Academic literature on the topic 'Segre River Valley (France and Spain)'

The chronological framework of European protohistory is mostly a relative chronology based on typology and stratigraphic data. Synchronization of different time periods suffers from a lack of absolute dates; therefore, disagreements between different chronological schemes are difficult to reconcile. An alternative approach was applied in this study to build a more precise and accurate absolute chronology. To the best of our knowledge, we have collected all the published14C dates for the archaeological sites in the region from the Ebro River (Spain) to the Middle Danube Valley (Austria) for the period 1800–750 BC. The available archaeological information associated with the14C dates was organized in a database that totaled more than 160014C dates. In order to build an accurate and precise chronology, quality selection rules have been applied to the14C dates based on both archaeological context and analytical quality. Using the OxCal software and Bayesian analysis, several14C time sequences were created following the archaeological data and different possible scenarios were tested in northern Italy and southern France.

The chronological framework of European protohistory is mostly a relative chronology based on typology and stratigraphic data. Synchronization of different time periods suffers from a lack of absolute dates; therefore, disagreements between different chronological schemes are difficult to reconcile. An alternative approach was applied in this study to build a more precise and accurate absolute chronology. To the best of our knowledge, we have collected all the published 14C dates for the archaeological sites in the region from the Ebro River (Spain) to the Middle Danube Valley (Austria) for the period 1800–750 BC. The available archaeological information associated with the 14C dates was organized in a database that totaled more than 1600 14C dates. In order to build an accurate and precise chronology, quality selection rules have been applied to the 14C dates based on both archaeological context and analytical quality. Using the OxCal software and Bayesian analysis, several 14C time sequences were created following the archaeological data and different possible scenarios were tested in northern Italy and southern France.

Este artigo discute as razões para que os estudos históricos sobre a bacia do Rio Branco (correspondente ao atual estado brasileiro de Roraima) levem em conta as suas relações com o espaço mais amplo das Guianas. Embora as fontes coloniais luso-brasileiras raramente denominem a fronteira setentrional como ”Guiana Portuguesa”, o topônimo desde muito cedo foi usado por estrangeiros e pela cartografia internacional para referir-se á região, sempre que ela era objeto de confrontação com as áreas controladas pelas demais potências coloniais (Espanha, França, Holanda e, mais tarde, a Inglaterra). Os europeus inteiraram-se das redes relacionais interétnicas do espaço das Guianas, interferindo no quadro de alianças e rivalidades locais. A história colonial do vale do Rio Branco se define pela disputa geopolá­tica e estratégica de Portugal com os competidores europeus nesse espaço. Os sucessivos tratados entre as metrópoles e, posteriormente, os Estados Nacionais foram modificando as configurações e relações sociais e étnicas na região. O Congresso de Viena (1815), contemporá¢neo das guerras de Independência na América Latina, encerrou um ciclo de conflito global entre França e Inglaterra e ratificou a nova correlação de forças entre as potências coloniais na ilha das Guianas, mas não encerrou os litá­gios territoriais. Além de impor a devolução de Caiena á França (e intervir na questão de fronteiras com a América Portuguesa), sancionou uma mudança indelével na região: a transferência das antigas colônias holandesas de Demerara, Essequibo e Berbice, para a soberania britá¢nica.Palavras-chave: Brasil colonial. Brasil - Tratados Internacionais. Amazônia colonial. Guianas - História. RORAIMA AS PART OF THE GUYANAS: Rio Branco Valley and the ”Guyana Island”Abstract: This paper discusses why historical studies on the basin of the Branco river (corresponding to the current Brazilian state of Roraima) should take in account its relations with the wider space of the Guyana. Although the Luso-Brazilian colonial sources rarely denominate the northern border as "Portuguese Guyana ", this toponym was used since an early age by foreigners and by international cartography to refer to the area where it was opposed to zones controlled by other colonial powers (Spain, France, Holland and later England). Europeans were aware of interethnic relational networks of the Guyana space, interfering in the framework of alliances and local rivalries. The colonial history of the Branco river Valley is defined by geopolitical and strategic disputes between Portugal and the European competitors in that space. Successive treaties between the colonial powers and subsequently the National States gradually modifyed the social and ethnic relations and settings in the region. The Congress of Vienna (1815), contemporary of independence wars in Latin America, ended a cycle of worldwide conflict between France and England and ratified the new correlation of forces between the colonial powers on the island of Guyana, but did not end the territorial disputes. In addition to imposing the return of Cayenne to France (and intervene on the issue of borders with Portuguese America), signed an indelible change in the region: the transfer of the former Dutch colonies of Demerara, Essequibo and Berbice to British sovereignty.Keywords: Colonial Brazil. Brazil - International Treaties. Colonial Amazon; Guianas - History. RORAIMA COMO UMA DE LAS GUYANAS: la cuenca del Rio Branco y la ”Isla de Guayana”Resumen: Este artá­culo analiza por que los estudios históricos de la cuenca del Rá­o Branco (correspondiente al actual estado brasileño de Roraima) deben tener en cuenta sus relaciones con el espacio más amplio de las Guayanas. Aunque las fuentes coloniales luso-brasileñas raramente denominan la frontera norte como "Guiana Portuguesa", el topónimo desde muy temprano fue empleado por los extranjeros y por la cartografá­a internacional, en relación con las zonas guayanesas controladas por otras potencias coloniales (España, Francia, Holanda y más tarde Inglaterra). Los europeos se interaron de las redes relacionales interétnicas del espacio de las Guayanas y se introdujeron en el marco de alianzas y rivalidades locales. La historia colonial del Valle del rá­o Branco se define por disputa geopolá­tica y estratégica entre Portugal y los competidores europeos en ese espacio. Tratados sucesivos entre las metrópolis y posteriormente los Estados Nacionales fueron modificando la configuración y las relaciones sociales y étnicas en la región. El Congreso de Viena (1815), contemporáneo de las guerras de independencia en América Latina, terminó un ciclo de conflictos globales entre Francia e Inglaterra y ratificó la nueva correlación de fuerzas entre las potencias coloniales de la isla de Guyana, pero no puso fá­n a las disputas territoriales. Además de imponer el regreso de Cayenne a Francia (e intervenir en la cuestión de las fronteras con la América portuguesa), firmaron un cambio indeleble en la región: la transferencia de las antiguas colonias holandesas de Demerara, Esequibo y Berbice a la soberaná­a británica.Palabras clave: Brasil colonial. Brasil - Tratados Internacionales. Amazon colonial. Guayana - Historia.

