Journal articles: 'Segmental phonology'

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Jardine, Adam. "Computationally, tone is different." Phonology 33, no. 2 (August 2016): 247–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675716000129.

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This paper establishes that unbounded circumambient processes, phonological processes for which crucial information in the environment may appear unboundedly far away on both sides of a target, are common in tonal phonology, but rare in segmental phonology. It then argues that this typological asymmetry is best characterised by positing that tone is more computationally complex than segmental phonology. The evidence for the asymmetry is based around attestations of unbounded tonal plateauing, but it is also shown how the ‘sour-grapes’ harmony pathology is unbounded circumambient. The paper argues that such processes are not weakly deterministic, which contrasts with previous typological work on segmental phonology. Positing that weak determinism bounds segmental phonology but not tonal phonology thus captures the typological asymmetry. It is also discussed why this explanation is superior to any offered by Optimality Theory.

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Lowe, John J. "Segmental phonology in Ancient India?" Language 96, no. 2 (2020): e97-e113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2020.0035.

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LeeJinHo. "Issues in Korean Segmental Phonology." Korean Language Research ll, no. 35 (December 2014): 179–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.16876/klrc.2014..35.179.

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Warsi, M. J. "SEGMENTAL PHONOLOGY OF MAITHILI URDU." IARS' International Research Journal 11, no. 1 (February 9, 2021): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.51611/iars.irj.v11i1.2021.156.

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This paper on the Mithilanchal Urdu, a dialect of the Indo-Aryan language family, would be an interesting study in the time of the Corona Pandemic, as it may be considered a minority language or dialect and such languages and dialects have been found to be especially vulnerable in the times of calamities like the present COVID-19 pandemic. However, this paper would basically provide a baseline upon which post-pandamic studies can be based for exploring the effect of the pandemic. The present study reflects the segmental phonology of Maithili Urdu, a dialect of the Indo-Aryan language family, spoken mainly in the Mithilanchal region of the state of Bihar in India. Maithili Urdu does not have its own script or literature, yet it has maintained an oral history over many centuries. It has contributed in enriching the Maithili, Hindi and Urdu language and literature very profoundly. There are ten vowels in Maithili Urdu. It would be very interesting to know that out of these, there are four front vowels, four back vowels, and two central vowels. Lip rounding is not distinctive, but only the back vowels are rounded. Out of these ten vowels, three are short and seven are long. Length, thus, is a distinctive feature in Maithili Urdu, where short and long vowels show full phonological opposition in all positions. These are all pure vowels, non-nasalized. All vowels in Maithili Urdu can be nasalized. Consonantal phonemes in Maithili Urdu show four-way contrast between voiceless and voiced and unaspirated and aspirated at bilabial, dental, retroflex, palatal, velar, and glottal places of articulation. Phonetically, affricates also behave like stops. Similarly, the taps, laterals, and nasals also show a two-way contrast between unaspirated and aspirated. Aspiration, thus, is an overriding characteristic of the Maithili Urdu sound system. This study has greatly benifited from the similar work done by Dixit, 1963; Halle & Mohannan 1985; Masud Husain Khan, 1986; Hyman, 2003. In this paper, a brief overview of segmental phonology of Maithili Urdu will be presented wherein vowels and consonants and their phonotactic behavior will be described in detail.

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Anderson, John, Colin Ewen, and Jørgen Staun. "Phonological structure: segmental, suprasegmental and extrasegmental." Phonology Yearbook 2, no. 1 (May 1985): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700000439.

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In the past few years a great deal of attention has been paid to the representation of suprasegmental phenomena in phonology, with the resulting development of a number of partly competing theories and models of suprasegmental representation – in particular, various versions of AUTOSEGMENTAL PHONOLOGY (see, for example, Goldsmith 1976; Halle & Vergnaud 1981; Clements & Keyser 1983) and METRICAL PHONOLOGY (Liberman & Prince 1977; Hayes 1980, 1982; Prince 1983; Giegerich 1985). Other frameworks have also been developed which allow for the representation of phenomena in this area, notably that of DEPENDENCY PHONOLOGY (Anderson & Jones 1974, 1977; Ewen 1980; Anderson 1984; Anderson & Ewen 1980, forthcoming).It has, moreover, become obvious that although these theories at first seemed very different, many of the differences are more apparent than real, so that in some respects the proposals are complementary rather than alternative - and in many areas it is clear that we are moving towards a situation where a single model can perhaps be developed from the various frameworks (cf. Leben 1982; Goldsmith this volume).

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McCollum, Adam G., Eric Baković, Anna Mai, and Eric Meinhardt. "Unbounded circumambient patterns in segmental phonology." Phonology 37, no. 2 (May 2020): 215–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095267572000010x.

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We present an empirical challenge to Jardine's (2016) assertion that only tonal spreading patterns can be unbounded circumambient, meaning that the determination of a phonological value may depend on information that is an unbounded distance away on both sides. We focus on a demonstration that the ATR harmony pattern found in Tutrugbu is unbounded circumambient, and we also cite several other segmental spreading processes with the same general character. We discuss implications for the complexity of phonology and for the relationship between the explanation of typology and the evaluation of phonological theories.

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Nevins, Andrew. "Segmental Phonology in Optimality Theory (review)." Language 79, no. 4 (2003): 811–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2003.0259.

