Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Security Partnership'

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe, Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald. "March 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 24, 2009. Author(s) subject terms Turkey, NATO, ESDP, Partnership for Peace, European Integration, European Union. Includes bibliographical references (p. 63-67). Also available in print.

This thesis attempts to assess the security aspect of the Barcelona Process (Process), or so called Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) within the theoretical framework of new regionalism and the Copenhagen School (Security complex theory) which agrees with neo/realism, neo-liberal institutionalism and constructivism in some aspects. The end of the Cold War broadened the security agenda and new security concerns emerged. Actually, most of the so- called security threats are not new, but the perception of them by the states has changed with globalization which increased the interconnectedness and density of the interaction. Global challenges have made states more vulnerable so appreciated the cooperative interaction at regional level. Comprehensive and cooperative security approaches gained importance and led regional security partnership among states. The construction of Euro-Mediterranean security partnership is one case stemming from the high level of interdependence between the European and the Mediterranean countries. The historical ties, economic dependency, geographical proximity increased the EU’s interest towards the Mediterranean. While new regionalism enables to grasp systemic factors in the Process, the Copenhagen School permits to understand security partnership at the regional level. The rise of illegal immigration flows and religious fundamentalism in the Mediterranean as well as tension in the Middle East conflict, the Iraqi War, and terrorist attacks to the US, Algeria and recently Turkey appreciated the importance of the EMP policy and security cooperation so make this study more crucial.

This study showed that the security challenges in five sectors of the security defined by the Copenhagen School are observable in the EMP’s case. Both military and non-military concerns threaten the stability and prosperity in the Mediterranean Basin. The three baskets of the EMP depict its comprehensive security approach. Having made an overview of the Barcelona Process, the thesis evaluated the security challenges in general and the thematic areas of concerns in depth. Since security cannot be defined without reference to the perceptions and security cultures of the actors, the study examined the perceptions and security cultures in the EMP.

The evaluation of the EMP showed that the EMP has shown certain developments on the way for the security cooperation. However, it could not produce tangible results due to the fundamental shortcomings categorized as inter and intra-institutional incoherence, definitional/perceptional problems and multi- actor involvement in the region. The lack of institutional structures, asymmetrical relations among partners, unbalanced distribution of powers and lack of commitment of the EU are crucial problems. On the basis of all problems lie the gap between the perceptions and security culture of Europe and the Arab world. Thus, this thesis emphasizes the enhancement of inter- subjective understanding and cultural dialogue in order to improve trust and interaction among partners. The EMP is on right track to build zone of peace in the Basin, but it requires longue durée to achieve this.

The end of the Cold War created new challenges and opportunities for European Security. The power vacuum that was left by the disappearance of the Warsaw Pact needed to be addressed quickly and pragmatically to ensure the democratization of the former Eastern Block nations. Also, recent developments in World Security such as increased Terrorism and Military Operations Other Than War have forced NATO and other Transatlantic Security Institutions to adapt to a new way of thinking, operating and cooperating. This thesis identifies some of the most recent political and security procedures of NATO, other various Transatlantic Security Institutions and the National Guard State Partnership Program to aide these nascent democracies. This thesis focuses on Hungary.s successful experience of obtaining NATO membership via the Partnership for Peace Programme and State Partnership Program as a case-study.
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Major, Ohio Air National Guard
Major, Hungarian Army

Current counterinsurgency (COIN) doctrine in Afghanistan portrays community engagement and ‘winning over’ local villages as the key to COIN success. With the ongoing withdrawal of Coalition troops, strategy has increasingly emphasized the training of local security forces capable of engaging and gaining the support of Afghan communities while protecting them from the insurgent threat. This strategy draws on the principles of community policing but neither articulates them clearly nor implements them in accordance with policing experience. COIN is inherently ‘outcome-driven’ and thus is difficult to reconcile with the ‘process-oriented’ community policing approach. If community policing is to be utilized as an effective COIN engagement strategy, policing lessons must be integrated into COIN doctrine to overcome the challenges and conflicting priorities common to both efforts. I argue that three community policing lessons are particularly relevant to current COIN policy in Afghanistan. The militarization of the Afghan National Police, the ‘localizing’ of community policing arrangements, and the COIN approach to Afghan youth and children should be reconsidered in light of the experiences and research of community policing. I use a comparative case study of the COIN during the Troubles in Northern Ireland to highlight how these policies interfere with community engagement and require a clearer division of labour when pursuing COIN and community policing priorities. Community policing does not offer a solution to the challenges of community engagement during insurgency but integrating the two fields allows strategic expectations to align with the realistic limitations and possibilities of engaging communities through policing.

This thesis aims to examine the security dimension of Turkey&rsquo
s relations with Russia during the period between 2000 and 2010. In this context, political, military and energy aspects of the security relations between Turkey and Russia are examined in detail. Contrary to the views that conceive the recent rapprochement in Turkish-Russian relations as &lsquo
strategic partnership&rsquo
or a form of cooperation that has the potential of reaching the level of strategic partnership, the thesis argues that these countries have developed their bilateral relations in the form of pragmatic cooperation due to the existing limits to the deeper levels of cooperation in the security field. It seems that the euphoria of rapprochement between two countries is resulted from the diminution of mutual threat levels as well as the proliferation of common interest areas. Nevertheless, despite these developments, both Turkey and Russia continue to consider their relations as a form of pragmatic cooperation rather than strategic partnership.

Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations and M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Tjarck G. Roessler. Includes bibliographical references (p. 131-135). Also available online.

Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2002.
Thesis advisor(s): Lyman Miller, Paul Stockton. Includes bibliographical references (p. 59-62). Also available online.

The recent development of the Indo-Pacific region is characterised by the changing balance of power and the emergences of new forms of security cooperation. The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QSD) between Japan, the United States (U.S.), Australia and India came back into existence in 2017 after their failed attempt in 2007-2008. This thesis attempts to investigate what factors explain the re-emergence of the QSD by synthesising several alignment/alliance theories in International Relations (IR). Given the previous research on the QSD and theoretical discussions, this thesis points out the two key factors that contributed to the re-emergence of the QSD: the shared threat perception towards China and the shared objectives in the Indo-Pacific region. The content analysis of a number of official policy documents and press statements revealed that Japan, the U.S., Australia and India have increasingly perceived China as a threat and coordinated their policy objectives in the Indo-Pacific region under the concept of the Free and Open-Indo Pacific.

The recent enlargements of the European Union brought about a strategic shift in the EU’s approach to conflict management and security in the eastern neighbourhood. The Partnership and Co-operation Agreements between the EU and Moldova contained no mention of the Transnistrian dispute, while the agreement between the EU and Geor gia included a vague phrase regarding political dialogue which may include the issue of conflict resolution. The addition of new members to the Union, however, expanded the EU into its neighbourhood and brought closer the unresolved territorial disputes. Concerns that were once further away are now right next door. While the former accession states might have served as buffers to these concerns, they can no longer, as members of the Union, be seen as such. Therefore, there is a greater need to address security issues, such as the ‘frozen conflicts’ bordering the EU. This thesis will examine the evolution of the EU’s responses to security chal lenges in the Eastern neighbourhood, and assess the role the EU plays in addressing these ‘frozen conflicts’ through the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy. Fur ther, this thesis will argue that the EU has thus far exerted limited direct pressure towards direct resolution of these conflicts and has instead approached regional stability through a variety of other indirect and long term means, such as the pursuit of economic growth and political stability. In particular, the research will look at the security sector reform (SSR) and will focus on the EU’s impact, or Europeanization, in the rule of law and border management sectors of Moldova and Georgia. It will be shown that these two sectors are related to promoting political stability and economic growth, which is in line with the EU’s effort to support development in Moldova and Georgia, and thus indirectly address ‘frozen conflict’ resolution by. altering the incentive structures. This thesis will conclude that the EU does have an impact on the rule of law and border management sectors and subsequently some impact on the ‘frozen conflict’ in Moldova but less so on the conflicts in Georgia.

CHDS State/Local
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Nine years after the 9/11 attacks--and despite the passage of federal legislation, the creation of a U.S. Department of Homeland Security and the appropriation of billions of dollars for this nation's security--the National Aeronautical Domain (NAD) is still vulnerable to exploitation and attack. Indeed, as has been evidenced time and again since September 11, 2001, ideologically-driven actors remain committed to exploiting the residual weaknesses of the U.S. aviation security apparatus. This thesis examines three critical areas within the U.S. aviation security system and concludes that, in order to effectively and efficiently reduce the nation's exposure to aviation-based acts of terrorism, both federal and local levels of collaboration in the following areas is urgently required: 1) improved sharing of threat intelligence information; 2) identification and uniform utilization of a specific risk-assessment methodology; and; adaptation of an intelligence-led policing management model within the aviation security field. In order to achieve the strategic goal of protecting the United States through its aeronautical domain, each of the subject areas referenced is discussed as an interdisciplinary process. Finally, the aviation-related security procedures of three allied nations are examined to determine if other democratically governed countries have achieved success in the same areas.