In the early twentieth century, Palaeolithic research seemed to be flourishing on the Continent. Commont was carrying out groundbreaking work in the Somme, and rich hauls were being recovered from the reindeer-caves of France and Spain. France could also boast a research centre: the Institute of Human Palaeontology, where Boule, Breuil, and Obermaier held posts. Britain, though, was weighed down by nostalgia: unfavourable contrasts were being drawn between current research and the glorious decades of the past when Evans and Prestwich had brought such renown to British investigations. This apparent loss of impetus was noted abroad. Boule considered the British to have sunk into insularity after 1875, never to regain their early brilliance; in 1912, Breuil remarked at a luncheon party in Cambridge that no one in England knew anything about prehistory. The British Museum’s Guide to the Antiquities of the Stone Age, published in 1911 at the height of Commont’s work, declared: ‘the French system has now been revised in the light of recent discoveries, and is the basis of all Continental classifications’. It was regretted that the English river drifts had still not received any systematic excavations, and that the implements in these sediments still lay in confusion. This Guide was produced by Reginald Smith of the British Museum under the direction of Charles Hercules Read (1857–1929). In 1912, the same year that Breuil made his disparaging comment, Read arranged for Smith to excavate in one of the most productive Palaeolithic localities of the Thames Valley: Swanscombe village. Smith was assisted by Henry Dewey (1876–1965) of the Geological Survey, but the negotiations that gained Dewey’s help would also reveal differences of opinion between their two respective institutions about the value of Palaeolithic research. The connections drawn by Smith to the Continental sequence after working at Swanscombe would lift the gloom about British backwardness. These connections would also help draw the Palaeolithic and geological sequences closer together.

Water resources geography expanded its spatial, regional, and intellectual horizons during the 1990s. Tobin et al. (1989) reviewed earlier US geographers’ contributions to the hydrologic sciences, water management, water quality, law, and hazards; and they identified three emerging topics: (1) theory development and model formulation; (2) applied problem-solving and policy recommendations; and (3) international water problems. This chapter assesses progress along those and other fronts, beginning with historical and disciplinary perspectives. Charting the progress of a field requires a sense of its history, and Platt’s (1993) review of geographic contributions to water resource administration in the US offers a useful perspective on policy-related research, beginning with George Perkins Marsh and John Wesley Powell. Doolittle (2000) reaches back to Native American antecedents in water resource management in North America (cf. chapters in this volume on cultural ecology, historical geography, and Native American geography). Carney (1998) sheds light on African influences on rice cultivation in the southeastern US. Research on European antecedents ranges from seventeenth-century “hydrologic” theories in England (Tuan 1968) to hydraulic engineering at the École des Ponts et Chausées in France, water courts in Spain, and more distant Muslim and Asian contacts (e.g. Beach and Luzzader-Beach 2000; Bonine 1996; Butzer 1994; Lightfoot 1997; Swyngedouw 1999; Wescoat 2000). In the field of water law and institutions, Templer (1997) has linked recent geographic work on Western water laws with earlier research in political geography. A historical geographic study of water rights transfers from irrigated ranches in the South Platte River headwaters to Denver, Colorado, has shed new light on how urban economic and political power employ and reshape water law (Kindquist 1996). The battle between Owen’s Valley and Los Angeles continues to stimulate historical geographic research on relations among facts, laws, and their social meanings (Sauder 1994). Although a geographic perspective of international water laws has yet to be written, databases on transboundary conflicts and agreements shed light on the evolution of international water law (Wolf 1997, 1999a, b; and <http://www.transboundarywaters.orst.edu>, last accessed 10 February 2003). Historical or contemporary, the pragmatic spirit of water resources geography remains strong (Wescoat 1992).