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1

Von Hippel, D., and P. Hayes. "INTERNATIONAL SECURITY: Energy Security for North Korea." Science 316, no. 5829 (2007): 1288–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.1142090.

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2

Kim, Jeong-Yong. "The Utilization of Business-Track Diplomacy: The Hyundai Group's Mt. Kumgang Tourism under the Kim Dae-Jung Government." International Studies Review 5, no. 1 (2004): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-00501005.

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This article presents the model of 'business-track diplomacy' to test a state's utilization of economic engagement strategy as security policy. The model provides ways to think around security issues and alternative security options that go beyond the traditional military containment approach to security in international relations. As a case study, the article investigates Hyundai Group's Mountain Kumgang tourism with North Korea. In this case study, it demonstrates that not only the Kim Dae-Jung government's strong policy-making will of business-track diplomacy towards North Korea but also th
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3

Itumo, A., F. C. Nnaji, and H. N. Nwobashi. "United Nations Security Council and denuclearization of North Korea: Interrogating the imperative for freeze-for-freeze option." Global Journal of Social Sciences 19 (October 30, 2020): 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/gjss.v19i1.7.

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The continued nuclear enrichment by North Korea despite several sanctions from the United Nations Security Council has continued to attract mixed reactions from scholars, security experts, policy makers and strategic thinkers. The issue has generated serious controversy which has become a critical subject of concern that dominates debates in many international and local discourses since the recent time. In most of these fora relevant stakeholders have proposed solutions for the denuclearization of North Korea in view of its implications for both regional stability and global security. This pap
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4

Husenicova, Lucia. "North Korean strategic culture: survival and security." Scientific Bulletin 23, no. 1 (2018): 26–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bsaft-2018-0004.

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Abstract During last year North Korea has made almost daily headline. Topics such as the strongest nuclear test, tests of missiles from medium range ballistic missiles (MRBM) to intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBM), readiness to retaliate to any possible U.S. attack, appeared frequently. In addition, the reaction of U.S. president D. Trump about American readiness to solve the issue, sending armada or reacting with fire and fury, were also covered by media all around the world. With these developments a possibility of nuclear war was discussed for the first time since the end of Cold War
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5

Kusumayani, Rahmah. "NORTH KOREA’S NUCLEAR WEAPON DEVELOPMENT IN REGARDS TO THE PRINCIPLE OF SELF DEFENCE IN INTERNATIONAL LAW." Padjadjaran Journal of International Law 4, no. 2 (2021): 192–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.23920/pjil.v4i2.411.

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 Self defence known as an inherent right that is owned by states to protect its sovereignty from attack by other states. The international rules about self defence do not give any limitation about the type of weapon that can be used by states, including the threat or use of nuclear weapons to act self defence. In Practice, many requirements must be fulfilled by states when they claim the act of self defence. Since 2006, North Korea proclaimed its capability to develop nuclear weapons based on self defence argument. The Security Council concluded that North Korea’s development of
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6

Midtgaard, Kristine. "National Security and the Choice of International Humanitarian Aid: Denmark and the Korean War, 1950–1953." Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 2 (2011): 148–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00107.

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Denmark was among five countries contributing humanitarian assistance to United Nations (UN) forces during the Korean War. In August 1950, Denmark offered to place at the disposal of the UN a fully equipped hospital ship. The decision reflected the Danish government's reluctance to send combat troops to Korea but its desire to take part in other ways. This article analyzes the political, organizational, and practical aspects of Danish policy, showing how Denmark's engagement in Korea was civilian rather than military in its orientation. The assistance was organized by the Danish Red Cross, and
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7

Jinki Kim. "Korea-Japan Security Cooperation in the New International Order." Journal of North-east Asian Cultures 1, no. 34 (2013): 453–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17949/jneac.1.34.201303.024.

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8

Toloraya, G. D. "Russia and the Issues of the Korean Peninsula." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(37) (August 28, 2014): 82–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-4-37-82-91.

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The importance of Korean Peninsula in Russian foreign strategy is based on the need to preserve peace and stability in the Russia's Far East "soft underbelly" and to be a part of international efforts to solve the Korean problem, as well as to promote regional economic cooperation. In 1990-s Russia's position on the peninsula weakened, mainly because of the rupture of ties with North Korea, while relations with South Korea were reactive in nature. Rebalancing relations with the two Koreas in 2000-s increased Russia's involvement into Korean settlement, including the 6- party format. Russia/s r
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9

Kotch, John Barry. "Security over Unity in Korea?" Foreign Affairs 72, no. 2 (1993): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045610.