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Simo Bobda, Augustin. "Some segmental rules of Nigerian English phonology." English World-Wide 28, no. 3 (October 30, 2007): 279–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.28.3.04sim.

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This paper discusses some major processes which characterise Nigerian English (NigE) phonology at the segmental level. After a review of patterns of realisation of English sounds in NigE, the paper identifies, analyses and names, where no previous names exist, the most salient contextual processes which can be considered the hallmarks of this variety of English. The next part of the analysis discusses the patterns of interaction of rules in NigE, addressing issues like ordering of rules, feeding and bleeding. The third part highlights the behaviour of NigE in relation to the existing rules of English; it thus acknowledges that NigE shares many existing rules of English phonology. But more importantly it shows that NigE applies other rules differently (either more generally, partially, or inordinately) and that some of its rules are altogether new when perceived in terms of the standard accents of Inner Circle Englishes. The conclusion of the study shows, inter alia, that the findings can be used very fruitfully to provide further, alternative, and arguably more convincing explanations and interpretations of many facts of NigE and related Englishes.

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González, Hebe. "Una aproximación a la fonología del tapiete (Tupí-Guaraní)." LIAMES: Línguas Indígenas Americanas, no. 8 (April 27, 2010): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/liames.v0i8.1469.

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This article presents the main features of Tapiete phonology, a Tupi-Guarani language spoken in Argentina, Bolivia and Paraguay. It discusses the segmental phonology focusing on phonemes, their phonetic description, the phonotactics, the rules that govern the allophonic variations and the syllable structure. At the supra-segmental level, the article provides a characterization of nasal harmony and stress.KEYWORDS: Tapiete; Tupi-Guarani; Phonology; Nasal harmony; Reduplication. RESUMEN Este artículo presenta los principales rasgos de la fonología tapiete, lengua tupí-guaraní hablada en Argentina, Bolivia y Paraguay. El artículo aborda la fonología segmental, centrándose en los fonemas, su caracterización fonética, la fonotáctica, las reglas que rigen las variaciones alofónicas y la estructura silábica. A nivel suprasegmental, el artículo brinda una caracterización de la armonía nasal y el acento. Se describen las variaciones morfofonológicas, específicamente, en su relación con la armonía nasal y el acento.PALABRAS CLAVES: Tapiete; Tupí-Guaraní; Fonología; Armonía nasal; Reduplicació

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Abdelrahim, Azza A. M. "Improving Speaker’s Use of Segmental and Suprasegmental Features of L2 Speech." International Journal of English Linguistics 10, no. 5 (July 17, 2020): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v10n5p203.

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Unlike L1 acquisition, which is based on automatic acquisition, L2 adult learners’ acquisition of English phonology is based on mental reflection and processing of information. There is a limited investigation of L2 phonology research exploring the contribution of the cognitive/theoretical part of pronunciation training. The study reports on the use of online collaborative reflection for improving students’ use of English segmental and suprasegmental features of L2 speech. Ninety participants at the tertiary level at Tabuk university in the kingdom of Saudi Arabia were divided into two groups which used an online instruction. The only difference between the instruction of the experimental group and the control group is that the experimental group spent part of the time of instruction on collaborative reflection, while the control group spent this time on routine activities without using collaborative reflection (but all other activities were the same). The results showed that the online collaborative reflection improved the pronunciation of the experimental group. The learners learned the pronunciation of the major segmentals (e.g., vowels, consonants, diphthongs), minor segmentals (e.g., the way of articulation), and the suprasegmental features (e.g., intonation, stress). The results also showed that students perceived the online collaborative reflection as a helpful means in improving their use of L2 English phonology features. The findings have important implications and contribute to our theoretical knowledge of second language acquisition and L2 phonetics instruction research.

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McMullin, Kevin, and Gunnar Ólafur Hansson. "Inductive learning of locality relations in segmental phonology." Laboratory Phonology: Journal of the Association for Laboratory Phonology 10, no. 1 (July 31, 2019): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/labphon.150.

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Michael, Lev, Stephanie Farmer, Gregory Finley, Christine Beier, and Karina Sullón Acosta. "A Sketch of Muniche Segmental and Prosodic Phonology." International Journal of American Linguistics 79, no. 3 (July 2013): 307–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/670752.

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Pater, Joe. "Substance matters: a reply to Jardine (2016)." Phonology 35, no. 1 (February 2018): 151–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675717000409.

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Jardine (2016) claims that tonal phonology is more formally complex than the phonology of other segmental features, in that only tonal phonology goes beyond the class of weakly deterministic maps. He then goes on to argue that this formal distinction is superior to any available treatment in Optimality Theory. This reply points out that Jardine's formal distinction conflates attested and unattested tonal patterns, which can be distinguished in Optimality Theory, given a substantively defined constraint set.

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Schwartz, Geoffrey. "Refining representations for L2 phonology." Second Language Research 36, no. 4 (June 9, 2019): 691–707. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267658319852383.

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This article discusses the implications of phonological representation for the study of L2 speech acquisition. It is argued, on the basis of empirical findings from diverse phenomena in L2 phonology, that refined representations in which ‘segments’ have internal prosodic structure offer a more insightful view of cross-linguistic phonetic interaction than traditional phonological models. These refinements may be implemented in the Onset Prominence representational environment, in which diverse structural parses affect sub-segmental phonetic properties, transitions between segments, and the formation of prosodic boundaries.

