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1

US AID, US DoD;, and Department of State. "Security Sector Reform." Connections: The Quarterly Journal 09, no. 1 (2009): 113–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.09.1.05.

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Chambers, Paul. "Security Sector Reform in 2023 Thailand: Guaranteeing No Civilian Control." Georgetown Journal of International Affairs 24, no. 2 (2023): 244–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gia.2023.a913652.

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Abstract: Thailand has yet to undertake security sector reforms that place security forces under effective elected civilian leadership. Instead, it has prioritized improving security force efficiency through digital technology, thus minimizing civilian oversight. This study examines Thai security sector actors and the evolution of civil-military relations and general security sector reform in Thailand. It then analyzes two areas where security sector changes are being contemplated. The paper argues that the military’s long-entrenched political power will likely prevent any security sector reform facilitating civilian control from being implemented unless civilians acquiesce to military control over security sector reforms.
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Tepelena, Ikbale. "Fostering Security in Albania and the Eu’s Role in the Security Sector Reform." Interdisciplinary Journal of Research and Development 9, no. 4. S1 (2022): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.56345/ijrdv9n4s113.

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In today’s world of complex and interdependent security challenges within and across borders, national security sectors need to adapt to fast-changing and unpredictable environments. Experience shows that an accountable, effective and inclusive security sector with full respect for human rights, including gender equality and the rule of law can effectively provide security to a State and its people, while at the same time promoting stability, trust and confidence in the OSCE area and beyond . It is important to first define what we mean by the security sector and security sector reform. The security sector is taken to mean all those organisations which have authority to use, or order the use of force, or threat of force, to protect the state and its citizens, as well as those civil structures that are responsible for their management and oversight. The security sector can therefore be viewed as forming three pillars: a) Groups with a mandate to wield the instruments of violence – military, paramilitaries and police forces; b) Institutions with a role in managing and monitoring the security sector – civilian ministries, parliaments and NGOs; and c) Bodies responsible for guaranteeing the rule of law – the judiciary, the penal system, human rights ombudsmen and, where these bodies are particularly weak, the international community . The overall aim of ‘Security Sector Reform’ is the transformation of security institutions so that they play an effective, legitimate and democratically accountable role in providing external and internal security for their citizens. Transformation of the security sector requires broad consultation and includes goals such as strengthening civilian control and oversight of the security sector; professionalisation of the security forces; demilitarisation and peace-building; and strengthening the rule of law . Security sector reform addresses security problems and tries to improve the situation through institutional reforms. Security and peace are seen as a public good. Society as a whole, as well as its individual members, benefits from an increase in security. Security sector reform must be understood as a broad concept, which also entails a more efficient use of scarce resources to improve security. It seeks to align the contributions of military, diplomatic, development and security actors. Democratic, civilian control over security forces is crucial for the provision of security in the interests of the population. Democratic decision-making requires transparency and accountability. Security sector reform is widely recognised as key to conflict prevention, peace-building, sustainable development and democratisation. Almost all states need to reform their security sectors to a greater or lesser extent, according to the specific security, political and socio-economic contexts, as well as in response to the new security challenges resulting from globalization.
 
 
 Received: 15 September 2022 / Accepted: 24 October 2022 / Published: 30 November 2022
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Hodes, Cyrus, and Mark Sedra. "Chapter Five: Security-Sector Reform." Adelphi Papers 47, no. 391 (2007): 51–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/05679320701737539.

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Uddin, M. Jashim. "Security Sector Reform in Bangladesh." South Asian Survey 16, no. 2 (2009): 209–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097152310901600204.

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6

Mendelson-Forman, Johanna. "Security sector reform in Haiti." International Peacekeeping 13, no. 1 (2006): 14–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533310500424629.

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7

Huber, Laura, and Sabrina Karim. "The internationalization of security sector gender reforms in post-conflict countries." Conflict Management and Peace Science 35, no. 3 (2017): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894217696228.

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With the passing of several UN Security Council Resolutions related to Women, Peace and Security, gender balancing security sector reforms (SSR)—or policies that ensure the equal participation of women in the security sector—have received increased global attention over the past two decades. However, to date, there is no explanation for variation in their adoption. This paper examines the internationalization of SSR gender reform, arguing that the presence of a peacekeeping mission within a post-conflict country affects the state’s resources and political will to adopt gender balancing reforms. We explore the effect of multidimensional peacekeeping using an original dataset on SSR in post-conflict countries, the Security Sector Reform Dataset, from 1989 to 2012. We find that peacekeeping missions increase the probability that a state will adopt gender balancing reforms in SSR. As the first cross-national quantitative examination of gender balancing reforms, these findings also shed light on the conditions under which states adopt security sector reforms more generally.
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8

Oosterveld, Willem, and Renaud Galand. "Justice Reform, Security Sector Reform and Local Ownership." Hague Journal on the Rule of Law 4, no. 01 (2012): 194–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1876404512000115.