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10

Lee, Sojeong, Brandon Prins, and Krista E. Wiegand. "The US–South Korea alliance: How the patron benefits from the protégé." International Area Studies Review 24, no. 2 (2021): 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/22338659211018325.

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Since the end of World War II, the US military has continuously deployed troops to South Korea. The alliance works as an asymmetrical alliance, where the US is a patron and South Korea is a protégé. While it is argued that this deployment has significant political, economic, and military effects on South Korea and the region, few studies have examined how the presence of US forces there enhances US military and economic power as well as national security interests. In this paper, we examine the costs and benefits of the US–South Korea alliance, specifically focusing on US troop deployment on t
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11

Bleiker, Roland. "Visual autoethnography and international security: Insights from the Korean DMZ." European Journal of International Security 4, no. 3 (2019): 274–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eis.2019.14.

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AbstractThe purpose of this article is to introduce and explore the political potential of visual autoethnography. I do so through my experience of working as a Swiss Army officer in the Korean Demilitarized Zone (DMZ). Drawing on my own photographs I examine how an appreciation of everyday aesthetic sensibilities can open up new ways of thinking about security dilemmas. I argue that visual autoethnography can be insightful not because it offers better or even authentic views – it cannot – but because it has the potential to reveal how prevailing political discourses are so widely rehearsed an
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12

Fedorovskii, A., and V. Shvydko. "National Security and Development as Strategic Priorities of the Republic of Korea and Japan." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 8 (2021): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-8-41-50.

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The article explores new policies related to security and economic development as represented by the cases of the Republic of Korea and Japan. It assesses combination of old and new internal and external challenges to security, economic development, and social stability, noting the increased interplay of factors affecting national security and innovative growth. The latter is increasingly viewed as an indispensable condition for military, political and social security of a nation, for effectively responding to external pressures as well as to ecological, epidemiological and technology-related
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13

Zagoria, Donald, and Robert Dujarric. "Korea: Security Pivot in Northeast Asia." Foreign Affairs 77, no. 6 (1998): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049190.

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14

Hayat, Muhammad Umer, Asefa Khilji, and Farrukh Shehzad. "American Conduct towards North Korea: Realist Analysis of Clinton and Bush Administration." Global Political Review V, no. III (2020): 68–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-iii).07.

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North Korea tends to be a state of the 21st century that redefines realism in the contemporary era while concentrating on protecting its sovereignty by making self-help the primary concern. US-North Korea bilateral relations face fluctuations. North Korean intentions have progressed from the Realism thought, now willing to attain security maximization along with maximizing its power based on the notions of defensive and offensive realism. The supremacy of North Korea does not quench as the Nuclear might in Northeast Asia; it aims to attack mainland USA with its developed technology. The study
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15

Nam, Kijeong. "Linking peace with reconciliation." Asian Education and Development Studies 8, no. 3 (2019): 328–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-09-2018-0149.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explain Japan’s role in the peace process on the Korean Peninsula that began in early 2018. Design/methodology/approach This paper emphasizes the historical context of international politics in Northeast Asia, rather than power politics or geopolitics. The paper reaffirms the significance of the ongoing peace process on the Korean Peninsula by considering a synthesis of three joint declarations published in 1998, 2000 and 2002 between the Republic of Korea (ROK) and Japan, the ROK and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), and between the DPRK and
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16

Borlini, Leonardo. "The NORTH KOREA’S GAUNTLET, INTERNATIONAL LAW AND THE NEW SANCTIONS IMPOSED BY THE SECURITY COUNCIL." Italian Yearbook of International Law Online 26, no. 1 (2017): 319–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116133-90000168a.

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The Security Council’s reaction to the nuclear tests conducted by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK or North Korea) in 2016 through Resolutions 2270 and 2321 have significantly changed the picture of UN sanctions regime against this country and created the most comprehensive, legally-binding, sanctions program imposed against a State since Iraq in the 1990s. While raising questions on their lawfulness under international law, the DPRK’s military actions have repeatedly challenged the international community. At the moment of finalising the present article, the situation seems mor
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17

Yeo, Andrew I. "Realism, critical theory, and the politics of peace and security: Lessons from anti-base protests on Jeju Island." European Journal of International Security 3, no. 2 (2017): 235–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eis.2017.18.