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Lima Jr, Ronaldo Mangueira. "The influence of metalinguistic knowledge of segmental phonology on the production of English vowels by Brazilian undergraduate students." Ilha do Desterro A Journal of English Language, Literatures in English and Cultural Studies 70, no. 3 (September 22, 2017): 117–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-8026.2017v70n3p117.

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This paper presents data on the production of English vowels [i ɪ ɛ æ u ʊ] by Brazilian English Language Teaching (ELT) undergraduate students before and after taking a course on English Segmental Phonology. Brazilian learners tend to assimilate the contrasts present in [i ɪ], [ɛ æ] and [u ʊ] into the prototypical categories of Brazilian Portuguese [i], [ɛ] and [u], respectively. Thus, this paper investigates the influence of receiving explicit metalinguistic instruction of English segmental phonology on the production of the target pairs of vowels. The data analysis is of acoustic nature (spectral quality), and the results show that some learners created new phonetic categories for the English vowels after receiving the metalinguistic instruction.

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Walters, J. Roderick. "“Celtic English”." English World-Wide 24, no. 1 (May 9, 2003): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.24.1.05wal.

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The article examines the phonology of Rhondda Valleys English, an accent of the Welsh “Valleys”, to try to discover to what degree it is influenced by the Welsh language. It finds some features of segmental phonology which appear to be direct transfers. However, most of these appear to be recessive, since they are found mostly in the speech of older generations born at a time when there was considerably more Welsh spoken in the Rhondda than at present. The article lists other non-standard features of segmental phonology where parallel sounds exist in the Welsh language, but it cannot be stated with certainty that Welsh is the primary source. In such cases, the Welsh substratum may be acting at least to reinforce the presence of the features concerned. Finally, the article looks at the suprasegmentals (prosody) of Rhondda Valleys English. Here, because the similarities with the Welsh language are so striking and there are no obvious parallels with neighbouring dialects of England, it would seem very likely that most of the features concerned constitute direct transfers. Since such Welsh-language derived suprasegmental features seem more pervasive than the segmental ones, they may well form the strongest and most enduring “Celtic imprint” on the dialect studied.

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de Carvalho, Fernando O. "A Comparative Reconstruction of Proto-Purus (Arawakan) Segmental Phonology." International Journal of American Linguistics 87, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 49–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/711607.

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Meira, Sérgio, and Sebastian Drude. "A summary reconstruction of proto-maweti-guarani segmental phonology." Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas 10, no. 2 (August 2015): 275–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000200005.

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Meira, Sérgio, and Sebastian Drude. "A summary reconstruction of proto-maweti-guarani segmental phonology." Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas 10, no. 2 (August 2015): 275–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1981-81222015000200005.

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Abstract: This paper presents a succinct reconstruction of the segmental phonology of Proto-Maweti-Guarani, the hypothetical protolanguage from which modern Mawe, Aweti and the Tupi-Guarani branches of the Tupi linguistic family have evolved. Based on about 300 cognate sets from the authors' field data (for Mawe and Aweti) and from Mello's reconstruction (2000) for Proto-Tupi-Guarani (with additional information from other works; and with a few changes concerning certain doubtful features, such as the status of stem-final lenis consonants *r and *ß, and the distinction of *c and *č ), the consonants and vowels of Proto-Maweti-Guarani were reconstructed with the help of the traditional historical-comparative method. The development of the reconstructed segments is then traced from the protolanguage to each of the modern branches. A comparison with other claims made about Proto-Maweti-Guarani is given in the conclusion.

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Simile, Okoa, and Rose Acen Upor. "Segmental aspects of Kɨbwanɉi Phonology: A Non-Linear Representation." Utafiti 12, no. 1-2 (March 18, 2017): 25–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26836408-0120102003.

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This paper attempts a preliminary analysis of the phonological processes that affect vowels and consonants in Kɨβwanɉi language. Specifically, the paper examines the role played by these phonological processes in preserving the configuration of the phonologically possible word or morpheme in Kɨβwanɉi by using a Non-linear Approach (Autosegmental Phonology Theory). The findings reveal that the distribution of consonants is restricted in Kɨβwanɉi and the canonical syllable structure of Kɨβwanɉi is CV but not limited to $V$, $C$, $CV$ and $CGV$. Syllables are conditioned by phonological sequential constraints (PSCs) that govern the sequence of segments in the language. These constraints serve as the mechanism through which the native speakers are able to recognize words by applying phonological rules that are in conspiracy. It is also revealed that the rules are ordered with respect to the satisfaction of the structural descriptions that allow more than one rule to apply.

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Bassiri, Mohammad Amin. "Intonation Patterns and Their Place in Teaching Pronunciation for Azeri-Speaking English language Learners." Studies in English Language Teaching 1, no. 1 (February 2, 2013): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/selt.v1n1p100.

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Although there has always been controversies around the importance of two levels of phonology (segmental and suprasegmental) in language teaching history, today there is a general consensus that both levels of phonology (segmental and suprasegmental) should be taken into consideration to reach the goals of pronunciation instruction. However time shortage is a factor that forces us as teachers to set priorities and be selective of materials that have more crucial role in understanding and being understood than others both in segmental and suprasegmental level. Our touchstone in this way is the degree to which these features affect the comprehensibility of materials. The current study examined the degree to which intonation patterns affect comprehensibility. The results of the study supported the initial prediction that Intonation patterns play no crucial role in pronunciation teaching to impede comprehension.

