress, successfully coordinating the activities of its governing bodies and various corporations which are submitted to tight state control.
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Prokhovnyk, Pavlo. "HISTORICAL ASPECTS OF MILITARY-TECHNICAL COOPERATION UKRAINE-NATO AT THE PRESENT STAGE." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Ostrozʹka akademìâ". Serìâ Ìstoričnì nauki 1, no. 30 (2020): 54–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2409-6806-2020-30-54-60.
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The article analyzes the history of the development of military-technical cooperation between Ukraine and NATO as one of the defining areas of international military partnership. Taking into account specific historical circumstances and external aggression by the Russian Federation, the importance of Ukraine’s military-technical cooperation with partner countries for the implementation of political goals and objectives of the state for the development of defense industry and national security is emphasized. Ukraine faced new types of threats in all spheres of the state’s life, in the military in particular, which required active assistance from partner countries. The realities of the hybrid war, which has targeted our country, require new approaches to ensuring the state sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, including by strengthening military partnerships with the European Union and the United States. In modern geopolitical, socio-economic, international legal, military-political conditions, the nature, forms and directions of Ukraine’s military partnership need to be rethought and clarified. Today, Ukraine’s military cooperation with NATO is of a strategic nature, the tasks of which can be grouped into four key areas: maintaining military-political dialogue; assistance in reforming and developing the Armed Forces of Ukraine; ensuring contribution to international security and peacekeeping; defense and technical cooperation. As a result of this study, NATO membership will open new opportunities for Ukraine’s competitive defense industries and lay the foundation for military-technical cooperation at the international level. In this context, the myth that Ukraine’s accession to NATO will involve the collapse of Ukraine’s defense industry through the introduction of new NATO military standards, requirements for rearmament for our army is completely eliminated.
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Kazmiruk, S., I. Pampukha, and N. Blyzniuk. "PROBLEMS OF LEGAL REGULATION OF THE USE OF POLYGRAPH IN THE SECURITY AND DEFENSE SECTOR OF UKRAINE." Visnyk Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Military-Special Sciences, no. 2 (46) (2021): 62–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2217.2021.46.62-66.
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The year 2021 was proclaimed the year of the Euro-Atlantic transformation at the Department of Defense of Ukraine. The result of such transformational processes in the DoD of Ukraine and the Armed Forces of Ukraine will be the creation of the integrated Euro-Atlantic type defense institution that will ensure their obligatory transformation, together with the other subjects of the security and defense sector of Ukraine to the new standards functioning and the command and control procedure. In particular, the introduction of legal regulation of the use of the polygraph. Military security is one of the fundamental requirements to implement the right of the people of Ukraine on self-identification, preserve Ukraine as a state and secure its sustainable development. The protection of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine is the utmost valuable function of the State. The fulfillment of this norm of the Constitution of Ukraine in terms of existential military threat to national security requires applying a number of measures and defensive actions that adhere to the principles and norms of international law. The main purpose of the Strategy of the military security of Ukraine is a preliminary prepared and comprehensively maintained all-encompassing defense of Ukraine based on the principles of deterrence, sustainability, and cooperation that ensures military security, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of the state by introducing innovative tools to detect hidden information. In the course of the Euro-Atlantic integration process, there is a critical moment to start carrying out specific, complex, and relevant tasks in the sphere of external political activity that facilitate the implementation of relevant directions in developing innovative systems aimed at identifying concealed and false information. Particularly, the linguistic support of events of defense and military cooperation in order to systematically implement the reforms of the security and defense sector that are directed to meet the international NATO-members' standards. It is also relevant to urgently implement the legal and ethical norms on the activity of the polygraph examiner's when performing a psychophysiological detection of deception using a polygraph.
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Bengtsson, Rikard. "Nordic Security and Defence Cooperation: Differentiated Integration in Uncertain Times." Politics and Governance 8, no. 4 (2020): 100–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i4.3338.
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A decade ago, Nordic cooperation on security and defence matters gained momentum, having been largely absent from the map of Nordic cooperation during the Cold War and its aftermath. This article analyses developments along three dimensions of Nordic cooperation: military defence (focusing on the Nordic Defence Cooperation), civil security (in the form of the ‘Haga’ process), and political cooperation (through the implementation of the Stoltenberg report). Three observations stand out as a result: First, that the three dimensions are intimately related against the background of a common Nordic conceptualization of security; second, that there is simultaneously variation in significant respects (such as driving forces, scope, and degree of institutionalization); and third, that Nordic security and defence cooperation has developed in the context of European and transatlantic security dynamics and cooperation. The second part of the analysis seeks to interpret this picture from the analytical perspective of differentiated integration. The article ends with a set of reflections on the future of Nordic security and defence cooperation in light of the Coronavirus pandemic.
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Oleinic, Ludmila. "Approaching the national security of the Republic of Moldova from the perspective of foreign and defense policy." Moldoscopie, no. 1(92) (June 2021): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.52388/1812-2566.2021.1(92).07.