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AbstractDrawing on insights from International Relations and social movement theories, I explore anti-base protests on Jeju Island and the ensuing politics of peace. I find that the clash between activists and policymakers is fundamentally tied to different views regarding the legitimacy of state actions on security policy and whether actors see states or people as the primary object of security. These real-world differences are mirrored in realist and critical perspectives of international politics. Policymakers tend to view the naval base as a means of protecting national interests and enhan
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18

Kim, Dae Woon. "The development of the private security industry in South Korea: history, progress, and critical issues, 1950-2014." Journal of Criminological Research, Policy and Practice 1, no. 3 (2015): 143–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcrpp-05-2015-0011.

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Purpose – The literature on the growth and regulations pertaining to private security has been largely confined to western countries, with very little published on other jurisdictions including South Korea. The purpose of this paper is to provide a general account of the development of the South Korean industry and an assessment of regulation, covering the period from 1950 to the present day, and to explore areas of possible improvement in regulation. Design/methodology/approach – A research synthesis method was utilised to identify and integrate qualitative materials on turning points and reg
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19

Mencel, Marian. "Konsekwencje spotkania Donalda Trumpa i Kim Dzong Una w Singapurze." Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość XV (June 15, 2019): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.0395.

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As a consequence of the intensification of nuclear tests and long-range mis-siles, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea has become the subject of debates and pressure from the international environment, which is mani-fested by the increasingly stringent sanctions imposed by the UN Security Council, complemented by diplomatic pressures and intensified political influence on Pyongyang by the United States and China. As a result of their application, the relations between the two Korean states were warmed up, and the North Korean leader, Kim Jong Un, proposed to implement the process of denu
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20

Tong, Ri Il. "Reunification of Korea and security in Northeast Asia." RUSI Journal 147, no. 1 (2002): 35–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071840208446738.

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21

Shin, Seungjae, Won-jun Lee, and Dustin Odom Odom. "A Comparative Study Of Smartphone Users Perception And Preference Towards Mobile Payment Methods In The U.S. And Korea." Journal of Applied Business Research (JABR) 30, no. 5 (2014): 1365. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jabr.v30i5.8793.

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As the Smartphone adoption rate increases, Smartphone users pay more attention to mobile payment. There are several options for mobile payment but there is no dominate method. Proximity mobile payment is the newest form of mobile payment. Security, cost, and convenience are three main factors Smartphone users keep in mind when making a mobile payment. This paper investigates Smartphone users perceptions and preferences toward mobile payment methods in Korea and the U.S. U.S. Smartphone users have a willingness to pay more for a secure mobile payment transaction, even though Korean users have m
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22

Lee, Shin‐wha. "Human security aspects of international migration: The case of South Korea." Global Economic Review 32, no. 3 (2003): 41–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12265080308422924.

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23

Jordan, Klara Tothova. "United Nations Security Council Resolution 2094 on Nuclear Nonproliferation in North Korea." International Legal Materials 52, no. 5 (2013): 1196–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/intelegamate.52.5.1196.

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On March 7, 2013, the United Nations Security Council unanimously passed Resolution 2094 (2013), bolstering the scope of United Nations (UN) sanctions against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). The Resolution represents the international community’s latest attempt at applying diplomatic and economic pressure to the DPRK so as to curb its nuclear weapons program. The resolution is also a response to the DPRK’s third nuclear test on February 12, 2013 and its subsequent threat to carry out preemptive nuclear strikes against the United States and South Korea. Acting under Chapter VI
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24

Babar, Summar Iqbal Babar, Imran Ali Sandano, and Syed Fraz Hussain Naqvi Syed. "PEACE PROCESS IN KOREAN PENINSULA: PROSPECTS AND CHALLENGES." Asia-Pacific - Annual Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia 38 (February 5, 2021): 38–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol38.iss0.2433.

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The peace process in the Korean Peninsula is one of the pivotal issues for international security. The burgeoning nuclear programme of North Korea, relief in sanctions and the presence of US forces are the daunting challenges for the peace and strategic stability in the Korean Peninsula. For that purpose, different measures, ranging from diplomatic efforts to global sanctions, have been taken. The reinitiating of the peace process in 2017, which involved the intra-Korean negotiations and Trump-Kim Summits have given a positive yet fragile signal. However, the peace process involves various ste
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25

Fedorovsky, A., and V. Shvydko. "Inter-Korean Relations: Political Role of Regional Powers." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2014): 83–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-2-83-91.