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Shih, Stephanie S., and Sharon Inkelas. "Autosegmental Aims in Surface-Optimizing Phonology." Linguistic Inquiry 50, no. 1 (January 2019): 137–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00304.

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We develop a novel optimization approach to tone. Its grammatical component consists of the similarity- and proximity-based correspondence constraint framework of Agreement by Correspondence theory (ABC). Its representational component, Q Theory, decomposes segments ( Q) into temporally ordered, quantized subsegments ( q), which comprise unitary sets of distinctive features, including tone. ABC+Q unites phonological alternations and static lexical patterns, as we illustrate with a programmatic survey of core tonal phenomena: assimilation, dissimilation, lexical tone melodies, and consonant-tone interaction. ABC+Q surmounts long-standing problems for autosegmental-era, multitiered representational approaches to tone, and unites tonal and segmental phonology under the modern umbrella of correspondence theory.

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Rose, Yvan. "There is no phonology without abstract categories: A commentary on Ambridge (2020)." First Language 40, no. 5-6 (February 21, 2020): 626–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142723720905908.

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Ambridge’s proposal cannot account for the most basic observations about phonological patterns in human languages. Outside of the earliest stages of phonological production by toddlers, the phonological systems of speakers/learners exhibit internal behaviours that point to the representation and processing of inter-related units ranging in size from sub-segmental (featural) and segmental to larger prosodic units ranging from the syllable all the way to the phonological utterance. Only theories which embrace these units can make proper predictions about phonological behaviours.

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Sunday, Adesina B. "Compound stress in Nigerian English." English Today 27, no. 3 (August 18, 2011): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026607841100037x.

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Of all the levels of linguistic analysis, it is at the phonological level that differences in the dialects of a language are more easily noticed (Ogu, 1992: 82). The phonology of a language can be investigated at two sub-levels: segmental and suprasegmental. Investigating the segmental micro-level entails looking at phonemes – the vowels and the consonants. Suprasegmentals are linguistically significant elements that go beyond individual segments, and include syllable, tone, stress, rhythm and intonation.

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Blevins, Juliette. "The Phonology of Yurok Glottalized Sonorants: Segmental Fission under Syllabification." International Journal of American Linguistics 69, no. 4 (October 2003): 371–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/382738.

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Cohen, Evan-Gary. "Loanword phonology in Modern Hebrew." Brill’s Journal of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics 11, no. 1 (June 12, 2019): 182–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18776930-01101012.

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Abstract The phonology of loanwords often differs from the phonology of native words in various aspects. These differences are evident in the prosodic structure and even the segmental inventory. The differences between the loanword and native phonology, however, are not necessarily stable, and it is often the case that what originated as phonological structures in loanwords which were illicit in the native vocabulary eventually overrode the native norm, bringing about diachronic change to the phonology of the native words. Hebrew is no exception in this respect. The stress system of loanwords differs from that of native words, with the latter’s system undergoing changes inter alia due to the effect of loanwords (e.g. ante-penultimate stress, immobile stress patterns). The licit syllable structure inventory of native Hebrew words has been expanded to include loaned structures (e.g. complex codas, triconsonantal structures), and the phonemic inventory of Hebrew now includes several consonants originating in loanwords (e.g. ʒ and d͡ʒ).

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Rose, Yvan. "A Structural Account of Root Node Deletion in Loanword Phonology." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 44, no. 4 (December 1999): 359–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100017473.

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AbstractParadis and LaCharité (1996, 1997) have proposed a model of loanword adaptation, couched within theTheory of Constraints and Repair Strategies(Paradis 1988a,b). One of the mechanisms used in their model, called the Threshold Principle, first advanced by Paradis, Lebel, and LaCharité (1993), poses problems. This principle, whose implementation implies arithmetic counting, goes counter to standard views of generative phonology against counting. In this article, an analysis of deletion contexts found in loanwords which accounts for the data observed on structural grounds only is developed without any appeal to arithmetic counting. Based on the adaptation of French rising diphthongs and nasal vowels in two languages, Fula and Kinyarwanda, it is argued that an analysis based solely on the segmental representations of the foreign forms to adapt and the segmental and syllabic constraints of the borrowing language is sufficient to make correct predictions regarding the adaptation patterns found in these languages.

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Hargrove, Patricia M., Jacquelyn Frerichs, and Kimberli Heino. "A Format for Identifying Interactions Among Measures of Communication Skills." Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools 30, no. 1 (January 1999): 11–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/0161-1461.3001.11.

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A format for longitudinally tracking interactions among measures representing different domains of communication was developed in response to calls for integrative approaches to language assessment. This longitudinal case study examined measures of segmental phonology, nonsegmental phonology, and syntax/morphology in a child with language impairment in order to illustrate the effectiveness of this format in identifying interactions. The format detected trade-offs and co-occurrences, which changed during the 6 1/2 yearsof study. The results support Crystal’s (1987) "bucket" theory of language and the value of integrative approaches to assessment.

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McMahon, April, and Paul Foulkes. "Sound Change, Phonological Rules, and Articulatory Phonology." Sound Change 9 (January 1, 1994): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bjl.9.02mcm.

