Journal articles on the topic 'Semantic blogging'

The increasing volume of information generated on micro-blogging sites such as Twitter raises several challenges to traditional text mining techniques. First, most texts from those sites are abbreviated due to the constraints of limited characters in one post; second, the input usually comes in streams of large-volumes. Therefore, it is of significant importance to develop effective and efficient representations of abbreviated texts for better filtering and mining. In this paper, we introduce a novel transfer learning approach, namely transfer latent semantic learning, that utilizes a large number of related tagged documents with rich information from other sources (source domain) to help build a robust latent semantic space for the abbreviated texts (target domain). This is achieved by simultaneously minimizing the document reconstruction error and the classification error of the labeled examples from the source domain by building a classifier with hinge loss in the latent semantic space. We demonstrate the effectiveness of our method by applying them to the task of classifying and tagging abbreviated texts. Experimental results on both synthetic datasets and real application datasets, including Reuters-21578 and Twitter data, suggest substantial improvements using our approach over existing ones.

The article presents the experience of using the method of directed associations using evaluative adjectives to study educational video blogging. Educational videos selected on the basis of recommendations from teachers and students participating in the study were investigated by the experts. The latter were asked to describe their impressions of the video by means of three adjectives. Finally, 341 adjectives were collected for 236 educational videos. The adjec- tives were recorded into 4 semantic groups related to the length, content, emotionality of the video and the peculiarity of the presentation of information. Quantitative and qualitative analysis methods were subsequently applied to them. The conclusion provides findings on the possibilities and limitations of using the associative method.

The article analyzes the contribution that Russian conceptualists have made to Russian literature and continues to be felt in the new era – in particular, in the life of the blogosphere. During the formation of conceptualism, hatred of official official speech forced poets to identify those areas of language that did not succumb to semantic decomposition and form a new poetic reality. In the future, the conceptualists focused on the formation of a new subject – the one who can become its inhabitant. Rubinstein’s blogging activity is a logical continuation of the same practice. This is manifested primarily in the author’s dialogical attitude, which is unusual for the blog genre. It turns the author into a moderator, creating a field of intersection of different discourses.

The article regards visual content of the internet diaries created by the one of the most popular Runet authors. The aim is to reveal and to describe specific features of visual representation of masculinity and femininity as key gender categories in blogging. The study is based on the material of 696 visual texts used to illustrate the posts published in the period between 14.03.2022 and 14.03.2024 in the blog «Morena. Female question». The methods of semantic and discourse analysis, as well as qualitative and quantitative content analysis are applied. The research reveals that the female image is found in 610 illustrations (87,6 %), while the masculine image is used in only 195 illustrations (28 %). A man is shown as the main character only in 69 (9 %) visual texts. Visual representations of happy marriage are not so frequent as pictures of family quarrels and scenes of domestic violence. The non-one-type and non-stereotyped femininity visualization is typical of the blogs under analysis. The conclusion is made that the category of femininity constitutes the principle axiological dominant in the semantic space of the blogs under discussion, which allows to qualify them as feminine-oriented.

The current approach to build social networking systems is to create huge centralized systems owned by a single company. However, such strategy has many drawbacks, e.g., lack of privacy, lack of anonymity, risks of censorship and operating costs. In this paper the authors propose a novel P2P system that leverages existing, widespread and stable technologies such as DHTs and BitTorrent. In particular, they introduce a key-based identity system and a model of social relations for distributing content efficiently among interested readers. The system they propose, Blogracy, is a micro-blogging social networking system focused on: (i) anonymity and resilience to censorship; (ii) authenticatable content; (iii) semantic interoperability using activity streams. The authors have implemented the system and conducted various experiments to study its behaviour. The results are presented here, regarding (i) communication delays for some simulations of node churn, (ii) delays measured in test operations over PlanetLab, in direct communication, and (iii) through the I2P anonymizing network.

Background Considering that adolescents spend considerable time on the Internet and social media and experience high levels of stress, it is difficult to find a study that investigates adolescent stress through a big data-based network analysis of social media. Hence, this study was designed to provide basic data to establish desirable stress coping strategies for adolescents based on a big data-based network analysis of social media for Korean adolescent stress. The purpose of this study was to (1) identify social media words that express stress in adolescents and (2) investigate the associations between those words and their types. Methods To analyse adolescent stress, we used social media data collected from online news and blog websites and performed semantic network analysis to understand the relationships among keywords extracted in the collected data. Results The top five words used by Korean adolescents were counselling, school, suicide, depression, and activity in online news, and diet, exercise, eat, health, and obesity in blogs. As the top keywords of the blog are mainly related to diet and obesity, it reflects adolescents’ high degree of interest in their bodies; the body is also a primary source of adolescent stress. In addition, blogs contained more content about the causes and symptoms of stress than online news, which focused more on stress resolution and coping. This highlights the trend that social blogging is a new channel for sharing personal information. Conclusions The results of this study are valuable as they were derived through a social big data analysis of data obtained from online news and blogs, providing a wide range of implications related to adolescent stress. Hence this study can contribute basic data for the stress management of adolescents and their mental health management in the future.