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Missile launches and nuclear tests by DPRK in 2013 undermined inter-Korean cooperation and regional stability. The primary purpose of these activities was to strengthen legitimacy of Kim Jong Un’s administration. South Korean president Park Geun-Hye’s trustpolitik policy focused on improving mutual understanding and developing step-by-step inter-Korean cooperation. Regional powers jointly opposed North Korea’s missile and nuclear programs, but failed to elaborate common understanding on policies to promote security in the Korean peninsula as well as on prospects for the unification of Korea.
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26

DiFilippo, Anthony. "History, Ideology, and Human Rights." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 2 (2020): 153–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.2.153.

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This article will analyze the connection between history, countervailing ideologies, that is, the legacy of the Cold War, and the perceived identification of human rights violations as they pertain to countries with major security interests in Northeast Asia. This article will further show that the enduring nuclear-weapons problem in North Korea has been inextricably linked to human rights issues there, specifically because Washington wants to change the behavior of officials in Pyongyang so that the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) becomes a state that at least remotely resembles
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Yu, Harang, and Hangbae Chang. "A Meta-Analysis of Industrial Security Research for Sustainable Organizational Growth." Sustainability 12, no. 22 (2020): 9526. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12229526.

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As the world enters a fourth Industrial Revolution, organizations worldwide face challenges in dealing with important assets such as industrial technology. Leaking these assets can not only damage organizations economically but also negatively affect customer relationships and brand image. This has led to an increased awareness of industrial security in both the business and academic spheres and a focus on identifying and implementing countermeasures against security incidents, as future computing environments will continuously face security threats. This study first examines the literature on
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Sohlberg, Marcus, and Ariane Yvon. "Korea – Import Bans, and Testing and Certification Requirements for Radionuclides (Korea–Radionuclides (Japan)), DS495." World Trade Review 18, no. 3 (2019): 533–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745619000314.

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The dispute concerns a variety of Korean measures imposed in relation to food imports from Japan following its nuclear accident at Fukushima Dai-ichi Nuclear Power Plant on 11 March 2011. Korea imposed import bans and additional testing and certification requirements in relation to a broad range of fish and non-fishery products from Japan to ensure food safety arising from the possible presence of radionuclides in the food imports. These measures were subject to challenge by Japan under the WTO Agreement on the Application of Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (‘SPS Agreement’), which applies
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Tan, Erwin, and Jae Jeok Park. "The US-North Korean asymmetrical security dilemma: Past the point of nuclear no return?" International Area Studies Review 23, no. 2 (2020): 194–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865920918508.

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The bulk of literature on the security dilemma has examined the phenomenon within the context of rivalry between great powers of roughly equal strength (for instance, the United States-Soviet nuclear arms race). Yet no study has examined the implications of power asymmetry between a strong power and a weak one when they are facing the security dilemma in their interaction. This manuscript shall examine how the asymmetry of interaction in the United States-North Korean security dilemma has presented repeated obstacles for the United States in seeking the denuclearization of North Korea. The asy
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Bedeski, Robert W., and A. James Gregor. "Land of the Morning Calm: Korea and American Security." International Journal 46, no. 3 (1991): 568. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202904.

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31

SON, KEY-YOUNG. "Middle Powers and the Rise of China: ‘Identity Norms’ of Dependency and Activism and the Outlook for Japan–South Korea Relations vis-à-vis the Great Powers." Japanese Journal of Political Science 15, no. 1 (2014): 91–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109913000364.

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AbstractHow do state identities and their accompanying norms affect security behaviour especially when states consider forming alliances or alignments? Are middle powers different from great powers in their security norms and preferences? This article identifies dependency and activism as two ‘identity norms’ that constitute and reproduce medium-sized states as bona fide middle powers. This article argues that, due to the identity norms of a middle power, Japan and South Korea are reluctant to form a bilateral alliance between themselves and their efforts to socialize with China do not necessa
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32

DYACHKOV, Ilya Vladimirovich. "UN SANCTIONS AGAINST THE DPRK: AN ASSESSMENT OF EFFICIENCY." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 177 (2018): 173–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2018-23-177-173-179.

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The last decade and a half we saw the gradual forming of a sanctions regime against the DPRK in connection with Pyongyang’s nuclear and missile programs. United Nations Security Council resolutions have disconnected North Korea from the global financial system, cut all foreign military ties with the country, introduced considerable sectoral sanctions on imports and exports, blocked major channels Pyongyang used to acquire foreign currency. Besides, the United States, South Korea and Japan have simultaneously enforced unilateral restrictions. Early 2018 offers an opportunity to solve the Korean
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Lee, Doyeon, Yoseob Heo, and Keunhwan Kim. "A Strategy for International Cooperation in the COVID-19 Pandemic Era: Focusing on National Scientific Funding Data." Healthcare 8, no. 3 (2020): 204. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/healthcare8030204.