CHDS State/Local
Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited
To defend American agriculture against foreign or domestic terrorism, it is essential that states build multi-state partnerships to provide for the collaborative plans, programs and operations needed to protect the nations food security. The National Homeland Security Strategy puts states on the front lines in the war against terrorism---including the struggle to secure the agriculture industry from potentially devastating attack. The issues surrounding agro-terrorism are vast and complex and the resources of the Federal government to address these issues are limited and overextended. If states attempt to address this threat independently, important opportunities to reduce vulnerability and enhance capability will be lost. To achieve the capabilities needed for agro terrorism detection, mitigation, preparedness and response, states must collaborate to build the partnerships and programs their citizens require. This thesis argues multi-state partnerships are critical to defeating this threat as well as providing a robust response to an attack. Whether intentionally introduced or naturally occurring , infectious diseases can easily cross state borders before an outbreak is even detected. States must be prepared to act quickly to mitigate the effects of any crisis. There is a significant opportunity for states to strengthen their abilities to provide for a stronger agriculture counter terrorism preparedness system. The states can further their ability to combat attacks on agriculture actively by demonstrating leadership in implementing administrative agreements and ultimately adopting compact(s) between states as well as with the private sector.
Civilian, Homeland Security Advisor and Emergency Management Administrator, Iowa Homeland Security and Emergency Management Division

This thesis seeks to analyze the nature of relations between Armenia and Russia in the 2000s. Contrary to the dominant view that relations between these two countries could be labeled as strategic partnership, this thesis argues that these relations could be characterized as pragmatic cooperation. In fact, both countries having close relations in all fields and refraining from pursuing policies that might harm the other&rsquo
s interests in the 1990s, gave priority to their own national interests in the diplomatic and economic fields in the 2000s, while maintaining close cooperation in the security field. In the 2000s, Russia started to pursue a pragmatic foreign policy by improving its relations with Azerbaijan that has rich oil and natural gas reserves. Likewise, Armenia has also started to pursue a balanced foreign policy by enhancing its cooperation with the Western countries and international organizations in diplomatic and security fields in the same period. Moreover, Armenia also deepened its cooperation with Iran in the energy sector to decrease its energy dependence on Russia. Consequently, both Armenia and Russia have started to pursue pragmatic policies in diplomatic and economic fields to maximize their own national interests while maintaining close cooperation in security field. Therefore, bilateral relations between these two countries started to take more pragmatic character than a strategic partnership.

The Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of the European Union (EU) has often been characterised by legal scholars as an intergovernmental ‘pillar’ within the constitutional structure of the EU, distinct from the type of law and legal processes common to other dimensions of the European integration process. The perceived limitations caused by the intergovernmental nature of the CFSP have contributed to the widespread view that it is largely ineffective in meeting its goals. This thesis analyses the CFSP by characterising it as a system of governance. Building on the language and meanings of ‘governance’, an institutional constructivist framework of legal analysis is developed. Using this framework helps to show that characterising the CFSP in this way demonstrates how its (legal) effects go beyond the instruments provided for in the Treaty on European Union. The CFSP as a system of governance can be seen to influence other Union-level instruments, tools and policies in which the EU’s foreign policy goals are pursued. The case is made that the CFSP can be understood as an integral part of the constitutional order of the EU and legal analysis need not be limited to the competences and instruments found in the Treaty. The thesis uses the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EuroMed) to demonstrate how the EU’s foreign policy goals are pursued. Although EuroMed was not formally created by a CFSP instrument, analysis of its institutional framework and operation shows that it bears close affinity with the CFSP goals, both globally and towards the Mediterranean. EuroMed can also be seen as a system of governance, in which the EU institutions act as strong, central actors which enable foreign policy goals to be pursued within an institutionalised framework. As a policy area within EuroMed, the broad issues of migration are examined against the background of growing EU competence in migration law and policy. The analysis demonstrates that migration issues have come to the forefront in EuroMed, which is increasingly used as a means by which foreign policy and security goals can be pursued by the EU under the guise of a ‘partnership’ with Mediterranean states. Applying the institutional constructivist framework of legal analysis to the CFSP shows that, as a system of governance, it has strong effects on other policy-making spheres within the EU, and these effects can justifiably be termed as ‘legal’. As such, the CFSP should therefore not be regarded as a policy which is limited in its usefulness but one which can be seen to fulfil its goals through a wider set of means than previously thought.

Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme (CAADP) represents the New Partnership for Africa’s Developments’ (NEPAD) framework for revitalising Africa’s agriculture. Improving agricultural performance is at the heart of improved economic development and growth. NEPAD believes that agriculture will provide the engine for growth in Africa. The CAADP framework was developed by the NEPAD Steering Committee in collaboration with the Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO) of the United Nations. It also includes the contributions of other institutions such as the International Fund for Agricultural Development (FAD), the World Food Programme (WFP), the World Bank, and the Forum for Agricultural Research in Africa (FARA). The CAADP focused on investments in four pillars that can make the earliest difference to Africa’s agricultural crisis. These mutually reinforcing pillars were expected to bring about improvements in terms of Africa’s agriculture, food security, and trade balance. This will ultimately enable Africa to reach its Millennium Development Goal of reducing hunger and poverty by half by 2015 (WDR). For the purpose of this particular study, the first investment pillar, which is water and land management, will be scrutinised extensively, as this is critical to achieving the so much talked about food security. The study will utilise both secondary and primary documents of NEPAD. More specifically the implemented water and irrigation projects in the East and West Africa countries will be reviewed to determine success in African agricultural development under NEPAD. It will identify specifically water management projects already implemented and those already initiated, and find out whether the CAADP is set to deliver the Millennium Development Goal.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die ‘Omvattende Landbou Ontwikkelingsprogram’ (CAADP) is die raamwerk van NEPAD se pogings om Afrika se landbousektor te hergenereer. Verbeterde landbou is die kern van verbeterde ekonomiese groei en ontwikkeling in Afrika. Trouens, NEPAD glo dat landbou die dryfkrag van Afrika se ekonomiese groei sal wees. Die CAADP-raamwerk is ontwikkel deur NEPAD se leierskap, in noue samewerking met die Verenigde Nasies se Voedsel en Landbouorganisasie (FAO). Die raamwerk sluit ook in bydraes van ander liggame, soos die Internasionale Fonds vir Landbouontwikkeling (FAD), die Wêreldvoedselprogram (WFP), die Wêreldbank en die Forum vir Landbounavorsing in Afrika (FARA). Die CAADP fokus op vier investeringspilare wat Afrika se landboukrisis van onder af kan aanpak. Hierdie interafhanklike pilare is veronderstel om Afrika se landbou, voedselversorging en handelsbalans gelyktydig aan te pak. Hierdie stappe behoort te help dat Afrika die Millennium Ontwikkelingsoogmerk (nl. ‘n halvering van honger teen 2015) te bereik. In hierdie studie val die klem op die eerste pilaar, nl. water en grondbestuur, as voorwaarde vir voedselsekuriteit. Die studie maak gebruik van sowel primêre en sekondêre dokumentasies van NEPAD, met besondere fokus op water en besproeiingsprojekte in Oos- en Wes-Afrika. Daar word gekyk na spesifieke projekte wat reeds bestaan en wat geïnisieer is, ten einde die sukses van CAADP te bepaal.