We consider the phenomenon of network literature as an integral part of the modern literary process. We analyze such a phenomenon as a “writing blog” for its compliance with the basic requirements of the neterature: hypertextuality, interactivity, multimedia, informality and pro-cessuality of the text, as well as its semantic content. We conduct a study of the author’s blogs of D. Glukhovsky, E. Vodolazkin, E. Grishkovets, on the one hand, as methods of creating an artistic work, on the other, as ways of promoting the personality and creativity of the writer. Meanwhile, we identify not only the author’s peculiarities of blogging and communication of writers with the readership, but also the individual approaches of particular artistic individuals to the creation and popularization of their works (collective texts writing, combining an artistic work with multimedia content, etc.). We consider the issue of studying online literature in secondary educational institu-tions, and also develop ways to solve it. In particular, we propose an introduction to the educational process of research project work on topical issues of neterature, modern interactive teaching methods, as well as communication of schoolchildren with modern network writers in the format of forums and blogs.

This article explores the phenomenon of online political activism, specifically political blogging, from the perspective of the author's concept of prosumer activity. It focuses on the multimodal texts of websites that convey political messages using a range of semiotic codes. The study aims to demonstrate how the political identity of the addresser is encoded and expressed in the information product. The analysis results in a typology of multimodal texts, classified into three types based on their political identity and intended purpose. The first type comprises blogs that have a clear ideological basis that marks the political identity of the producer, with a ‘concentrated’ multimodal text. The second type includes blogs that do not reflect the author's political identity, with an ‘amorphous’ multimodal text intended for political consumption and entertainment. The third type encompasses blogs that transmit ‘disperse’ multimodal text, which presents an ideological basis but is focused on political consumption rather than identity manifestation in communication and action. The proposed typology is confirmed through a comparative study of politically oriented blogs and those that address political topics occasionally. The study also identifies mechanisms that increase the communicative potential and persuasive power of the ideological and semantic content, using semiotic and discourse analysis.

The rapid development of the Internet has led to the emergence of a new phenomenon called “network culture”. Network culture must not be regarded as a digitized culture. Nor is it inherently incompatible with traditional culture. It establishes its own value series and spaces for the habitation of new digital entities. The special structure of network culture blurs the barriers of traditional culture, forming new flows of meanings. This article covers not only the entire spectrum of approaches to the study of network culture, but outlines methods for its further research in a situation where it has covered most of humanity and acquired a transboundary and multicultural character. The article provides a fundamental difference between network culture and non-network, traditional culture. This text provides an overview of a variety of contemporary digital phenomena, including the concept of personality avatars, the phenomenon of information inflation, the development of network literature, the rise of blogging, and the evolution of network commerce. The work employs a structuralist method that facilitates the decomposition of the fibrous existence of network culture into semantic layers. The foundational layers of network culture comprise myths, rituals, relationships, and ways of organizing space. Consequently, network culture functions as a sign system that symbolizes social relations, and it is also practical. The article attempts to develop a unified approach to further study of network culture, in the context of its development and transformation.

Abstract Real-time social media data hold great conceptual promise for research and policymaking, but also face substantial limitations and shortcomings inherent to processing re-purposed data in near-real-time. This paper aims to fill two research gaps important for understanding utility of real-time social media data for policymaking: What policy-relevant information is contained in this data and whether this information changes in periods of abrupt social, economic, and policy change. To do so, this paper focuses on two salient policy areas heavily affected by the lockdown policies responding to the 2020 COVID-19 crisis – early childhood education and care policies, and labor market policies focused on (un)employment. We utilize Twitter data for a four-month period during the first wave of COVID-19 and data for the same four-month period the preceding year. We analyze this data using a novel method combining structural topic models and latent semantic scaling, which allows us to summarize the data in detail and to test for change of content between the period of ‘normalcy’ and period of ‘crisis’. With regards to the first research gap, we show that there is policy-relevant information in Twitter data, but that the majority of our data is of limited relevance, and that the data that is relevant present some challenges and limitations. With regards to the second research gap, we successfully quantify the change in relevant information between periods of ‘normalcy’ and ‘crisis’. We also comment on the practicality and advantages of our approach for leveraging micro-blogging data in near real-time.