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9

Onoma, Ato Kwamena. "Transition Regimes and Security Sector Reforms in Sierra Leone and Liberia." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 656, no. 1 (2014): 136–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716214545445.

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Why are some countries more successful at carrying out postconflict reconstruction programs than are others? Sierra Leone and Liberia have similar histories and suffered wars that were intimately linked. When the wars ended, foreign-backed efforts were undertaken to reform the security sector in each country. These reforms were more successful in Sierra Leone than in Liberia. This article argues that the diverging outcomes are explained by the extent to which postconflict regimes reflected the distribution of power on the ground in the two countries. Sierra Leone’s transition regime better reflected the distribution of power among forces on the ground, which led to a consultative approach to framing the reform program. The input of key local actors in policy formulation has made implementation of these reforms less difficult. In Liberia the transition regime was built on a repudiation of local power realities leading to a nonconsultative approach to reform that has severely compromised the implementation of reforms.
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10

Stercul, Natalia. "MODERNIZATION OF THE MOLDOVA’S SECURITY SYSTEM IN THE FRAMEWORK OF THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP: ACHIEVEMENTS AND PROBLEMS." Moldoscopie, no. 1(92) (June 2021): 60–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.52388/1812-2566.2021.1(92).06.

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The article analyses the national security system as an integral part of the state, which is exposed to modernization processes. The security sector reform paradigm is based on the principles of democratic control, transparency and good governance. The process of modernization of the Moldova’s security system aims to create secure environment, prevent security risks tha treats and rule of law. The last decade the Republic of Moldova in the framework of the Eastern Partnership has been working to achieve progress in security sector reform – a review of security legislation and national defense; institutional reform; consultations with EU on Common Security Defense Policy; cooperation with Europol, the European Center for Monitoring Drugs, the Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO); elaboration measures in the context of reintegration process to putthe Transnistrian region in the legal field of the Republic of Moldova. The geopolitical factor has strong influence to the modernization process and reforms in the Republic of Moldova. The contradictions of geopolitical interests create additional difficulties and hinder the security sector reform.
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Pranevičienė, Birutė, and Violeta Vasiliauskienė. "Security sector reform – theory and practice." Internal Security 8, no. 1 (2016): 177–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/20805268.1231558.

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Security Sector Reform (SSR) is a concept and activity of the democratic transformation of defence, justice and rule of law systems. In accordance with the United Nations approach, SSR is critical to the consolidation of peace and stability, promoting poverty reduction, rule of law and good governance, extending legitimate state authority and preventing countries from relapsing into conflict. Over the last few decades, with many countries evolving and developing democratic processes, the concept has gained interest and popularity in international organisations and states heading towards a positive change. In the past, full SSR activities had been successfully conducted in central and east European post-communist countries. Nowadays, the process is carried out among African and Middle East countries, in some of them this being extremely challenging. A considerable degree of complexity characterizes the SSR processes. For this reason, a great deal of effort has been exerted with the aim of normalising rules and conditions for conducting SSR. The purpose of these activities is to ensure the widest possible effect of the use of scarce expert resources. SSR is a relatively new area of expertise suffering from a scarcity of literature presenting theory in conjunction with practice. During the research conducted it was assumed that, in spite of a wide array of actions to be executed within SSR in different states, they should be interconnected by a general model which would ensure the greatest effect. The aim of this essay is to present selected theoretical aspects of SSR, essential for increasing the effectiveness of the reforms conducted, illustrated with a practical example of the SSR process in Egypt.
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Godwin, Ashlee, and Cathy Haenlein. "Security-Sector Reform in Sierra Leone." RUSI Journal 158, no. 6 (2013): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2013.869721.

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13

Bellamy, Alex J. "Security Sector Reform: Prospects and Problems." Global Change, Peace & Security 15, no. 2 (2003): 101–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14781150303903.

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14

Jackson, Paul. "Introduction: Second-Generation Security Sector Reform." Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 12, no. 1 (2018): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17502977.2018.1426384.