It is claimed that low-income people in Dhaka city do not have the financial ability to enjoy adecent housing environment. There is a clear lack of knowledge on how low-income people,drawing upon both their available income together and support from formal financial institutions,would be able to afford housing. It is commonly considered a fact that their access to formalfinancial means is largely hindered by their poor financial status, along with the absence of anyform of land tenure security. The case of this study demonstrates, on the contrary, the adequatefinancial ability of the urban poor when it comes to meeting rent and payments for other necessaryservices. This study therefore primarily responds to the critical issue of whether the government isunaware of informal housing practices, or is simply ignorant of low-income housing provision.In this study, perspectives on change are analyzed in order to comprehend the obstacles andchallenges embedded within the housing organizations of Dhaka city. Within the local governanceparadigm, the concepts of deliberative dialogue and partnership are explored with the aim toreveal both the resources rooted in ‘informal’ low-income housing practices, and the resources atstake for the ‘formal’ housing gatekeepers. Different land tenure security options are explored inorder to understand their compatibility with the informal nature of low-income housing. Thetheory of social business is critically reviewed, and used to examine whether low-incomeaffordable housing could be seen as a product resulting from partnerships between vested actors,for whom the low-income community could be considered to be both a beneficiary and a partner.This study suggests that outside the boundary of ‘formal’ housing, there is an unexplored andfunctional ‘informal’ housing market where de facto owners purchase ‘business tenure security’from the slum lords, while de facto tenants buy ‘house rental tenure security’ in exchange forregular rental payments. Within this informality, an innovative financial organization (the JhilparCooperative) has emerged as a creative platform for business investment. This study reveals thatJhilpar’s inhabitants pay more than 30 percent of their monthly income for housing. As anabsolute value, this is more than what is being paid by middle-class – and even many high-income– people. The slum inhabitants also pay more for a limited supply of basic services, such aselectricity.This study concludes that the formal housing gatekeepers lack a complete knowledge of‘informality’ – a notion reflected in, for example, the actual financial ability of the urban poor; thestrength and potentials of systematic community-based cooperative business; and housing relocationdecisions (employment-housing nexus). This fundamental lack of knowledge precludesthe housing gatekeepers from taking the right decisions to achieve affordable low-incomehousing. These deficiencies have led to low-income housing projects that have barely benefitedthe urban poor, benefiting other income groups instead. Low-income housing projects utilizingland title provision, sites and services schemes, and relocation to other places (amongst otherstrategies) disregard the nature, strength, and potentials of housing ‘informality’ in the slums inthe most pronounced manner. This identified knowledge gap also rules out private and publichousing gatekeepers employing their resources as enablers or providers. To improve this impassewith regard to affordable low-income housing, this study advocates a ‘social business model forlow-income housing’ as the most effective option for the Jhilpar community, wherebypartnerships would be built on an ‘investment’ mindset, through a shift away from conventional‘give away’ practices.
QC 20120221

This thesis is to study the evolution of the EU - Africa relations, and how they have been shaped in the 21st Century. Bearing a historical perspective of the relations, the cornerstone of the study will cover the period between 2000 and 2010. It is at the turn of the century that the EU-Africa relations gained momentum with the adoption of the Cotonou Partnership Agreement and the first EU- Africa Summit in Cairo, 2000 that laid the foundation of the Joint Africa EU Strategy. This strategy epitomizes the desire of the EU and Africa to forge a close bond of relations towards achieving their shared interests based on a &lsquo
partnership of equals&rsquo
. EU-Africa relations have been characterized on the basis of clientelism inherent from its colonial legacy in Africa. Thus the main question is whether the strategy adopted guarantees a relationship based on a &lsquo
partnership of equals&rsquo
or is it pure rhetoric? The thesis concludes that, Africa&rsquo
s importance on the international arena has been increasing in the last decade with a proportionate increase in competition for its resources especially from emerging powers. This has threatened the EU&rsquo
s position in Africa and with the EU&rsquo
s quest to enhance its global actorness, there has been a need for the EU to restructure its relations with Africa. Though the strategy is based on a mutual partnership, it is skewed to the EU&rsquo
s favour due to its superior power both economically and politically.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2005.
Thesis Advisor(s): Christopher Bellavita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 41-44). Also available online.

This thesis aims to discuss NATO&rsquo
s Partnership for Peace (PfP) program in Central Asia in terms of its role in promoting regional security. It focuses on the evolution of the cooperation between NATO and its Central Asian partners within the framework of the NATO&rsquo
s PfP program, as well as the Alliance&rsquo
s vision of security in Central Asia. The thesis argues that although NATO is active in Central Asia with its PfP programs, its engagement with the Central Asian states is mainly motivated by its own global security priorities rather than promoting regional security cooperation in Central Asia. This thesis comprises four main chapters. After the introduction chapter, the second chapter examines regional security challenges in post-Soviet Central Asia. The third chapter discusses the fundamental characteristics of NATO&rsquo
s PfP program and regional security in Central Asia. The fourth chapter examines NATO&rsquo
s PfP programs in individual Central Asian states by examining the priorities of each state in cooperating with the Alliance. The fifth chapter analyses the relevance of NATO&rsquo
s PfP programs for increasing its involvement in Central Asia since 2001 by taking its global and regional security priorities. The concluding chapter discusses the main findings of this thesis.

This diploma thesis focuses on analysis and evaluation of the German-Russian strategic partnership from the German point of view. The aim of this thesis is to answer a question, whether Russia had ever been or still is a strategic partner of Germany, or whether the establishment of the German-Russian strategic partnership remains rather a political goal than the reality. The theoretical part of the thesis deals with the theoretical definition of the strategic partnership and indentifies key characteristics of this concept. The analytical part is divided into separate chapters analysing individual dimensions of the German-Russian relations: economic, energetic, security and political. The final chapter sets the goal to summarise and to evaluate the main findings arising from the previous chapters and to answer the research question, whether Russia can be or in the past could be considered a German strategic partner.