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The coronavirus crisis may lead to a deeper understanding of international collaborations for developing antivirals and vaccines that are essential to protect us from current and future health security threats. Beyond technical solutions, the government of South Korea needs to establish a timely strategic investment in coronavirus-related research and development (R&D) in order to enhance the capabilities for managing this new uncertainty in regard to the domestic health crisis. Thus, this study aims to provide useful information about the status of global coronavirus-related research from
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34

Hess, Ashley A. C. "Why Does North Korea Engage in Provocations?" Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 5, no. 1 (2018): 57–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797017749044.

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Given the increasing number and severity of North Korean provocations, this article quantitatively analyses the relationship between North Korean actions and different types of events and actions taken by the international community commonly described as ‘triggers’ for these provocations. A database of 257 possible trigger events and 88 North Korean provocations, covering the period from 1 January 2012 through 21 November 2016, was developed for investigation. Statistical analyses assessed correlations between specific types of trigger events and North Korean provocations writ large as well as
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Cho, Yongsung. "Effects of a Threat and Alliance on International Cooperation: Comparison of Inter-Korean and Turkish-Armenian Railway Projects." RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, no. 2 (2021): 225–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-2-225-232.

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The article examines restricting factors in international cooperation, drawing a comparative analysis of two cases on cross-border infrastructure projects: the Gyeongui railway line that connects North and South Korea and the Kars-Gyumri-Tbilisi railway line that links Turkey and Armenia. In both cases, states involved strive for the normalization of diplomatic relations and border openness as well as potential economic opportunities and national security. Nevertheless, neither Seoul and Pyongyang nor Ankara and Yerevan succeeded in building a sustainable cooperation framework. While the outco
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Mistry, Dinshaw. "Security, economics, and missile diplomacy with North Korea." Diplomacy & Statecraft 14, no. 4 (2003): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290312331295654.

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Ren, Xiao. "Managing volatile asymmetry: China’s emergence from the Korean dilemma." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 23, no. 2 (2021): 337–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148120980159.

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Among the most complicated issues in contemporary Chinese foreign policy is that of the Korean Peninsula and North Korea in particular. Critics have long complained, often internally, that China dare not use, and did not know how to use, the leverage it possessed. Why was this the case given that the relationship with North Korea is an asymmetric one with China the much more powerful side? Has China managed this asymmetry better more recently, and why? This article tries to address these questions. The relationship changed significantly in recent years when the Xi Jinping leadership decided to
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Gill, Amandeep Singh. "Artificial Intelligence and International Security: The Long View." Ethics & International Affairs 33, no. 02 (2019): 169–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000145.

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AbstractHow will emerging autonomous and intelligent systems affect the international landscape of power and coercion two decades from now? Will the world see a new set of artificial intelligence (AI) hegemons just as it saw a handful of nuclear powers for most of the twentieth century? Will autonomous weapon systems make conflict more likely or will states find ways to control proliferation and build deterrence, as they have done (fitfully) with nuclear weapons? And importantly, will multilateral forums find ways to engage the technology holders, states as well as industry, in norm setting an
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Cagney, Brendon, and Ernest Wong. "System Dynamics as a Foreign Policy Tool to Resolve the North Korean Dilemma." Industrial and Systems Engineering Review 5, no. 2 (2017): 145–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.37266/iser.2017v5i2.pp145-152.

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Since its establishment as a nation-state after World War II, North Korea has undermined regional stability and has increased the threat to global security. The North Korean regime has shown time and time again that it will stop at nothing to maintain its power and portray itself as a strong and prosperous nation. Today the worry over North Korea extends well beyond its substantial conventional firepower—its asymmetric gains in chemical, biological, nuclear, and cyber warfare capabilities have given rise to a new set of complexities that frustrate international accord. Kim Jong-Un, North Korea
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40

Lee Kyu Chang. "Personal Security of South Korean and International Law in case of Entry and Stay in North Korea." Korean Lawyers Association Journal 59, no. 5 (2010): 225–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17007/klaj.2010.59.5.006.

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41

Rathbone, Meredith, and Pete Jeydel. "United Nations Security Council Resolutions 2321, 2371, & 2375." International Legal Materials 56, no. 6 (2017): 1176–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ilm.2017.40.