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Abstract. The gestural model of Articulatory Phonology currently being developed by Browman and Goldstein provides a new way of modelling both synchronic and diachronic phonetic processes as well as certain types of synchronic phonological rules. Although Browman and Goldstein place stringent restrictions on the model, ruling out categorical deletion and insertion of gestures, as well as gestural permutation not resulting from magnitude and timing changes, Articulatory Phonology can nonetheless provide enlightening accounts of various types of sound change, including historical developments which have previously been analysed as segmental insertions and deletions. The application of Articulatory Phonology to sound changes is beneficial in that it allows the formulation of a change to include some account of its motivation from the point of view of the speaker (or indeed, though less straightforwardly, the hearer). We aim to extend Browman and Goldstein's preliminary applications of their model to sound change, by demonstrating that changes which have been analysed as entirely separate developments in a traditional segmental phonology can be seen instead as part of an integrated complex of interrelated changes within Articulatory Phonology. Focussing on the development of non-rhotic varieties of English, we show that the sound changes producing present-day linking [r], which are typically given as three independent developments of Pre-[r] Breaking, Pre-Schwa Laxing, and /r/-Deletion, can be shown to be interdependent and analysed in an explanatory way using the gestural model. However, we argue that not all the synchronic phonological processes to which such sound changes give rise can be analysed in gestural terms, given the current restrictions on Articulatory Phonology. For instance, in present-day English varieties which exhibit intrusive as well as linking [r], and which seem to be best characterised by an [r]-Insertion analysis, synchronic addition of gestures must be permitted. Insertion processes of this sort may initially seem incompatible with Articulatory Phonology, but there is clear motivation to retain the gestural framework, given its ability to model many sound changes, casual speech processes and phonological rules using the same mechanisms. Consequently, we propose that, to account for English [r] and similar cases, the current constraints on Articulatory Phonology must be relaxed to a limited extent at some level of the grammar. We suggest that this might be achieved by integrating the gestural approach into a model of Lexical Phonology.

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Tenani, Luciani. "Considerações sobre a Relação entre Processos de Sândi e Ritmo (Some Considerations about the Relationship between Sandhi processes and Rhythm)." Estudos da Língua(gem) 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2006): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.22481/el.v3i1.1011.

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Neste artigo, tratamos de dois temas relativamente polêmicos na fonologia: a classificação rítmica das línguas e a consideração de processos segmentais como evidências de classes rítmicas. A questão central deste texto é: qual a relação entre processos de sândi e organização rítmica de uma língua? A fim de trazer subsídios que permitam tratar dessa questão, analisamos seis processos fonológicos: vozeamento da fricativa, tapping, haplologia, degeminação, elisão e ditongação. Com base na análise de dados do Português Brasileiro, argumentamos que, para se definir o ritmo lingüístico, deve ser considerada a organização hierárquica dos constituintes prosódicos aos quais estão submetidos os processos de sândi que afetam as sílabas.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Fonologia. Ritmo. Prosódia. Sândi. Língua portuguesa.ABSTRACTIn this article, we deal with two relatively polemic themes in phonology: (i) the rhythmic classification of languages and (ii) the consideration of segmental processes as evidence for rhythmic classes. Our main question is: what is the relationship between segmental processes and rhythmic organization of one given language? In order to bring up data for dealing with this question, it is analysed six sandhi processes: fricative voicing, tapping, syllable degemination, vowel merge, vowel deletion and semi-vocalization. Based on Brazilian Portuguese data for these processes, we argue that, in order to identify the linguistic rhythm, it must be considered the hierarchical organization of those prosodic domains to which sandhi processes that affect syllables are submitted to KEYWORDS: Phonology. Rhythm. Prosody. Sandhi. Portuguese.

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Backley, Philip. "Variation in element theory." Linguistic Variation 12, no. 1 (December 3, 2012): 57–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lv.12.1.03bac.

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This paper introduces the Element Theory approach to segmental structure, and describes the variation that exists between different versions of the theory. Elements are unlike traditional features in several respects: they have only positive values, they represent categories motivated solely by phonological behavior, they map on to acoustic patterns in the speech signal, and they are segment-sized units that can be pronounced independently. The standard version of Element Theory recognizes six elements, giving the phonology a level of expressiveness that is capable of capturing most contrasts, natural classes and phonological processes without overgenerating significantly. Furthermore, standard Element Theory compares favorably with two other forms of the theory, conservative and progressive. These employ different element inventories, which distinguish them from the standard theory at a superficial level. Fundamentally, however, all versions of Element Theory are united by a shared conceptual approach and a common set of assumptions and structural principles. Keywords: phonology; elements; features; segmental structure; head-dependency; generative restrictiveness; natural classes; consonant-vowel unity; markedness

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Jardine, Adam. "Computation also matters: a response to Pater (2018)." Phonology 36, no. 2 (May 2019): 341–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675719000150.

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This article responds to Pater (2018) by arguing for a view of phonology that captures the computational properties of phonological processes. Jardine's (2016) statement that tone is formally more complex than segmental phonology is not a claim, as Pater characterises it, but an empirical observation. This article outlines how phonological theories can incorporate such observations, and integrate them with considerations of phonological substance. The conclusion is that, while computational characterisations are not necessarily alternatives to Optimality Theory, it is extremely diffcult to capture the computational nature of phonological processes in Optimality Theory, due to the expressive power of global optimisation.

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Labrune, Laurence. "De l’iconicité en japonais : suffixes en r+voyelle et réduplication." Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 27, no. 1 (December 15, 1998): 79–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19606028_027_01-04.