Држава данас није више једини пружалац услуга безбедности, те због тога све већу улогу и значај добија приватни сектор безбедности. До ове појаве су, пре свега, довели преоптерећеност националних буџета, као и одређене тешкоће са којима су се суочавали органи унутрашње безбедности, који су били неспремни да адекватно одговоре на неке нове и савремене безбедносне проблеме. То је, између осталог, довело и до тзв. појаве ,,приватизације“ послова безбедности, којима су се полако сужавали послови полиције, а паралелно са тим ширили послови али и одговорност приватног обезбеђења.Дугу традицију модела односа у виду сарадње и партнерства између полиције и приватног обезбеђења налазимо пре свега у Сједињеним Америчким Државама, Канади и Великој Британији, али исто тако и у поједним земљама Европске уније. Потреба за успостављањем ближих веза и подизања сарадње на још виши ниво посебно је интензивирана након катастрофалних последица терористичког напада 11. септембра 2001. године у Сједињеним Америчким Државама. Тероризам, али и остали савремени безбедносни проблеми с краја 20. и почетка 21. века дале су додатни импулс даљем приближавању полиције и агенција за приватно обезбеђење.Односи између полиције и приватног обезбеђења су нужно условљени њиховим статусом, улогом и функцијом. Заштита личне и имовинске безбедности грађана представља основ за заједничко деловање, а јавно-приватно партнерство парадигму којом би се капацитети оба сектора искористили на најбољи могући начин. Предуслов за заједничко деловање ће свакако бити правна регулатива и опште усвојени стандарди који ће уважити интересе оба сектора. Наведено ће представљати гарант квалитета услуга које пружају лиценциране агенције за приватно обезбеђење. Различите историјске, друштвене, политичке, економске, безбедносне и правне околности у одређеним државама условиле су различите моделе сарадње и партнерства полиције и приватног обезбеђења.Оно што је заједничко свим државам јесте да се под јавно-приватним партнерством подразумева постојање кооперативног споразума између јавних (локалних, регионалних или државних) и приватних актера који се удружују (размена људских и материјалних ресурса) како би остварили заједничке интересе и циљеве, при чему постоји договорен степен равноправности актера и јасна расподела надлежности и одговорности. Схваћен на овај начин, модел партнерства представља и продубљенији вид сарадње између полиције и приватног обезбеђења који покушава да ,,помири“ стално присутне и спорадичне антагонистичке ставове који међу њима постоје.Што се тиче стања односа полиције и приватног обезбеђења у Републици Србији, можемо рећи да упркос реформским променама у систему националне безбедности извршеним након 2000. године, још увек не можемо говорити о постојању партнерских односа. Томе у прилог говоре и даље присутни проблеми који отежавају остваривање јавно-приватног партнерства. Да би се партнерство остварило, приватно обезбеђење ће нужно морати да се интегрише у систем националне безбедности. То нажалост још увек није учињено. Само правно уређена, планска, организована и перманентна сарадња ова два сектора биће у функцији остваривања оптималног стања безбедности у друштву и држави.Релативно скоро позитивноправно регулисање приватног обезбеђења требало је, између осталог, да омогући институционализацију и формализацију сарадње са полицијом. Постојећа ,,сарадња“ је и даље на изразито ниском нивоу и заступљена је највише у областима обезбеђивања јавних скупова и спортских приредби. Доношењем Закона о приватном обезбеђењу 2013. године, Закона о полицији 2016. године као и других системских закона који уређују области деловања полиције и приватно обезбеђења, нису створене претпоставке које би омогућиле даље приближавање два сектора, њихову сарадњу и на крају партнерство.Рад је структурисан у шест целина. У оквиру прве три целине осврнули смо се на општетеоријска питања везанa за безбедност, националну безбедност, систем националне безбедности, јавну и приватну безбедност. У четвртом делу смо анализирила искуства појединих развијених земља у погледу модела партнерства, са циљем идентификовања позитивних и негативних аспеката тог односа. У петом делу смо се осврнули на историјски развој приватне безбедности у нашој земљи и њену повезаност са полицијом до данас. Такође, анализирали смо и постојећи позитивно правни оквир организације и деловања полиције и приватног обезбеђења као и јавно-приватно партнерства. Након тога смо, уважавајући искуства развијених земаља, идентификовали области сарадње у којим је могуће остварити партнерске односе полиције и приватног обезбеђења у Републици Србији. Такође, извршили смо класификацију облика сарадње, као и идентификовање проблема који отежавају сарадњу и партнерство.Шести и последњи део рада је посвећен спроведеном емпиријском истраживању које је за циљ имало утврђивање актуелног стања у области приватног обезбеђења, у смислу ставова о њиховом односу са полицијом, односно утврђивање области сарадње и партнерства полиције и приватног обезбеђења, као и проблема који отежавају ту сарадњу. У циљу утврђивања личних ставова и мишљења службеника обезбеђења и одређених припадника полиције, примењене су две технике у оквиру метода испитивања – анкета и интервју. На крају, у закључку смо се посебно осврнули на кључне резулатате спроведеног истраживања.
Država danas nije više jedini pružalac usluga bezbednosti, te zbog toga sve veću ulogu i značaj dobija privatni sektor bezbednosti. Do ove pojave su, pre svega, doveli preopterećenost nacionalnih budžeta, kao i određene teškoće sa kojima su se suočavali organi unutrašnje bezbednosti, koji su bili nespremni da adekvatno odgovore na neke nove i savremene bezbednosne probleme. To je, između ostalog, dovelo i do tzv. pojave ,,privatizacije“ poslova bezbednosti, kojima su se polako sužavali poslovi policije, a paralelno sa tim širili poslovi ali i odgovornost privatnog obezbeđenja.Dugu tradiciju modela odnosa u vidu saradnje i partnerstva između policije i privatnog obezbeđenja nalazimo pre svega u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, Kanadi i Velikoj Britaniji, ali isto tako i u pojednim zemljama Evropske unije. Potreba za uspostavljanjem bližih veza i podizanja saradnje na još viši nivo posebno je intenzivirana nakon katastrofalnih posledica terorističkog napada 11. septembra 2001. godine u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama. Terorizam, ali i ostali savremeni bezbednosni problemi s kraja 20. i početka 21. veka dale su dodatni impuls daljem približavanju policije i agencija za privatno obezbeđenje.Odnosi između policije i privatnog obezbeđenja su nužno uslovljeni njihovim statusom, ulogom i funkcijom. Zaštita lične i imovinske bezbednosti građana predstavlja osnov za zajedničko delovanje, a javno-privatno partnerstvo paradigmu kojom bi se kapaciteti oba sektora iskoristili na najbolji mogući način. Preduslov za zajedničko delovanje će svakako biti pravna regulativa i opšte usvojeni standardi koji će uvažiti interese oba sektora. Navedeno će predstavljati garant kvaliteta usluga koje pružaju licencirane agencije za privatno obezbeđenje. Različite istorijske, društvene, političke, ekonomske, bezbednosne i pravne okolnosti u određenim državama uslovile su različite modele saradnje i partnerstva policije i privatnog obezbeđenja.Ono što je zajedničko svim državam jeste da se pod javno-privatnim partnerstvom podrazumeva postojanje kooperativnog sporazuma između javnih (lokalnih, regionalnih ili državnih) i privatnih aktera koji se udružuju (razmena ljudskih i materijalnih resursa) kako bi ostvarili zajedničke interese i ciljeve, pri čemu postoji dogovoren stepen ravnopravnosti aktera i jasna raspodela nadležnosti i odgovornosti. Shvaćen na ovaj način, model partnerstva predstavlja i produbljeniji vid saradnje između policije i privatnog obezbeđenja koji pokušava da ,,pomiri“ stalno prisutne i sporadične antagonističke stavove koji među njima postoje.Što se tiče stanja odnosa policije i privatnog obezbeđenja u Republici Srbiji, možemo reći da uprkos reformskim promenama u sistemu nacionalne bezbednosti izvršenim nakon 2000. godine, još uvek ne možemo govoriti o postojanju partnerskih odnosa. Tome u prilog govore i dalje prisutni problemi koji otežavaju ostvarivanje javno-privatnog partnerstva. Da bi se partnerstvo ostvarilo, privatno obezbeđenje će nužno morati da se integriše u sistem nacionalne bezbednosti. To nažalost još uvek nije učinjeno. Samo pravno uređena, planska, organizovana i permanentna saradnja ova dva sektora biće u funkciji ostvarivanja optimalnog stanja bezbednosti u društvu i državi.Relativno skoro pozitivnopravno regulisanje privatnog obezbeđenja trebalo je, između ostalog, da omogući institucionalizaciju i formalizaciju saradnje sa policijom. Postojeća ,,saradnja“ je i dalje na izrazito niskom nivou i zastupljena je najviše u oblastima obezbeđivanja javnih skupova i sportskih priredbi. Donošenjem Zakona o privatnom obezbeđenju 2013. godine, Zakona o policiji 2016. godine kao i drugih sistemskih zakona koji uređuju oblasti delovanja policije i privatno obezbeđenja, nisu stvorene pretpostavke koje bi omogućile dalje približavanje dva sektora, njihovu saradnju i na kraju partnerstvo.Rad je strukturisan u šest celina. U okviru prve tri celine osvrnuli smo se na opšteteorijska pitanja vezana za bezbednost, nacionalnu bezbednost, sistem nacionalne bezbednosti, javnu i privatnu bezbednost. U četvrtom delu smo analizirila iskustva pojedinih razvijenih zemlja u pogledu modela partnerstva, sa ciljem identifikovanja pozitivnih i negativnih aspekata tog odnosa. U petom delu smo se osvrnuli na istorijski razvoj privatne bezbednosti u našoj zemlji i njenu povezanost sa policijom do danas. Takođe, analizirali smo i postojeći pozitivno pravni okvir organizacije i delovanja policije i privatnog obezbeđenja kao i javno-privatno partnerstva. Nakon toga smo, uvažavajući iskustva razvijenih zemalja, identifikovali oblasti saradnje u kojim je moguće ostvariti partnerske odnose policije i privatnog obezbeđenja u Republici Srbiji. Takođe, izvršili smo klasifikaciju oblika saradnje, kao i identifikovanje problema koji otežavaju saradnju i partnerstvo.Šesti i poslednji deo rada je posvećen sprovedenom empirijskom istraživanju koje je za cilj imalo utvrđivanje aktuelnog stanja u oblasti privatnog obezbeđenja, u smislu stavova o njihovom odnosu sa policijom, odnosno utvrđivanje oblasti saradnje i partnerstva policije i privatnog obezbeđenja, kao i problema koji otežavaju tu saradnju. U cilju utvrđivanja ličnih stavova i mišljenja službenika obezbeđenja i određenih pripadnika policije, primenjene su dve tehnike u okviru metoda ispitivanja – anketa i intervju. Na kraju, u zaključku smo se posebno osvrnuli na ključne rezulatate sprovedenog istraživanja.
The state is no longer the only provider of security services, and because of this, the private security sector is gaining an increasing role and importance. This phenomenon, above all, is led by the overload of national budgets, as well as certain difficulties faced by internal security authorities, who were unwilling to adequately respond to some new and contemporary security issues. This, among other things, has led to the so-called occurrence of "privatization" of security operations, which were slowly narrowing down the work of the police, and in parallel, expanded the tasks as well as the responsibilities of the private security sector.A long tradition of modeling relationships in the form of cooperation and partnership between the police and private security sector is found primarily in the United States, Canada and the United Kingdom, but also in some European Union countries. The need for establishing closer ties and raising the cooperation to an even higher level was particularly intensified following the catastrophic consequences of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States. Terrorism, as well as other contemporary security problems at the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century, gave further impetus to further relationships between the police and private security agencies.Relations between police and the private security sector are necessarily conditioned by their status, role and function. The protection of personal and property safety of citizens is the basis for joint action, and public-private partnership is a paradigm that would use the capacities of both sectors in the best possible way. The precondition for joint action will certainly be legal regulations and generally adopted standards that will respect the interests of both sectors. The above will be a guarantee of the quality of services provided by licensed private security agencies. The different historical, social, political, economic, security and legal circumstances in certain countries have led to different models of cooperation and partnership between the police and private security sector.What is common to all countries is that, under a public-private partnership, it implies the existence of a cooperative agreement between public (local, regional or state) and private actors joining (exchange of human and material resources) in order to achieve common interests and goals, where there is an agreed level of equality of actors and a clear distribution of competencies and responsibilities. Taken in this way, the model of partnership is a more comprehensive form of cooperation between the police and private security, which seeks to "calm" the constantly present and sporadic antagonistic attitudes that exist among them.Regarding the state of relations between the police and private security in the Republic of Serbia, we can say that despite the reform changes in the national security system after 2000, we cannot yet talk about the existence of partnership relations. The problems that make public-private partnerships difficult are still present. In order to achieve partnership, private security will necessarily have to be integrated into the national security system. Unfortunately, this has not yet been done. Only legally regulated, planned, organized and permanent cooperation between these two sectors will be in the function of achieving an optimal state of security in society and the state.Relatively near-positive regulation of private security should, among other things, enable the institutionalization and formalization of the cooperation with the police. Existing "cooperation" is still at a very low level and is most represented in the areas of securing public events and sports events. With the adoption of the Law on Private Security in 2013, the Law on Police in 2016, as well as other systemic laws regulating the fields of police and private security, no preconditions were established that would allow for further approximation of the two sectors, their cooperation and ultimately partnership.The work is structured into six partitions. Within the first three, we looked at general-level issues related to security, national security, the national security system, public and private security. In the fourth part, we analyzed the experiences of some developed countries regarding the partnership model, with the aim of identifying the positive and negative aspects of this relationship. In the fifth part, we looked at the historical development of private security in our country and its connection with the police to this day. We also analyzed the existing positive legal framework for organization and operation of the police and the private security sector as well as public-private partnerships. After that, taking into account the experiences of the developed countries, we identified the areas of cooperation in which it is possible to achieve partnership relations between the police and the private security sector in the Republic of Serbia. We also performed a classification of forms of cooperation, as well as identification of problems that make cooperation and partnership difficult.The sixth and final part of the paper is dedicated to the conducted empirical research aimed at determining the current situation in the field of private security, in terms of attitudes about their relationship with the police, that is, determining the field of cooperation and partnership