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15

Hills, Alice. "Defence diplomacy and security sector reform." Contemporary Security Policy 21, no. 1 (2000): 46–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523260008404244.

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16

Mobekk, Eirin. "Gender, Women and Security Sector Reform." International Peacekeeping 17, no. 2 (2010): 278–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533311003625142.

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17

Rees, Edward. "Security-sector reform and transitional administrations." Conflict, Security & Development 2, no. 01 (2002): 151–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678800200590604.

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18

Jackson, Paul. "Security Sector Reform and State Building." Third World Quarterly 32, no. 10 (2011): 1803–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2011.610577.

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19

Shaaeldin, ELnazeer. "Security Sector Reform SSR: an Approach for Sustainable Peace and Restore Security in Transitional-Democratizing Sudan." International Journal of Research in Social Science and Humanities 03, no. 12 (2022): 01–07. http://dx.doi.org/10.47505/ijrss.2022.v3.12.1.

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The center of this paper is to tackle the challenges of Security Sector Reform SSR in transitional Sudan, followed a thriving popular uprising evicted authoritarian –corrupted regime of the National Congress Party NCP had often led by former president Omer Al-Bāshir in April 2019. In fact, supremacy of military on Sudan’s politics, expansion of array paramilitaries, militias, pro-regime ethnic groups, sever corruption and ambiguous peace, allthese complicating restore security, defect democratization and SSR agenda in the country. Therefore, this paper argues that political –structural reform, end corruption and revive economy’s processes and objects will probably lessen these formidable difficulties. The main objectives of this paper are to clarify how development of array paramilitaries along the country, economic deterioration continue impeding SSR agenda and democratization in Sudan; demonstrate the role of formulation of new national andforeign policies objectives in supporting application of SSR program, and illustrate how political –structural reform bases on civilian-democratized form will downsize domination of military in security sector and politics of Sudan. Uses analytical-inductive technique of Sudan politics, security sector challenges and democratic reform process, the paper shows that in transition Sudan, SSR, is a complicated process, combines purely political reform, targeting governance; civil societies and institutions reforms. Efforts should be exerted by international actors in supporting transitional government likely facilitate addressing issues of ending peace and economic recovery; could robust a path forward to democracy, stability and security. This paper shall probably be able to close the visible academic gap, by expanding debate and deepening understanding on governance, institutions reforms and functioning of SSR agenda in transition, democratizing Sudan.
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20

Bugriy, Maksym. "Ukraine’s Security Sector Reform: Is Ukraine Taking Western Advice?" Connections: The Quarterly Journal 17, no. 3 (2018): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.17.3.06.

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21

Mahadzir, Dzirhan. "Securing Southeast Asia: The Politics of Security Sector Reform." Contemporary Southeast Asia 30, no. 2 (2008): 338–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs30-2j.

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22

Gregory, Mark A. "Telecommunications and Security Reform." Journal of Telecommunications and the Digital Economy 5, no. 3 (2017): ii—iv. http://dx.doi.org/10.18080/jtde.v5n3.120.

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The Telecommunications Association is hosting a two day forum in Melbourne in mid-November 2017 on telecommunications and security. With the Parliament passing legislation in support of the government’s telecommunications sector security reforms agenda there is a timely need to explore the legislation and to identify what the immediate outcomes will be for the telecommunications sector. With only 12 months to prepare before the new regime kicks in the TelSoc forum provides an opportunity for discussion on this key topic. Papers in this issue of the Journal cover a range of topics that cover historical events, book reviews and international telecommunications markets including a unique look at the development of the telecommunications market in Indonesia.
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23

Camps-Febrer, Blanca, and Guillem Farrés-Fernández. "Power and the Security Sector." Contemporary Arab Affairs 12, no. 1 (2019): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2019.121001.

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Following the long trail of critique that emerged from first- and second-generation security sector reform (SSR) programs, this paper introduces a new theoretical framework for the socio-political analysis of the security sector that will enhance the potential for reform and transformation. This introduction to the special issue gathers shared considerations among authors researching the security sector in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, and promotes a dialogue for the improvement of the analysis of the sector within its socio-political context. Drawing from Sociology of Power, we aim to provide analytical and theoretical tools in order to develop a new conception of the “security sector,” which differs from what mainstream academia, think tanks, and public policies have traditionally dealt with.
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24

Law, David M. "Human Security and Security Sector Reform: Contrasts and Commonalities." Sicherheit & Frieden 23, no. 1 (2005): 14–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0175-274x-2005-1-14.