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The European Union is a stabilizing factor, important for the national security system that is why the Republic of Moldova is working to advance the European integration process. Accession to the European Union will strengthen the country’s security, with the Republic of Moldova becoming a beneficiary and a source of stability and security. In this regard a special place in the security context is also Moldova’s participation in global, regional and subregional efforts to promote international stability and security through cooperation within the UN, the OSCE, as well as NATO. The defense is a fundamental and distinct area of national security, which is in a relationship of interdependence with the processes of state development. Since the proclamation of independence, the Republic of Moldova has undergone a comprehensive process of strengthening the institutional capacities of the national defense system, a process that continues so far. Generalizing, this scientific research is intended to identify, strengthen and combine the efforts of institutions with their powers in the implementation of security and defense policies, as well as to effectively coordinate their actions.
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Wibisono, Ali Abdullah. "ASEAN-China Security Relations: Traditional and Non-Traditional Aspects." Jurnal Global & Strategis 11, no. 1 (2017): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.11.1.2017.39-54.
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Both ASEAN and China used the concept of Non-Traditional Security (NTS) in order to pursue security diplomacy in the Asia Pacific. For ASEAN, NTS is an area of security cooperation that allows it to drive the agenda of security architectures involving extra-regional powers such as the ASEAN Defense Ministerial Meeting Plus (ADMM+) and ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). For China, NTS policy agenda allows it to gain acceptance among ASEAN member-states and an active role in the security agenda of ASEAN-led security architectures. The question that this article is pursuing is to what extent has ASEAN-China cooperation on NTS balanced between addressing the humanitarian aspect and the political objectives of security? This question is derived from the conceptual origin of NTS that stands on the importance of both the state and the individuals as the referent subjects of security. This article argues that ASEAN-China NTS cooperation emphasized more towards the strengthening of state’s capacity to deal with non-state actors’ transnational criminal activities, either for profit-seeking or subversive purposes. It is also apparent from evaluating the Memorandum of Understandings and Plans of Action between ASEAN and China that NTS cooperation is one China’s investments to engage a closer cooperation with ASEAN as well as a stronger presence in Southeast Asia’s strategic environment.
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Petrova, Teodora, and Zhivo Petrov. "Analysis of the Capabilities of UAV’s and the Leading Trends in their Application in the European Cooperation Projects." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 26, no. 1 (2020): 106–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2020-0016.
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AbstractThe European defense agency (EDA) is the key institution in the European Union in implementing resource security measures for the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP). The Agency has set objectives in the field of military resource development, defense research and development, pan-European armaments cooperation projects, strengthening the industrial and technological resources and as a key focus the creation of a common competitive market for military and dual-use products. Significant progress has also been made in the area of unmanned aerial vehicles (Remotely Piloted Aircraft Systems, RPAS). The goal of the project is to introduce unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) into the internal airspace. The Agency coordinates the interaction between UAV national operators the European Commission, represented by the Directorate-General for Mobility and Transport and the European UAV Group.
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Meijer, Hugo. "Balancing Conflicting Security Interests: U.S. Defense Exports to China in the Last Decade of the Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 1 (2015): 4–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00529.
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This article discusses the rationale and evolution of U.S. defense exports to the People's Republic of China (PRC) during the final decade of the Cold War. The article is based on a large body of primary sources, including newly declassified documents, congressional hearings, and interviews with key officials. It shows that, contrary to what is often assumed in the literature, U.S. officials’ assessments of the optimal degree of defense cooperation with Beijing did not result solely from the objective of using the “China card” against the Soviet Union. A broader range of national security considerations shaped U.S. military cooperation with the PRC, including a desire not to enhance China's offensive capabilities vis-à-vis the United States and its Asia-Pacific friends and allies, the impact of defense transfers to China on U.S.-Soviet diplomatic relations, and the willingness of China to cooperate on nuclear proliferation. Faced with conflicting national security interests, the United States had to make delicate trade-offs in its military relationship with the PRC.
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Corning, Gregory P. "U.S.-Japan Security Cooperation in the 1990s: The Promise of High-Tech Defense." Asian Survey 29, no. 3 (1989): 268–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2644665.
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Corning, Gregory P. "U.S.-Japan Security Cooperation in the 1990s: The Promise of High-Tech Defense." Asian Survey 29, no. 3 (1989): 268–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1989.29.3.01p0257y.
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Arifin, Zainal, Agus Suman, and Moh Khusaini. "Countertrade Mechanism of Global Arms Trade: Case Study of Indonesia." International Journal of Financial Research 11, no. 1 (2019): 307. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/ijfr.v11n1p307.