Abstract

The thesis investigates how the European Union promotes stability and security in the Mediterranean region. The aim is to analyse the European Union’s security ambitions with Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, the Barcelona Process. An analytical framework with five sectors (military, political, economic, environmental and societal), based on the Copenhagen School’s theories about security sectors and securitization, is used for the analysis. Within the framework threats, objectives and methods are categorized into each security sector. Then it is possible to distinguish if any sector is more prioritised by the EU. Qualitative text analysis is used to examine relevant EU-documents. The result of the analysis shows that the European Union prioritizes the economical and societal sector in promoting peace and security within the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. Through economical integration and cultural dialogue, the EU tries to enhance security and stability. The EU emphasises the importance of global governance and international law for a stable peace. The study concludes that the widened concept of security, within the Copenhagen School, can help to explain the European Union’s work inside the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership.

Russian-Chinese relations have been differed by the complex and full relations, which have been highly emerged since the end of the Cold War. Transition of the power in the world system had overcome the intention of Russia and China for the closer cooperation in order to decline the American sole hegemony. Concluding the Friendship treaty, it had become the first step towards cooperation which today can be considered as stable one. Master thesis will be focused on the realist approach, which at the same time will help to evaluate Rusian-Chinese relation through the pragmatic realist prism. Analyzing the relations in a global context within further movement to regional one, I will try to experience Sino-Russian relations through different approaches and relying on the balance of power theory. Description of the strategic partnership, supported by the multipolar world view and multilateral diplomacy as the tool for the national interests promotion, the research will move towards bilateral modes estimating security, political and economic relations. All in all, the conclusion will be made in order to predict the future of the Russian-Chinese relations and results which both countries have achieved by now.

Whilst many developing countries engage in sound policy processes on macro level as far as economic and social development are concerned, the day-to-day victual needs of impoverished communities also depend on sound policies as well as appropriate arrangements, which take effect in the municipal sphere. Such needs, as food security, is dependant on the establishment of effective partnership agreements among all stakeholders, including local councils, district councils as well as metropolitan councils; the actual entities that are responsible to create the enabling environment in which food security could be enhanced. In this article, issues relating to food security, partnership models, the enabling environment, and community involvement in this partnership process, are discussed briefly. Public administration practitioners should ensure they contributively involve themselves in this debate. The article concludes by emphasising the need for a proper and structured approach to be followed, of a food security policy is due to be operationalised in practice.

Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Engineering Systems Division, Technology and Policy Program; and, (M. Eng. in Logistics)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Engineering Systems Division, 2004.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 218-225).
September 11th, 2001 marks the worst terrorist action to occur on United States soil and opens a new period in history in which indiscriminate terrorist acts are possible, if not probable. Many of these possible acts, as well as the actions to prevent and recover, will have an impact on the supply chain and services in ways that we cannot yet understand. Previous research has focused on theft prevention and the disruptions such thefts might cause, and very little research on the supply chain impacts of September 11th exist. What is clear, however, is that as government agencies include the creation of public-private partnerships as well as the introduction of new technology, increasing inventory, and building system resilience, among others. Limited examples of public-private partnerships for security exist, however, there are several examples of partnerships for emergency response. Since both emergency response partnerships and security collaboratives share the same objective - to protect and secure the personnel, facilities, and supply chain - this thesis investigates emergency response, early detection, and propose new policies and regulations and the threat of international terrorism continues, corporate America needs to find a method for securing their operations. These methods may post-September 11th security examples to determine the key factors in establishing successful public-private partnerships. The learnings indicate collaborative partnerships and emergency response cooperatives are the most commonly used for promoting security and that motivation, cooperative goals, communication and trust are the most important factors to creating successful partnerships. Other factors vary by level of importance depending
(cont.) on the type of partnership. Public regulation requires private cooperation in order to succeed. Similarly, private sector security relies on public sector concurrence. The greater the recognized interdependence between the public and private sector, the more likely the partnership is to succeed. Recommendations include introductory steps to creating such partnerships, as well as proposed actions which both sectors should consider to ensure partnership success.
by Deena S. Disraelly.
M.Eng.in Logistics
S.M.

Le stade est un lieu de concentration du droit public. La focale se porte donc sur l’étude du régime juridique des « grands stades » pour reprendre l’appellation retenue par le rapport de la Commission Euro 2016. L’objet de cette étude est de démontrer les interactions réciproques entre le stade et le droit public. Notre étude se concentrera sur les problématiques juridiques nationales portées par les profondes mutations du stade et de son droit. Marqué par la diversité des contrats qui sont à la source de leurs constructions ou rénovations, le régime juridique de la propriété du stade détermine ses modes de gestion. Longtemps lieu du service public du sport, la professionnalisation de celui-ci a engendré quelques mutations quant au régime juridique de la domanialité du stade. Cette concentration se révèle également dans l’opération d’urbanisme et d’aménagement du territoire que constitue un stade. S’inscrivant dans une politique globale de financement du sport où l’intervention publique demeure élevée, le stade se confronte aux contraintes des finances publiques. Le stade est lieu de rassemblement où le public vient assister à un spectacle sportif. Il convient d’encadrer tout débordement susceptible de troubler l’ordre public. En tant que réceptacle du spectacle sportif, le stade est un lieu d’exploitation commerciale
Stadiums are places where public law cannot be overlooked. This thesis focuses therefore on the juridical regime of the so called “grands stades” (stadiums contrary to sport fields) quoted as such in the Euro 2016 commission report. The main purpose is to demonstrate interlinks between stadiums and public law. This study concentrates on national juridical issues raised by changes in stadiums and thus in laws related to it. Indeed the juridical regime of stadium property, through the wide diversity of contracts qualifying the frame for construction or renovation, defines how stadiums are managed. For a long time stadiums have been considered for public sport practices, however professionalization led to modifying this juridical regime. Urbanism and spatial planning operations prior to stadium constructions have also underlined this evolution. The global financial policy for stadium development requires high public sector intervention therefore making it also subject to public financing constraints. Stadiums gather people to watch sport events. It is important to provide a frame to avoid any excess that could lead to disturbances of public order. As a recipient of sport events, stadiums are places of commercial exploitation

Master of Public Health
Department of Diagnostic Medicine/Pathobiology
Justin J. Kastner
Globalization has resulted in closer integration of economies and societies. It has contributed to the emergence of a new world order which involves a vast nexus of global and regional institutions, surrounded by transnational corporations, and non-governmental agencies seeking to influence the agenda and direction of international public policy. Health is a center point of geopolitics, security, trade, and foreign policy. Expansion in the territory of health and an increase in the number of health actors have profound implications for global health governance. Accordingly, the focus of the thesis is on endorsing the three core elements of governance proposed by Ackleson and Lapid, which comprises a system of (formal and informal) political coordination—across multiple levels from the local to the global—among public agencies and private corporations seeking to accomplish common goals and resolve problems through collective action. This shift in global governance has been prominent in the health sector with the formation of numerous public-private partnerships, coalitions, networks, and informal collaborations. In an effort to cope with the proliferation of players in the health sector, the World Health Organization has undergone gradual transformation in its governance framework. It is important to examine the evolution of the governance architecture of the WHO, as well as its effective application in the current global environment maintaining the organization’s legitimacy. This study tries to offer a comprehensive account of the WHO’s history, its successes and failures, as well as challenges and opportunities confronting the organization. Embracing public-private partnerships and formal-informal interactions does not simply fill governance gaps opened by globalization, but helps cluster in narrower areas of cooperation, where the strategic interests of multilateral organizations (e.g., the WHO), states, and transnational actors intersect. Global health problems require global solutions, and neither public nor private organizations can solve these issues on their own. The forms of governance based on the Acklesonian-Lapidian definition assist in accomplishing public health goals through shared decision-making and risk taking.