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25

Sekuloski, Milan. "Security Sector Reform Wisdom for Cyber Security Institution Building: The Case of Serbia." Information & Security: An International Journal 34 (2016): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/isij.3406.

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26

J. Lotito, Nicholas. "Trade-Offs and Public Support for Security Reform during Democratic Transitions." Middle East Law and Governance 11, no. 2 (2019): 180–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01102004.

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During democratic transitions, newly elected governments face public demands to reform the institutions of the old regime, especially the security forces; yet, these reforms often fail. I argue that politicians define policy issues in ways that maximize popular support for their own positions through well-established processes of elite issue framing. Politicians can reduce popular demand for difficult and costly reforms of the security forces by framing them as trade-offs with other types of reform. The argument is tested with original survey data from Tunisia, an important contemporary case of democratic transition. An embedded vignette experiment primes existing issue frames by asking respondents to adjudicate between investments in security reform versus economic or political reform. I find that framing a trade-off with a more popular policy, economic development, reduces public demand for security reform. These findings have important implications for security sector reform and democratic consolidation in Tunisia and beyond.
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MacColman, Leslie. "Security Sector Reform in Theory and Practice." International Journal of Conflict Engagement and Resolution 4, no. 1 (2016): 72–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/ijcer/221199652016004001006.

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van Eekelen, Willem. "The Parliamentary Dimension of Security Sector Reform." Sicherheit & Frieden 23, no. 3 (2005): 126–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0175-274x-2005-3-126.

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29

Laipson, Ellen. "Prospects for Middle East Security-Sector Reform." Survival 49, no. 2 (2007): 99–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396330701437751.

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30

Kunz, Rahel. "Gender and Security Sector Reform: Gendering Differently?" International Peacekeeping 21, no. 5 (2014): 604–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2014.963319.

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31

Fuentes, Claudio A. "Resisting change: security-sector reform in Chile." Conflict, Security & Development 2, no. 01 (2002): 121–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678800200590601.

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32

Abrahamsen, Rita, and Michael C. Williams. "Security sector reform: bringing the private in." Conflict, Security & Development 6, no. 1 (2006): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678800600590595.

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33

Peetermans, Katy. "Reform and Reconstruction of the Security Sector." Military Law and the Law of War Review 45, no. 3-4 (2006): 474–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/mllwr.2006.3-4.23.

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34

Sayın, Çağkan. "Exploring the military mindset: Phenomenological insights for security sector reform in Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 43 (2010): 97–133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600005781.

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AbstractThis study focuses on the mindset of a group of post-graduate cadets and academic cadres of the Turkish Military Academy and attempts to reveal, explore, and interpret this mindset regarding the normative structure of security sector reform, as well as the cultural and historical background of the Turkish context. While formal structures can be changed rather rapidly, changes in the underlying interpretive frameworks require more time and have no guarantee of institutionalization. Such changes entail the transformation of prevailing norms, perceptions, conceptions, and patterns of thought that underpin the role(s) of the military. If security sector reform aims to transform military culture and the civilian-military relationships in specific contexts, the traditional military mindset also must undergo a substantial transformation. How can we understand such a transformation? To answer this question, the methodological background of the study derives from linguistic-oriented phenomenology as a means for revealing and interpreting the mindset of post-graduate cadets and military academic cadres. The results of the research indicate that there are three dominant meaning clusters in the mindset of the sampled group, involving the parameters of paternalism, old security understanding, suspicion towards the civilian realm, and an understanding of state-society relationships that mark the pre-security sector reform era. The prevalence of these understandings might pose serious challenges to the internalization of the normative aspects of security sector reform and to the compliance to reforms.
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Abrahamsen, Rita. "Exporting decentred security governance: the tensions of security sector reform." Global Crime 17, no. 3-4 (2016): 281–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17440572.2016.1197507.

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36

Krogstad, E. G. "Reconstructing Security after Conflict: Security sector reform in Sierra Leone." African Affairs 111, no. 442 (2011): 153–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adr072.

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37

Schroeder, Ursula C., Fairlie Chappuis, and Deniz Kocak. "Security Sector Reform and the Emergence of Hybrid Security Governance." International Peacekeeping 21, no. 2 (2014): 214–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2014.910405.

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38

Stojanović-Gajić, Sonja, and Dušan Pavlović. "State capture, hybrid regimes, and security sector reform." Journal of Regional Security 16, no. 2 (2021): 89–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/jrs0-34622.