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A strong national defense system serve to maintain the nation's honor such as creating peace, security, and sovereignty and becomes an effective instrument for bargaining position in relations between nations so that it has broad impacts, including impacts on economic aspects. The research approach used is a qualitative approach. This type of research is a systematic review research. Likewise, the defense industry of a country reflects the economic strength of its country, because in carrying out the defense function, the defense industry has a very important role, including in holding the national Main Tool of the Armament System. However, now not all defense equipment can be produced by the domestic defense industry, so some defense equipment must still be held in cooperation with foreign countries. Law No. 16 of 2012 concerning the Defense Industry mandates that procurement of defense equipment from abroad be permitted if it fulfills several requirements, including trade returns, local content, and offset. Counter trade is one of the mechanisms of cooperation that has been carried out by Indonesia. This mechanism allows reciprocal trade between two countries by buying goods from abroad with payment in the form of goods worth the goods imported. So it is important to analyze the potential for economic improvement for Indonesia that is generated by the mechanism of trade defense equipment from abroad, so that in conducting cooperation, Indonesia can benefit both in the short and long term.
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Avila, Ava Patricia C., and Justin Goldman. "Philippine-US relations: the relevance of an evolving alliance." Bandung: Journal of the Global South 2, no. 1 (2015): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s40728-015-0021-y.
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The Philippines and the United States maintain close ties that are grounded in a Mutual Defense Treaty signed in 1951. Security cooperation has been a hallmark despite evolving dynamics in the bilateral relationship, including a US colonial legacy that continues to cast a long shadow for many Filipinos. While contentious politics and domestic limitations present a potential constraint on the upward trajectory of the alliance relationship, there are indications that this expanded engagement can continue beyond the Aquino administration. The paper examines the condition of Philippine forces under President Aquino, the International Peace and Security Plan to pursue a credible external defense capability, the process of security sector reform, and matters pursuing a strong Philippine-US alliance.
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Komine, Yukinori. "Whither a “Resurgent Japan”: The Nixon Doctrine and Japan’s Defense Build-up, 1969–1976." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 3 (2014): 88–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00447.
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This article analyzes a broad range of U.S. and Japanese perspectives on Japan’s defense buildup in the 1970s, a buildup that simultaneously showed assertiveness and caution. President Richard M. Nixon announced what soon became known as the Nixon Doctrine, under which the United States began pressuring Japan to take on greater defense and regional responsibilities. U.S. officials assessed the extent to which Japan’s security role might affect U.S.-Japan burden sharing within the quadrilateral interactions in East Asia involving the United States, the Soviet Union, China, and Japan. Japanese leaders considered whether Japan should develop an autonomous defense posture (including the controversial question of Japan’s nuclear weapons program) or should seek qualitative improvements of its conventional self-defense force capabilities (within the context of its domestic institutional and normative restraints). The article concludes by assessing the political-security implications of the institutionalization of U.S.-Japan defense cooperation.
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Zhou, Shao Jing. "Research of Immune Network Defense System Based on Black Hole Theory." Applied Mechanics and Materials 543-547 (March 2014): 3023–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amm.543-547.3023.
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Active defense technology may predict future attack situation and detect unknown attacks, but it has many questions to will be researched: vulnerability, lower mal-ware detection rate, security situation awareness technology has faced problem of inter-organization cooperation, real-time response, correlation analysis, high-load low fault tolerance. Artificial immune technology combines with active defense technology to solve integrated artificial immune security situation awareness system with artificial immune technology and active defense technology by Black Hole theory and for diversification ad development characteristics of the artificial immune and active defense, gives a method about simulating Black Hole accretion theory to achieve absorption and utilization a variety of security and virus technology; a no escaped mechanism simulate the Black Hole; a method about access control method based on Hawking radiation theory. Based on the above work, applies virtual and sandbox technology to achieve network system itself virus immunity, and then that we implement re-engineering and reverse engineering for virus technology in order to study virus and dig more holes, create unified integrated defense tactics, so this defense system will improve ability of situation comprehension, situation prediction and intelligence decision.
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Goncharenko, Anatoliy. "The European Union in international relations of Canada at the end of XX – beginning of XXI century." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 90–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.90-95.
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Canada and the EU had a common vision of the fundamentals of the international relations system in the late XX – early XXI century and the need to respect the principles of international law. Canada in this matter has always acted together with other international actors on a coalition basis, accumulating defense potential.
 The EU has seen in Canadians close partners who share its values and have similar approaches to resolving conflict, so there are prospects for development of bilateral cooperation in the international arena.
 This was possible also due to the emergence of the Common foreign and defense policy of the EU and the implementation of important steps towards the development of European security policy and defense (ESDP). Therefore, at least a hypothetical European defense identity allows Canada to establish international cooperation with the EU in the defense sphere.
 Ottawa sought to demonstrate that Europe remains important to Canadian and international security interests, so he ESDP must not lead to the destruction of traditionally close relations between Canada and the European partners. Constitutive remains also link Europe with Canada in the framework of NATO.
 After the Maastricht Treaty of 1992 and the terrorist attacks of 2001, the EU is particularly interested in boosting relations with Canada. Despite the unity of views and approaches to solving most of the problems of international relations in the late XX – early XXI century between Canada and the EU, a common component in bilateral relations is still far from perfect, leaving the prospects for improving the Canadian-European cooperation on the international arena.
 Keywords: Canada, the European Union, international relationships, foreign policy