La promotion de la paix, de la sécurité et de la stabilité est un objectif fondamental de l’Union africaine, l’Organisation continentale panafricaine. Cet objectif constitue désormais une fonction juridique essentielle pour laquelle a été mise en place au sein de l’Organisation un mécanisme approprié : l’architecture de paix et de sécurité (APSA). Bâtie sur une articulation juridique actualisée, au cœur de laquelle se trouve le Conseil de paix et de sécurité, cette fonction se trouve placée dans des conditions juridiques, devant permettre à l’Union africaine d’agir efficacement dans les situations d’atteinte à la paix, à la sécurité et à la stabilité. Plus d’une décennie après la mise en place de la nouvelle Organisation, le caractère fondamental de cette fonction pousse dès lors à s’interroger sur sa place exacte, à la lumière des capacités de l’Organisation à l’assurer à l’épreuve des faits. Cette interrogation éclaire les conditions d’émergence de la fonction mais place sa dynamique de mise en oeuvre dans un contexte ambivalent marqué tout à la fois par le caractère extensif des compétences de l’Organisation dans ce domaine mais également par la portée limitée de celle-ci face à la multiplication des conflits
The Promotion of Peace, security and stability is a fundamental objective of the African Union, the Pan African continental organization. This aim is a now a core legal function for which has been established an appropriate scheme within the Organization: the Architecture of Peace and Security in Africa (APSA). Within an updated legal articulation, at the heart of which is the Peace and Security Council, this function is placed in legal conditions that must allow the African Union to act effectively in the cases of breach of peace, security and stability. More than a decade after the establishment of the new organization, the fundamental nature of this function, pushes therefore to question its proper place, in light of the capacity of the Organization to ensure it, at the facts test. This question illuminates emergence conditions of this function but identifies also an ambivalent dynamic in its implementation, marked at once by the extensive nature of the competences of the Organization in this area but its limited scope when facing increasing conflicts

This assessment of European Union foreign policy towards the South Caucasus shows that while the EU has developed a coherent transport policy since 1992, paradoxically, it has had no corresponding coherent conflict resolution policy for this region. The fact that the EU deepened transport cooperation without a mediation policy in an area with a multiplicity of protracted conflicts is a puzzle. Although the EU eventually added mediation to its policy during the Russia-Georgia armed conflict in 2008, it was unable to facilitate a political solution. The research examines what has been the nature of EU foreign policy towards the South Caucasus. The dissertation argues that incoherence in conflict resolution policy has been consequent upon two causal factors: (i) preferences of the EU member states conditioned by their historical experience with Russia, and (ii) institutional framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). By contrast, with functional approach, the three dominant factors that have enabled coherence in transport cooperation are (i) legislative alignment, (ii) common transport area, including technical assistance for transit development, and (iii) restrictive measures. Examination of these two areas of EU foreign policy, shows a discrepancy, demonstrating its inconsistent nature. The theoretical framework of realism and liberal intergovernmentalism, is applied to empirically grounded EU foreign policy analysis. Adopting a case study methodology, this work examines the EU's policy towards Armenia and Azerbaijan, with special focus on Georgia between 1992 and 2014. The research combines social science methods of literature review, document analysis and expert interviews.

Mestrado em FInanças
O objetivo desta dissertação é estudar os benefícios-sombra, no caso das PPP Portuguesas. Os benefícios-sombra podem ser definidos como benefícios financeiros que não são contratualmente considerados no caso base e que potencializam o parceiro privado a aumentar a rentabilidade, sem qualquer contrapartida para o Estado (Tribunal de Contas, 2008). Em Portugal, o tema sobre os benefícios-sombra das concessionárias de PPPs tem sido controverso. A literatura económica sobre os benefícios-sombra é praticamente ausente. Esta dissertação tem dois estudos subjacentes. Primeiro, foram identificados os benefícios-sombra presentes nos 36 relatórios da DGTF, em setores como o das Estradas, Ferroviário, Segurança e Saúde. A recolha de dados permitiu concluir o número de benefícios-sombra por PPP e também por tipo de benefício. Em segundo lugar, análise dos ganhos e perdas dos contratos de financiamento das concessionárias. No caso em que não existem contratos swap, o beneficiário será a concessionária. Caso contrário, o beneficiário é o banco. O problema identificado foi que a DGTF não considerou os ganhos deste segundo ponto como benefícios-sombra. Este estudo permitiu concluir como o risco financeiro foi alocado, quais foram os resultados produzidos entre 2007-2012 e, finalmente, que valor têm os benefícios identificados.
This master thesis aims to study the shadow-benefits in the Portuguese PPPs case. The shadow-benefits can be defined as financial benefits that are not contractually considered in the base case, which potentiate the private partner to increase profitability without any counterpart to the State (Tribunal de Contas, 2008). In Portugal, the theme concerning the shadow-benefits of the PPPs has been controversial. The economic literature about the shadow-benefits is practically absent. This dissertation has two underlying analysis. First, the shadow-benefits presented in the 36 reports of DGTF which were identified in sectors such as roads, railway, security and health. Through these reports, the data collected led to the conclusion of the number of shadow-benefits by PPPs and also the type of benefit. Secondly, the analysis of gains or losses of the financing contracts. In this case, there are two possible scenarios: when there are no swap contracts, whose beneficiary is the concessionaire and when there are swap contracts, whose beneficiary is the bank. The existent problem is that the DGTF did not consider the gains of this second point as shadow-benefits. This analysis led to the conclusion of how the financial risk was allocated, which were the results produced from 2007-2012 and finally, which value the identified benefits have.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Woolman, Lauren. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 28, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 85-89). Also available in print.

Avec le lancement du Partenariat Euro-Méditerranéen (PEM) en 1995, les relations entre l’Union européenne et les Pays tiers méditerranéens (PTM) connaissent une évolution notable. Du fait de la mise en place d’un cadre multilatéral complété par la conclusion des accords d’association, ce Partenariat représente une rupture avec les politiques méditerranéennes antérieures. Dans le contexte du cinquième élargissement de l'Union européenne du 1er mai 2004, la Politique Européenne de Voisinage (PEV) transforme le PEM en préconisant la création d’un cercle d'amis avec les voisins méditerranéens du Sud et les nouveaux voisins de l’Est. Ce métissage est le résultat de la rencontre entre deux cadres à objectifs différents et contextes géostratégiques différents : le PEM comme cadre de coopération régionale établi dans les années quatre-vingt-dix et une PEV en tant que politique de l’UE employant les méthodologies issues du processus de préadhésion. Les transformations des relations euro-méditerranéennes après la PEV ont permis l'émergence progressive d'une nouvelle forme relationnelle avec un impact contrasté sur les dimensions bilatérale et multilatérale du PEM. Cette étude définit le résultat de cette nouvelle dynamique interactive des politiques de l’UE sous le nom de cadres de voisinage euro-méditerranéens. La délimitation des cadres de voisinage euro-méditerranéens passe par l’analyse des transformations des relations après le cinquième élargissement en distinguant la dimension multilatérale de la dimension bilatérale. Si la dimension régionale euro-méditerranéenne post-élargissement n’est que partiellement affectée par la PEV, la dimension bilatérale est, quant à elle, profondément modifiée par l’instauration progressive d’un cadre relationnel à mi-chemin entre l’association et l’adhésion
With the launch of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) in 1995, the relation between the relationship between the EU and Mediterranean countries witnessed a significant evolution. With the establishment of a multilateral framework supplemented by the conclusion of association agreements, this Partnership represents a break with past Mediterranean policies. In the context of the fifth enlargement of the European Union on May 1st, 2004, the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) transforms the PEM; advocating for the creation of a circle of friends with Mediterranean neighbors in the South and the new neighbors in the East. This mix is the result of the encounter between two frameworks with different objectives in different geo-strategic contexts: the EMP as a regional cooperation framework established in the nineties on one hand and the ENP, i.e. an EU policy using the pre-accession process methodologies on the other hand. The transformation of Euro-Mediterranean relations after the ENP allowed for the gradual emergence of a novel relational framework with a mixed impact on the bilateral and multilateral dimensions of the EMP. This study defines the result of this new interactive dynamic of the EU policies falling under the Euro-Mediterranean neighbourhood framework. The delimitation of the Euro-Mediterranean neighbourhood frameworks involves the study of the transformations in the relations following the fifth enlargement, distinguishing between multilateral and bilateral dimensions. While the Euro-Mediterranean regional dimension post-enlargement is only partially affected by the ENP, the bilateral dimension is, in turn, profoundly changed by the progressive introduction of a relational framework halfway between the association and the membership