bstract: Sentiment Analysis (SA) is a task of identifying positive and negative opinions, emotion and evaluation in text available over the social networking sites and the world wide web have been gained quite a popularity in the recent years. The analysis serves as an important feedback for further improvement in the offered services and user experiences. Several techniques have been used recently including machine learning approaches and vocabulary orientated semantic algorithms. This report presents a survey of various techniques and tools have been used in the previous research sentiment analysis process. There is a massive increase in number of people who access various social networking and micro-blogging websites that gives new shapes the impression of today’s generation. Many reviews for a specific product, brand, individual, and movies etc. are helpful in directing the perception of people thus the analysts are begun to create algorithms to automate the classification of distinctive reviews on the basis of their polarities in particular : Positive, Negative and Neutral. This machine-driven classification mechanism is referred as Sentiment Analysis. The ultimate aim of this paper is to use support vector machine (SVM) classification technique to classify the feelings of good phone product review that analyses datasets used for classification of sentiments and texts.. Also, data sets are used for training as well as testing and implemented through SVM technique for finding the polarity of the ambiguous tweets. The obtain results show to achieve high accuracy as predicted on the basis of reviews of smart phone

Abstract: Sentiment Analysis (SA) is a task of identifying positive and negative opinions, emotion and evaluation in text available over the social networking sites and the world wide web have been gained quite a popularity in the recent years. The analysis serves as an important feedback for further improvement in the offered services and user experiences. Several techniques have been used recently including machine learning approaches and vocabulary orientated semantic algorithms. This report presents a survey of various techniques and tools have been used in the previous research sentiment analysis process. There is a massive increase in number of people who access various social networking and micro-blogging websites that gives new shapes the impression of today’s generation. Many reviews for a specific product, brand, individual, and movies etc. are helpful in directing the perception of people thus the analysts are begun to create algorithms to automate the classification of distinctive reviews on the basis of their polarities in particular : Positive, Negative and Neutral. This machine-driven classification mechanism is referred as Sentiment Analysis. The ultimate aim of this paper is to use support vector machine (SVM) classification technique to classify the feelings of good phone product review that analyses datasets used for classification of sentiments and texts. Also, data sets are used for training as well as testing and implemented through SVM technique for finding the polarity of the ambiguous tweets. The obtain results show to achieve high accuracy as predicted on the basis of reviews of smart phone.

Abstract: Sentiment Analysis (SA) is a task of identifying positive and negative opinions, emotion and evaluation in text available over the social networking sites and the world wide web have been gained quite a popularity in the recent years. The analysis serves as an important feedback for further improvement in the offered services and user experiences. Several techniques have been used recently including machine learning approaches and vocabulary orientated semantic algorithms. This report presents a survey of various techniques and tools have been used in the previous research sentiment analysis process. There is a massive increase in number of people who access various social networking and micro-blogging websites that gives new shapes the impression of today’s generation. Many reviews for a specific product, brand, individual, and movies etc. are helpful in directing the perception of people thus the analysts are begun to create algorithms to automate the classification of distinctive reviews on the basis of their polarities in particular : Positive, Negative and Neutral. This machine-driven classification mechanism is referred as Sentiment Analysis. The ultimate aim of this paper is to use support vector machine (SVM) classification technique to classify the feelings of good phone product review that analyses datasets used for classification of sentiments and texts.. Also, data sets are used for training as well as testing and implemented through SVM technique for finding the polarity of the ambiguous tweets. The obtain results show to achieve high accuracy as predicted on the basis of reviews of smart phone.

The advent of social networks and micro-blogging sites online has led to an abundance of user-generated content. Hence, the enormous amount of content is viewed as inappropriate and unimportant information by many users on social media. Therefore, there is a need to use personalization to select information related to users’ interests or searchers on social media platforms. Therefore, in recent years, user interest mining has been a prominent research area. However, almost all of the emerging research suffers from significant gaps and drawbacks. Firstly, it suffers from focusing on the explicit content of the users to determine the interests of the users while neglecting the multiple facts as the personality of the users; demographic data may be a valuable source of influence on the interests of the users. Secondly, existing work represents users with their interesting topics without considering the semantic similarity between the topics based on clusters to extract the users’ implicit interests. This paper is aims to propose a novel user interest mining approach and model based on demographic data, big five personality traits and similarity between the topics based on clusters. To demonstrate the leverage of combining user personality traits and demographic data into interest investigation, various experiments were conducted on the collected data. The experimental results showed that looking at personality and demographic data gives more accurate results in mining systems, increases utility, and can help address cold start problems for new users. Moreover, the results also showed that interesting topics were the dominant factor. On the other hand, the results showed that the current users’ implicit interests can be predicted through the cluster based on similar topics. Moreover, the hybrid model based on graphs facilitates the study of the patterns of interaction between users and topics. This model can be beneficial for researchers, people on social media, and for certain research in related fields.