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As concerns grow that North Korea's nuclear weapons and ballistic missile programs are nearing the point of becoming an unacceptably dire threat to international peace and security, the United Nations, acting with unprecedented collective resolve, has imposed potentially suffocating international economic sanctions on North Korea. These sanctions are bolstered by even more stringent measures imposed unilaterally by the United States. The international community has not in recent memory come together in this way to seek to cut a country off from nearly all trade and investment. This will be a t
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Lee, Kyoung Haing, and Hyeong Pil Seo. "Analysis of the flight trajectory characteristics of North Korea SLBM due to launching mode." International Journal of Modeling, Simulation, and Scientific Computing 07, no. 04 (2016): 1643005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793962316430054.

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The current research aims to simulate the flight trajectory of the North Korean submarine–launched ballistic missile (SLBM) and analyze its flight characteristics based on its range control method. Recently, North Korea has completed the test flight of SLBM and it has become a significant threat to international security. North Korea obtained SLBM technologies from Russia while disbanding decommissioned Russian submarines, and it is suspected that North Korea will continue to experiment in related fields along with its continued attempts to miniaturize nuclear weapons. If North Korea completes
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Zakharova, L. V. "Implications of UN Security Council Sanctions for Russia – North Korea Economic Relations." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series Political Science and Religion Studies 34 (2020): 67–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2073-3380.2020.34.67.

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The UN Security Council imposed tough economic sanctions against the DPRK in response to Pyongyang's nuclear and missile tests in 2016-2017. They placed considerable strain on economic relations with North Korea. Prior to the introduction of the new international restrictions, economic relations between the Russian Federation and the DPRK had been mainly represented by trade, the Hasan-Rajin joint transport and logistics project, temporary labor migration of North Korean citizens to work in Russia, and humanitarian assistance from the Russian Federation. New investment cooperation projects had
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Dyomina, Yana. "DPRK’s Foreign Trade: The Impact of Sanctions." Regionalistica 8, no. 1 (2021): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.14530/reg.2021.1.5.

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The author analyzes the dynamics and structure of DPRK’s foreign trade, as well as the impact of international sanctions. Currently, in accordance with UN Security Council resolutions, sanctions include a complete ban on the country’s main export goods, restrictions on the import of petroleum products and the use of North Korean labor abroad. International sanctions and the aggravation of the North and South relations had a significant negative effect on the DPRK’s foreign trade. Until 2013, there was a positive trend, but the tightening of sanctions and nullification of trade with the Republi
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Yu, Hyun‐Seok. "Economic threat to human security: Household debt problem in Korea." Global Economic Review 32, no. 3 (2003): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12265080308422925.

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Zagoria, Donald S., Robert A. Scalapino, and Hongkoo Lee. "Korea-U.S. Relations: The Politics of Trade and Security." Foreign Affairs 68, no. 4 (1989): 216. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044182.

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Ong, Russell. "South Korea and China's Security Objectives in East Asia." Asia-Pacific Review 15, no. 2 (2008): 102–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13439000802571541.

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48

Aumayr, Andrea. "International Peace Cooperation Activities of Japan and the Republic of Korea between 2000 and 2010: A Comparative Analysis." Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies 7, no. 1 (2015): 31–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/vjeas-2015-0002.

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Abstract International peace cooperation plays an important role in international relations. National interests and power balances lead to situations in which national security, human security and peace are often threatened, and international cooperation is required. The desire for peace and security is a motivating factor for states to engage in cooperation and to foster a more stable and secure environment, which in turn will also facilitate further social, political and economic development in individual countries as well as worldwide. Due to globalisation, the interconnectedness and interd
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Chung, Eun Bin. "Can Affirming National Identity Increase International Trust? Experimental Evidence from South Korean, Chinese, and Japanese Nationals." International Studies Review 16, no. 1 (2015): 75–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01601005.

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How can states with a history of conflict promote trust with one another? Distrust between South Korea-Japan and China-Japan aggravates security fears and limits institutional cooperation in the region. Existing studies support the promotion of a common, overarching identity (e.g. “Asian-ness”) over a strong sense of national belonging. Are salient national identities harmful or helpful for increasing trust between countries? Applying the psychological theory of group-affirmation to an international context and integrating experimental methods from behavioral economics, I aim to examine whethe
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Lee, Steven H., and Yong-Pyo Hong. "State Security and Regime Security: President Syngman Rhee and the Insecurity Dilemma in South Korea, 1953-1960." International Journal 55, no. 4 (2000): 673. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203515.

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