CHDS State/Local
The infrastructure that supports New York State and its citizens is constantly faced with threats that test its resilience. These threats range from those brought upon by nature, and man-made threats, such as those from terrorists. Understanding these threats are persistent, and the challenge of infrastructure protection is complex. Stakeholders must consider methods to mitigate risk. This paper seeks to answer two questions, both of which strive to decrease risk over the long term for the states citizens. First, what are the benefits and challenges of the state placing a greater focus on the planning, engineering, and design phase for new or significantly reconstructed infrastructure? Second, how could a new partnership model at the state level be designed to support infrastructure protection activities during this phase? To accomplish these two outcomes, three approaches focused on planning and design within the public and private sector are analyzed and compared. This paper expands upon the partnership incentives utilized to reach desired outcomes in such infrastructure programs. Finally, this research concludes that the state should do more to improve safety and security during the planning, engineering and design phase and recommends two parallel paths forward for implementation at the state level.

Central Asia has been the focal point of intense geopolitical power struggle throughout history. At the dawn of the 21st century, Central Asia has undergone major changes as the European Union and the China-led Shanghai Co-operation Organization have emerged as two normative powers, both seeking to influence the patterns of security governance in the region. This study aims to delve deep into ‘the black boxes’ of the EU’s and China’s foreign policies toward five CA republics. It starts from the premise that the bulk of research on Eurasian politics tend to concentrate mostly on realist and traditional geopolitical doctrine, which seem to have failed to properly explain the normative and ideational transformations that have taken place in the region as a result of the presence of these two emerging normative agents. By interweaving both realist and constructivist theories of International Relations (IR) into a new all-encompassing analytical framework, termed “meta-geopolitics”, the thesis seeks to trace and examine how geopolitical as well as normative components of the EU and Chinese regional strategies have affected the contemporary power dynamics in the post-Soviet space. I argue that, in contrast to the geopolitical struggle during the 19th and 20th centuries, a clash of normative powers is brewing in the region between China, under the aegis of the SCO, and the EU. The research also concludes that China has relatively been in a better position in comparison to the EU to render its policies as feasible, effective and legitimate to the Central Asian states.

Cette thèse consacrée aux études approfondies de la politique de l’Union européenne envers la République d’Azerbaïdjan (1991-2014). Son objectif est d’analyser l’évolution de la coopération entre l’UE et l’Azerbaïdjan, de mettre en évidence des facteurs internes ainsi qu’externes qui influencent la dynamique des relations bilatérales. Une attention particulière est accordée à l’étude des programmes de coopérations tels que la « Politique Européenne de Voisinage » et le « Partenariat Oriental », à la base des documents juridiques qui constituent la réglementation de leurs relations
The PhD thesis considers the European Union’s policy towards the Republic of Azerbaijan (1991-2014). It studies the evolution of the EU - Azerbaijan relationship and the main factors that influence on its dynamics. Special attention is given to the main programs of the cooperation - the «European Neighborhood Policy» and the «Eastern Partnership». The main documents regulating the relations are reviewed

Une solution au problème du sous-développement est apparue dans le transfert international de technologie, qui combine à la fois assistance, formation, coopération, et parfois aide financière. Devant l'intérêt de ce processus, les Nations Unies ont entamé un processus de légifération. On se souvient encore du «Code international de Conduite pour le transfert de technologie », qui apparaissait comme une avancée majeure des pays en développement dans le progrès économique. Malgré l’échec de cette tentative, le processus est resté au cœur des échanges internationaux, la technologie s’imposant comme l’instrument de mesure du développement. C’est pourquoi les pays les moins développés s’adonnent à une véritable course à la technologie, gage de leur droit au développement. Ce qui fit évoluer les mécanismes juridiques de transferts, eux-mêmes désormais liés aux technologies transférées. On assiste donc sur l’échiquier international à une série de lois relatives au transfert de technologies et à sa propriété intellectuelle, qui témoignent non seulement de la sécurité juridique des transactions, mais aussi de la nouvelle vision des relations économiques, notamment celle de tenir compte des effets de la technologie sur l’environnement. Avec un droit de la propriété intellectuelle existant mais pas répressif, les pays de l’Afrique subsaharienne tentent particulièrement d’obtenir leur développement par le canal des investissements. Ils créent en ce sens des cadres réglementaires favorables. Partenariat international, investissement privé et public, brevets,... tous ces moyens d’accès à la technologie qui méritent d’être examinés au fond.Cette thèse est rédigée dans l'objectif de comparer et promouvoir une acquisition de technologies adaptée pour les pays en développement, mais aussi favoriser l'implantation des entreprises étrangères dans ces pays
A solution to the underdevelopment appeared in the international transfer of technology, which combines assistance, training, cooperation, and sometimes financial assistance.Given the interest of this process, the United Nations began a making process policy. We still remember of the "International Code of Conduct for the transfer of technology ", which appeared as a major breakthrough in economic progress for developing countries. Despite the failure of this attempt, the process has remained at the heart of international trade, like technology itself is considered as the instrument of measuring development.This is why the least developed countries are engaged in a race to technology, guarantee of their right to development.There is, on an international scale, a series of laws relating to technology transfer and intellectual property, which reflect the legal security of transactions, and also the new vision of economic relations, notably to take account the effects of technology on the environment.With an existing but not repressive law of intellectual property, sub-Saharan Africa trying to get their development by investment. For that, they set up favorable laws.International partnerships, private and public investment, patents, ... all these ways of access to the technology which deserve to be examined.This thesis is written with the objective to compare and promote technology acquisition adapted for developing countries, but also promote the establishment of foreign companies in these countries

Des années 1960 jusqu’à la fin de la guerre froide, voire au-delà, l’influence voire la prépondérance de la France sur les territoires francophones d’Afrique noire est presque totale. Cependant, en ce XXIème siècle naissant, la compétition mondiale dans la recherche de nouveaux débouchés et de la sécurisation de l’approvisionnement énergétique amène inexorablement les grandes puissances à entrer en ‘‘conflit d’intérêts’’ par la pénétration réciproque des « arrière-cours ». Ceci est particulièrement vrai pour la France qui voit des pays tels que les Etats-Unis, la Chine, l’Inde, le Brésil, la Turquie, les pays du Golfe, etc., faire une entrée fracassante dans une région géographique qu’elle considère depuis longtemps comme sa « chasse gardée » compte tenu des liens historique, linguistique et politique. Ces nouveaux défis et enjeux pour la politique africaine de la France se mesurent désormais, à l’aune des transformations à l’œuvre sur la scène internationale avec la mondialisation et l’émergence de nouvelles puissances du Sud. Les défis et les enjeux sont importants pour l’action extérieure de la France et sa place dans le monde, compte tenu de la concurrence féroce des nouveaux acteurs et des changements des sociétés africaines en cours. Néanmoins elle possède encore des atouts économiques, diplomatiques et stratégiques susceptibles de lui permettre d’élaborer, grâce à l’espace culturel francophone, un projet original, ambitieux et porteur d’espoir. Pour ce faire, il faudra répondre aux deux interrogations suivantes : Comment réformer cette politique traditionnelle basée sur des relations étroites et privilégiées avec les dirigeants africains sans toutefois compromettre les avantages comparatifs de la France sur place? Quelle stratégie politique mettre en œuvre pour identifier les véritables intérêts communs des Français et des Africains francophones, en tenant compte des opportunités et des menaces, et les développer dans un partenariat mutuellement bénéfique ?
From 1960s to the end of the cold war, even beyond, the influence even the supremacy of France in the French-speaking territories in Sub-Saharan Africa is almost total. However, in this 21st century, the world competition in the research of new markets and the security of the energy supply leads inexorably the great powers to enter in “conflict of interests” by the mutual penetration of the “back-yards”. This is particularly true for France which has countries such as the United States, China, India, Brazil, Turkey, the Gulf Arab States, etc., to make a dramatic entrance in a geographical area where she judged it for a long time as her “exclusive domain” considering the historical, linguistic and political links. These new challenges and issues for the African policy of France are measured from now on, in the light of the transformations at work in the world with the globalization and the emergence of new powers of the South. The challenges and the issues are important for the external action of France and its place in the World, considering the fierce competition between new stakeholders and the ongoing African society changes. Nevertheless it still has economic, diplomatic and strategic assets which enable him to elaborate, thanks to the francophone cultural center, an original project, ambitious and promising. With this aim in mind, it will be necessary to answer to the two following questions: How to reform this traditional policy based on close and privileged relationships with African leaders without compromising, however, the comparative advantages of France on the spot? Which political strategy has to be implemented in order to identify the real common interests of the French and the French-speaking Africans, by taking into account the opportunities and threats, and to develop them in a mutually beneficial partnership?