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The aim of this paper is to show that Yamato Japanese exhibits a morpholexical class of words consisting of a r + vowel suffix, which represent the same linguistic values as reduplicated words. It is argued that both reduplication and -rV suffixation are the result of an iconic lengthening operation prosodically specified but melodically unspecified. Segmental specification is provided either by copying segmental material from the base (reduplication) or by default ( -rV suffixation). The choice of r as the surfacing consonant is accounted for by its unmarked and underspecified status in the phonology of Japanese.

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Sims, Nathaniel. "A phonology and lexicon of the Yonghe variety of Qiang." Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 37, no. 1 (June 23, 2014): 34–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ltba.37.1.02sim.

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Yonghe, a variety of Qiang (Tibeto-Burman, China) has never been described in the literature. This paper is the first publication specifically about the Yonghe variety. This variety is interesting in that it has a rather simplified segmental phonology, but has not undergone tonogenesis. This paper also appends a lexicon which will be useful for future reconstructive and comparative work on Qiang varieties.

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Carvalho, Fernando O. de. "The historical phonology of Paunaka (Arawakan)." Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas 13, no. 2 (August 2018): 405–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1981.81222018000200008.

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Abstract This paper applies the comparative method to unravel the historical development of the segmental phonology of Paunaka, an Arawakan language of Bolivia. Although the Paunaka vowel system features a single back rounded vowel, it is rather simple to show that it derives from a system with two back rounded qualities *u and *o, but that the former segment shifted to a high central unrounded vowel ɨ. The language has lost *r unconditionally, implying that Paunaka items with r are probable loanwords. Paunaka underewent a spirantization of *ts, thus merging this affricate with the fricative *s. Although Paunaka shares a coronalization of *k > s with Proto-Mojeño, most of the phonological developments that affected Paunaka are either recurrent in the Arawakan language family or only superficially similar to developments in related languages, and thus provide little weight as evidence for subgrouping. An Appendix is also included, with 105 etymologies matching Paunaka lexical and grammatical morphemes with their cognates in Proto-Mojeño, the two extant Mojeño dialects (Ignaciano and Trinitario) and Terena.

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Coupe, Alexander R. "Northern Sangtam phonetics, phonology and word list." Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 43, no. 1 (August 28, 2020): 147–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ltba.19014.cou.

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Abstract This paper presents a comprehensive phonetic and phonological description of Northern Sangtam, an essentially undescribed Tibeto-Burman language of central Nagaland belonging to the Aoic subgroup. It is a noteworthy language from a number of phonological perspectives, not least because its phoneme inventory contains two of the world’s rarest phonemes: a pre-stopped bilabial trill, and a doubly-articulated labial-coronal nasal. These unique segments are described in detail, and an attempt is made to determine how they might have developed their phonemic status. The tone system is also of interest, as it demonstrates evidence of debuccalization resulting in the development of a new high tone. Following a systematic description of the syllable and word structure, the tone system, and the segmental phonology, some observed age-related differences in the phoneme inventory are discussed. The paper is linked to an online repository containing the audio-visual data and transcribed word lists of approximately 900 items, based on the recorded utterances of eight speakers.

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Lubis, Lahmuddin, Dairina Yusri, and Zuhria Zuhria3. "Error Analysis at Segmental Phonology in Pondok Pesantren Modren Nurul Hakim, Medan." IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science 22, no. 02 (February 2017): 18–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.9790/0837-2202031821.

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Sara, Solomon I. "Phonetics and phonology 1949–1989." Historiographia Linguistica 17, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1990): 211–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.17.1-2.15sar.

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Summary Phonetics and Phonology have had noticeable developments in the last forty years: phonetics from the articulatory descriptions of sounds of Pike’s Phonetics (1943), to a physiological set of distinctive features of Chomsky & Halle’s The Sound Pattern of English (1968); the acoustic displays of Potter’s Visible Speech (1947) to a set of acoustic distinctive features in Jakobson, Fant, Halle’s Preliminaries (1951). Suprasegmental characterizations have developed from impressionistic labels of tone, stress, length and intonation to an experimentally quantifiable set of parameters characterizing these aspects of speech in a unified manner in Lehiste’s Suprasegmentals (1970). Phonology progressed from the autonomous to the integrated, and from the structural to the transformational/generative, from Pike’s Phonemics (1947), and Trubetzkoy’s Grundzüge (1939) to a complex system of levels/tiers/strata that represent speech in a more detailed, holistic and integrated manner. Current approaches recognize not only the features and segments of the speech continuum, but the rules that organize these into the phonological system. Approaches to the explanation of this organization have been many: the segmental/sequential approach of American phonemicists, Praguian phonologists and early generativists developed into a phonological component that consists of segments, organized into syllables that pattern into rhythmic feet which constitute the geometry of the sequence as a multi level/tier/stratum. These developments are all considered generative, but labelled Natural-Generative, Autosegmental-Genera-tive, Non-Linear-Generative, Metrical-Generative, etc. ‘Generative’ is kept to maintain the twin characteristics of being integrated and rule governed. There has been a shift in the paradigm: from segments to features and from structural to transformational with significant developments in both paradigms in the last forty years.

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Alkazwini, Azhar A. "The Concept of Lenition as the Phonemic Linguistic Phenomena." International Journal of Applied Linguistics and English Literature 6, no. 1 (November 19, 2016): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijalel.v.6n.1p.29.