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In this introduction into the special issue on state capture and security sector governance, we argue that state capture is a relevant concept that helps us understand the current autocratisation and the rise of hybrid regimes. We argue that the extraction of public resources via party patronage, privatization of public administration, judiciary, security institutions, and media are vital for influencing political competition. In the second part of the article, we argue that the concept of state capture brings added value to the understanding of security governance and transformations. We show why the parts or whole of security and justice institutions are the inevitable targets of state capture and what it means to understand the success of security sector reform (SSR). Finally, we examine a range of possible positions of the security sector within the captors and what it means for both the literature on state capture and civil-military relations.
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Juncos, Ana E. "EU security sector reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Reform or resist?" Contemporary Security Policy 39, no. 1 (2017): 95–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523260.2017.1391625.

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40

Mutanda, Darlington. "Security sector reform in Zimbabwe: Scrutinising the rationale for police reform." African Security Review 28, no. 2 (2019): 139–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2019.1665561.

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41

Islam, Mohammad Tarequl. "The Dynamics of Security Sector Reform in Liberia." Journal of International Peacekeeping 24, no. 1-2 (2021): 115–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-20210001.

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Abstract Security Sector Reform (ssr) is one of the key mechanisms of the UN norms of liberal peacebuilding. After the end of a 14-year-long civil war, ssr in Liberia has faced enormous challenges but opened a new space for peace and democracy for the people. Under the comprehensive supervision of the USA, two private military companies, DynCorp International and Pacific Architects and Engineers (pae), have played a pivotal role in army reform. Alternatively, unmil has been involved in police reform, which has not been considered successful enough. Furthermore, this study has observed that before ssr, disarmament, demobilisation, and reintegration (ddr) was not properly managed, which has had a pessimistic impact on ssr. The study has also found that the reformed army and police have been strongly criticised due to a lack of local ownership and citizen oversight, gender inequality, and poor democratic control. Nevertheless, beyond its limitations, the study shows that ssr has achieved a mixture of success in the current security, stability and peace in Liberia.
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Anas, A. Aminu. "Examining the Implication of Pension Reform on Retirement Plan of Employees in the Nigerian Civil Service Sector." Global Journal of Political Science and Administration 12, no. 2 (2024): 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/gjpsa.2013/vol12n24962.

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Accountability in the Government service sector through appropriate reform is expected to boost efficiency and good governance. However, the possibility of negative consequences of reforms has necessitated fear of retirement among civil service employees in Nigeria. This study examines the implication of civil service reform on the retirement plan of employees in Nigeria. Primary data was collected from 674 respondents using a structured questionnaire. The primary data were collected from sampled employees to gather appropriate information that is directly related to reforms in the Ministry of Education, the Nigerian civil service. The results indicate that the reform carried out in the civil service sector has no positive relationship fear of retirement expressed by the employees. The results confirm the need for Government and regulatory authorities leads to the conclusion that the reform did guarantees job security at the top and middle levels of the service sector.
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43

Bendix, Daniel, and Ruth Stanley. "Engendering Security Sector Reform: where to from here?" Sicherheit & Frieden 26, no. 1 (2008): 44–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0175-274x-2008-1-44.

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44

Schnabel, Albrecht. "Security Sector Governance and Reform: Back to Basics." Sicherheit & Frieden 32, no. 2 (2014): 97–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0175-274x-2014-2-97.

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45

Chappuis, Fairlie, and Joseph Siegle. "Security Sector Reform in Times of Democratic Reversal." Sicherheit & Frieden 33, no. 1 (2015): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0175-274x-2015-1-1.

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46

Hove, Mediel. "The Necessity of Security Sector Reform in Zimbabwe." Politikon 44, no. 3 (2017): 425–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2017.1290926.

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47

Hood, Ludovic. "Security sector reform in East Timor, 1999–2004." International Peacekeeping 13, no. 1 (2006): 60–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533310500424819.

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48

Smith, Chris. "Security-sector reform: development breakthrough or institutional engineering?" Conflict, Security & Development 1, no. 01 (2001): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678800100590595.

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49

Jean, Stéphane. "Security-Sector Reform and Development: An African Perspective." Security Dialogue 36, no. 2 (2005): 249–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010605054652.

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50

Perdan, Slobodan. "Security sector reform: The building of security in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Conflict, Security & Development 6, no. 2 (2006): 179–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678800600739226.

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