This thesis synthesizes theoretical and methodological insights of actor-network theory with the political economy of communication in order to trace the history of the Security and Prosperity Partnership of North America, 2005-2009. The purpose is to demonstrate how a power elite of transnational corporate actants are increasingly structuring transnational border policy, encouraging the deployment of ubiquitous surveillance technology and the liberalization of transborder data flows and markets, primarily for the purposes of maximizing capital accumulation, ideological legitimation and the suppression of resistance. This hybridization of state and corporate actants exemplifies how prosperity partnerships and other similar informal working groups are increasingly being used as powerful vehicles for mobilizing the private sector into influencing border policies throughout North America, effectively creating powerful socio-technical scenarios for influencing global markets. The argument advanced is that borders are increasingly becoming topological spaces which unevenly distributed objects and people across various networks and flows, in turn re-shaping urban landscapes towards private interests. As such, topological prosperity entails configuring networked infrastructures and spaces such as borders and airports in ways which favour particular socio-economic groups, primarily an ascending global economic elite.
Thesis (Master, Sociology) -- Queen's University, 2011-08-28 15:18:47.858

碩士
國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
99
Realism has been the driving force for U.S. policy toward India. The Bush administration considered that India was an important partner in political, commercial, potential, and strategic terms. On the other hand, India cooperates with the United States, because a close relationship with the United States could help to promote India’s status of great power. The establishment of U.S.-India global partnership was in 2005. The development of a strategic partnership between the two countries served each other’s national interests, regardless of their difference on some other issues. This thesis seeks to analyze the effects of U.S.-India strategic partnership on South Asian security. It is concluded that the power structure in South Asia has been transformed after the Cold War. And all the regional countries and related countries have responded to such changes. For the India-Pakistan relations, the United States tries to maintain a “balanced policy” toward India and Pakistan. It is also concluded that the United States is keen to devise a regional strategy to counter the terrorist threats arisen in Afghanistan and Pakistan. This policy is designed to enlist the supports of Pakistan, India, Russia, China, the United Nations, the European Union, and NATO. Also, by taking a more active role, the United States is seeking to transform South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) into an effective regional organization.

In modern days, along with restricted traditional funding sources and massive demand of infrastructure investment comes a significant gap of funding. Institutional investors are considered reliable sources of financing for infrastructure due to the long-term investment horizon and asset/liability management (ALM) requirement. Hence, institutional investors start to embrace infrastructure as an attractive asset class because infrastructure assets are able to generate long-term, stable, and predictable cash flows and diversify investors’ portfolios. As a result, financial innovations to encourage institutional investment have become an important issue. Asset-backed securitization (ABS) of Public-Private Partnership (PPP) infrastructure project’s receivables has been promoted in China since Dec. 2016 as an alternative financing instrument to encourage institutional investment to finance infrastructure projects. Traditional approaches of project financing are considered less attractive vis-à-vis the innovative PPPABS financing method, regarding liquidity, steady operational asset, risk sharing, bankruptcy remoteness, long maturity, and standardization. Despite these advantages, lack of knowledge and experience is still preventing project participants from seeking finance opportunities with PPPABS. In order to provide a guideline for practitioners to understand this innovative financing method, this thesis proposes a feasibility assessment framework for financing PPP infrastructure projects through ABS. Firstly, a list of 25 critical success factors (CSFs) of PPPABS is identified through a literature analysis, case studies, and expert interviews. Then a questionnaire survey is designed to collect opinions on these 25 critical factors from not only PPP stakeholders but also capital markets. Preliminary analysis is performed then to have a basic understanding of the data, including descriptive analysis, agreement analysis, and analysis of variance (ANOVA). Furthermore, after applying factor analysis to reduce the dimensions of the model, 5 principal components are derived, including “Effective ABS issuance and lifetime management”, “Clear regulatory guidance”, “Robust PPP and concessional arrangements”, “Supportive capital market conditions”, and “Reliable underlying asset quality”. Based on this finding, an assessment framework and index are proposed for PPPABS financing. Afterward, a case study of the pilot batch of PPPABS in China is presented as validation of the framework. By investigating the causal relationships among the critical factors of successful PPPABS financing, an advanced model is constructed to assist the project participants to quantify the feasibility. A focus group is conducted to collect rating data from experienced experts who have participated infrastructure ABS issuance and management intensively. Structural equation modeling (SEM) method is used to analyze the rating data of PPPABS products on the market. Hypothetical models are then examined, and the best-fit model for illustration is verified and proposed. Causal relationships in this model are investigated and proved to be significant. The result indicates that “Capital market conditions”, “Underlying asset quality”, and “Regulatory guidance” are exogenous variables and affect the overall feasibility of PPPABS indirectly. Furthermore, both “ABS issuance and lifetime management” and “PPP and concessional arrangements” are endogenous variables, affecting the overall feasibility directly. The path coefficients are employed to calculate the weights allocated to each principal factor and to create the feasibility assessment index. In the end, the pilot batch of PPPABS launched in China is used again to illustrate the application in practice and validation of the advanced assessment model. As an in-depth work to understand critical pricing determinants of PPPABS, a regression analysis is performed to build a financing cost estimation model for practitioners. This work can serve as a fundamental guideline in this particular research area of ABS financing for infrastructure projects. And the proposed framework shall support the decision-making process for not only the project managers who consider financing through ABS, but also the institutional investors who consider investment opportunities in PPPABS products.

碩士
國立高雄應用科技大學
資訊管理系
97
This research is based on the theories of Institutional-Based Trust Mechanism (Gefen, et al. 2003), Partnership Quality (Lee & Kim 1999) & Customer Satisfaction (Susarl, et al. 2003; Oliver, et al. 1993) to discuss the influence & relevance among the trust of information security Contractor, Partnership Quality, and Satisfaction of Information Security Outsourcing. We investigate the related information by questionnaires, and totally 400 surveys were issued. Surveys with incomplete answers & with all the same answers were eliminated. The available samples are 112 copies. The retrieved percentage of available samples is 28%. According to the purpose of the research, we analyzed the proper statistics with the SPSS12.0 & AMOS 16. The research result reveals: 1.The trust of information security Contractor leads positive influence to Partnership Quality. 2.The Partnership Quality leads positive influence to the Satisfaction of Information Security Outsourcing. 3.Institutional-Based Trust mechanism leads positive influence to the trust of information security Contractor. The result of the research academically clarifies the relationship & influence among the trust of information security Contractor, Partnership Quality & Satisfaction of Information Security Outsourcing. Practically, it provides the reference for the enterprise and the information security contractor to modify the strategies.

碩士
中央警察大學
行政管理研究所
89
Nowadays, because of the continuous financial reduction and the increasing demands for the civil, the government has faced a dilemma which has led to a position of ungoverability. Kooiman(1993) pointed out: this adjustment process of governing needs and governing capacity can not only depend on administrative reform or administrative innovation , but also has to look for horizontal integration of outside resource. This is so called ”public private partnership”. Recently, when police authority planned to carry out the community policing policy in the field of criminal prevention, the civil also display their responsibility and vitality on social order issues. Therefore, the growth of the partnership approach to crime prevention need government playing a leading role to construct and enhance community governance regime. After all, this research is based on the concept and theory of public private partnership. I attempt to discuss how to use the theory of public private partnership to construct community and school district united security. Furthermore, I try to make a review of experiences and frailties of Britain’s community self-goverance system and neighbourhood watch which is the predecessor of community united security in our country. Finally, I wish to provide some practical suggestions through case study and literature review.