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The term 'lenition’ has numerous definitions offered in the Phonology of English language, some of which will be discussed in this study. Moreover, “Spirantization”, “approximantization”, “debuccalization” and “voicing” are changes that are counted as lenition. There are also different types of lenition, and different views regarding what lenitions have in common. Some phonologists perceive lenition as the loss of segmental material, while it is perceived by others as an increase in sonority (Honeybone 2012). With regards to lenition in the English Language, English does not have such widespread lenitions. There are other phenomena that can be regarded as lenition in the English Language, and this will be casted light on it further in the current paper.Keywords: lenition, Phonology, English Language, Spirantization, Approximantization, Debuccalization, Weakening, Affrication of Plosives

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Silverman, Daniel. "Multiple scansions in loanword phonology: evidence from Cantonese." Phonology 9, no. 2 (August 1992): 289–328. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700001627.

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In loanword phonology we seek to uncover the processes by which speakers possessing one phonological system perceive, apply native representational constraints on, and ultimately produce forms which have been generated by a different phonological system. We are interested in how speakers instantiate segmental and prosodic structure on an input which may or may not abide by native rules. Crucial to this assumed strategy is the idea that loanwords do not come equipped with their own phonological representation. For any phonetic string, it is only native speakers for whom a fully articulated phonological structure is present; as we will see, the input to loanword phonology is merely a superficial non-linguistic acoustic signal. Thus as host-language speakers perceive foreign forms in accordance with their indigenous phonological system, they instantiate native phonological representations on the acoustic signal, fitting the superficial input into the native phonological system as closely as possible.

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Vago, Robert M. "The treatment of long vowels in word games." Phonology Yearbook 2, no. 1 (May 1985): 329–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700000488.

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In the current nonlinear model of CV phonology (Clements & Keyser 1983), phonological representations are organised into several levels or tiers, of which the following three are the most significant: the central CV tier (skeleton), whose units, C and V, are autosegmentally associated with the units of the syllable tier on one end and with the units of the segmental tier on the other. The segmental tier itself is organised into subtiers of distinctive features; the internal structure of the syllable tier is subject to considerable debate in the literature. In addition, CV-level units may be linked to melodies on separate autosegmental tiers in the case of suprasegmental phenomena like tone and vowel harmony.

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Snow, David. "Prosodic Markers of Syntactic Boundaries in the Speech of 4-Year-Old Children With Normal and Disordered Language Development." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 41, no. 5 (October 1998): 1158–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/jslhr.4105.1158.

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This study focuses on the potential role of prosodic "boundary features" in developmental disorders of morphosyntax. As exemplified melodically by the final portion of the falling tone and rhythmically by final syllable lengthening, boundary features mark the right edge of major constituent units in speech and thus phonetically reflect syntactic structure on the level of clauses and sentences. To resolve conflicting findings about the development of boundary features in children with specific language impairment (SLI), this study describes the falling tone and final syllable lengthening in the spontaneous speech of 10 four-year-old children with the phonologic-syntactic type of SLI and 10 four-year-old children with normal language development. The results—indicating that some prosodic boundary features are normal in preschoolers with SLI—show that impairments of morphology and syntax on the segmental level of the grammar do not implicate systematic deficits in syntax-sensitive features on the suprasegmental level. The potential dissociation between prosodic and morphosyntactic development is shown most clearly by the remarkable robustness of the falling tone, which was observed in 9 of the 10 children with SLI, in spite of the moderate to severe deficits they demonstrated in segmental phonology, morphosyntax, and mean length of utterance.

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Crowther, Dustin, Pavel Trofimovich, Kazuya Saito, and Talia Isaacs. "LINGUISTIC DIMENSIONS OF L2 ACCENTEDNESS AND COMPREHENSIBILITY VARY ACROSS SPEAKING TASKS." Studies in Second Language Acquisition 40, no. 2 (August 22, 2017): 443–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s027226311700016x.

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AbstractThis study critically examined the previously reported partial independence between second language (L2) accentedness (degree to which L2 speech differs from the target variety) and comprehensibility (ease of understanding). In prior work, comprehensibility was linked to multiple linguistic dimensions of L2 speech (phonology, fluency, lexis, grammar) whereas accentedness was narrowly associated with L2 phonology. However, these findings stemmed from a single task (picture narrative), suggesting that task type could affect the particular linguistic measures distinguishing comprehensibility from accentedness. To address this limitation, speech ratings of 10 native listeners assessing 60 speakers of L2 English in three tasks (picture narrative, IELTS, TOEFL) were analyzed, targeting two global ratings (accentedness, comprehensibility) and 10 linguistic measures (segmental and word stress accuracy, intonation, rhythm, speech rate, grammatical accuracy and complexity, lexical richness and complexity, discourse richness). Linguistic distinctions between accentedness and comprehensibility were less pronounced in the cognitively complex task (TOEFL), with overlapping sets of phonology, lexis, and grammar variables contributing to listener ratings of accentedness and comprehensibility. This finding points to multifaceted, task-specific relationships between these two constructs.

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Hirata, Yukari, Spencer D. Kelly, Jessica Huang, and Michael Manansala. "Effects of Hand Gestures on Auditory Learning of Second-Language Vowel Length Contrasts." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 57, no. 6 (December 2014): 2090–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/2014_jslhr-s-14-0049.

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Purpose Research has shown that hand gestures affect comprehension and production of speech at semantic, syntactic, and pragmatic levels for both native language and second language (L2). This study investigated a relatively less explored question: Do hand gestures influence auditory learning of an L2 at the segmental phonology level? Method To examine auditory learning of phonemic vowel length contrasts in Japanese, 88 native English-speaking participants took an auditory test before and after one of the following 4 types of training in which they (a) observed an instructor in a video speaking Japanese words while she made syllabic-rhythm hand gesture, (b) produced this gesture with the instructor, (c) observed the instructor speaking those words and her moraic-rhythm hand gesture, or (d) produced the moraic-rhythm gesture with the instructor. Results All of the training types yielded similar auditory improvement in identifying vowel length contrast. However, observing the syllabic-rhythm hand gesture yielded the most balanced improvement between word-initial and word-final vowels and between slow and fast speaking rates. Conclusions The overall effect of hand gesture on learning of segmental phonology is limited. Implications for theories of hand gesture are discussed in terms of the role it plays at different linguistic levels.

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Kager, René, and Joe Pater. "Phonotactics as phonology: knowledge of a complex restriction in Dutch." Phonology 29, no. 1 (April 16, 2012): 81–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675712000048.

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The Dutch lexicon contains very few sequences of a long vowel followed by a consonant cluster whose second member is a non-coronal. We provide experimental evidence that Dutch speakers have implicit knowledge of this gap, which cannot be reduced to the probability of segmental sequences or to word-likeness as measured by neighbourhood density. The experiment also suggests that the ill-formedness of this sequence is mediated by syllable structure: it has a weaker effect on speakers' judgements when the last consonant begins a new syllable. We provide an account in terms of Hayes & Wilson's (2008) maximum entropy model of phonotactics, using constraints that go beyond the complexity permitted by their model of constraint induction.

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Shankweiler, Donald, and Carol A. Fowler. "Relations Between Reading and Speech Manifest Universal Phonological Principle." Annual Review of Linguistics 5, no. 1 (January 14, 2019): 109–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-linguistics-011718-012419.

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All writing systems represent speech, providing a means for recording each word of a message. This is achieved by symbolizing the phonological forms of spoken words as well as information conveying grammar and meaning. Alphabetic systems represent the segmental phonology by providing symbols for individual consonants and vowels; some also convey morphological units. Other systems represent syllables (typically CVs) or morphosyllables. In all cases, learning to read requires a learner to discover the forms of language that writing encodes, drawing on metalinguistic abilities that are not needed for the acquisition of speech. Therefore, learning to read is harder and rarer than acquiring speech. Research reveals that skilled readers of every studied orthography access phonological language forms automatically and early in word reading. Although reading processes differ according to the cognitive demands of specific orthographic forms, the differences are subservient to the universal phonologic principle that all readers access phonological language forms.

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Atterer, Michaela, and D. Robert Ladd. "On the phonetics and phonology of “segmental anchoring” of F0: evidence from German." Journal of Phonetics 32, no. 2 (April 2004): 177–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0095-4470(03)00039-1.

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Anastasiou, Dimitris, and Athanassios Protopapas. "Difficulties in Lexical Stress Versus Difficulties in Segmental Phonology Among Adolescents With Dyslexia." Scientific Studies of Reading 19, no. 1 (August 12, 2014): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10888438.2014.934452.

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Ainsworth, Steph, Stephen Welbourne, Anna Woollams, and Anne Hesketh. "Contrasting Explicit With Implicit Measures of Children's Representations: The Case of Segmental Phonology." Language Learning 69, no. 2 (January 15, 2019): 323–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lang.12334.

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Zakaria, Muhammad. "The segmental phonetics and phonology of Hyow, A Tibeto-Burman language of Bangladesh." Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 43, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 309–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ltba.19006.zak.

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Abstract This paper presents a description and analysis of segmental phonetics and phonology of Hyow, a Tibeto-Burman language spoken by almost 4,000 people in the southeast of Bangladesh. Hyow demonstrates phonological features which are absent in other Chin languages of the Tibeto-Burman branch. Proto Kuki-Chin initial voiceless nasals are not only preserved in Mara and Central Chin languages (Van Bik 2009: 220), but also in Hyow. Unlike other Southern Chin languages, Hyow final liquids are sometimes preserved or developed into central approximants. In fact, final liquids are preserved in Bangladesh Hyow, and in two varieties of Laitu – Keyni and Myebon – and Laisaw in the Rakhine State of Myanmar. The salient and prevalent phonological process of re-syllabification in Hyow demonstrates that the glottal stop cannot be treated as a phonetic property of the coda-cluster sonorants, which is otherwise treated as glottalized in some Chin languages by scholars, e.g. Hakha Lai (Hyman & Van Bik 2002: 114). Hyow does not show a phonemic contrast between long and short vowels which is very often found in Chin languages. Though Mainland Southeast Asian Languages are profoundly known for having sesquisyllables or reduced syllables, in Hyow, vowels of initial syllables of disyllabic words carrying grammatical morphemes are harmonized with vowels of root-initial syllables, which confirms the absence of such type of reduced syllables in Hyow. The phonological description and analysis in this paper are furthermore supported by phonetic data and illustrations. Discussions of variant phonetic realizations of certain segments have also been included.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Segmental phonology'

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