Due to the advancement in information technology and the boom of micro-blogging platforms, a growing number of online reviews are posted daily on product distributed platforms in the form of spontaneous and insightful user feedback, and these can be used as a significant data source to understand user experience (UX) and satisfaction. However, despite the vast amount of online reviews, the existing literature focuses on online ratings and ignores the real textual context in reviews. We proposed a three-step UX quantification model from online reviews to understand customer satisfaction using the effect-based Kano model. First, the relevant online reviews are selected using various filter mechanisms. Second, UX dimensions (UXDs) are extracted using a proposed method called UX word embedding Latent Dirichlet allocation (UXWE-LDA) and sentiment orientation using a transformer-based pipeline. Then, the casual relationships are identified for the extracted UXDs. Third, the UXDs are mapped on the customer satisfaction model (effect-based Kano) to understand the user perspective about the system, product, or services. Finally, the different parts of the proposed quantification model are evaluated to examine the performance of this method. We present different results of the proposed method in terms of accuracy, topic coherence (TC), Topic-wise performance, and expert-based evaluation for the proposed framework validation. For review quality filters, we achieved 98.49% accuracy for the spam detection classifier and 95% accuracy for the relatedness detection classifier. The results show that the proposed method for the topic extractor module always gives a higher TC value than other models such as WE-LDA and LDA. Regarding topic-wise performance measures, UXWE-LDA achieves a 3% improvement on average compared to LDA due to the incorporation of semantic domain knowledge. We also compute the Jaccard coefficient similarity between the extracted dimensions using UXWE-LDA and UX experts-based analysis for checking the mutual agreement, which is 0.3, 0.5, and 0.4, respectively. Based on the Kano model, the presented study has potential implications concerning issues and knowing the product’s strengths and weaknesses in product design.

The purpose of the article is to study the justification of the method of postulate extrapolation of documental information in the blogosphere. To achieve this goal it is necessary to perform the following tasks: to determine the features and resourcefulness of the method of postulate extrapolation of documental information in the blogosphere; to justify the concept of «synergetic paradigm of information interaction» as the result of the use of the method; to determine the requirements for the adequacy of the synergetic paradigm of information interaction; to choose and justify the empirical basis for the application of the method. The methodology is based on analysis, synthesis, and logical methods. The application of these methods made it possible to substantiate the method of postulate extrapolation of documental information in the blogosphere, to choose and justify the empirical basis for the application of the method. The visualization method was used to present the results of the study. The scientific novelty of the work is proposing and justifying the method of postulate extrapolation of documental information in the blogosphere. Conclusions. Based on the tools of semantic analysis of media content and social networks, a special method of documental information research are being developed. The method of postulate extrapolation of documental information in the blogosphere allows establishing the correlation of one or more features of the bloggers’ world (professional, educational,gender) with the parameters of their posting (publishing activity, topics of posts, feedback). This will make it possible to formulate a reasonable statement. Formalization of links between subjects in the system «picture of the world of bloggers - content» in the form of the synergetic paradigm of information interaction gives the chance to identify authorship of content on a professional basis or other sign, to use technologies of management of information flows, and also to predict trends of influence of blogging of various social groups on public consciousness, the level of critical thinking and critical perception of reality.Key words: blogosphere, blog, blogger, posting, postulate extrapolation, documental information.

INTRODUCTION. Studying the features of text generative neural networks is an important step in the development of artificial intelligence. Despite the fact that the models have shown high efficiency in solving various problems in the field of journalism and media communications, they have a number of disadvantages. When working with neural networks, you can encounter both gross grammatical and semantic errors. To identify the leader in the most productive text generation, it is necessary to conduct a comparative analysis of the data produced by various services.MATERIALS AND METHODS. In the Russian segment, the most developed neural network services are GigaChat and YandexGPT. To conduct a comparative analysis, the most discussed and generally recognized service was selected – GhatGPT. The study was carried out over several months: September–December 2023. The methodology is based on philological analysis of generated texts and comparison of the accuracy of query output of selected models.RESULTS AND DISCUSSION. Philological and grammatical analysis of the three models allows us to determine the relevance of services for work in the field of journalism and media communications, as well as the software and technical limitations of neural networks. The analysis showed the presence of certain patterns in all neural network models. Generation is carried out according to a preprogrammed scenario. The result consists of a number of factors: the presence of names, abbreviations and wishes specified in the request. Only ChatGPT showed the absence of any censorship; other models refused to generate if the request contained words or names prohibited by the developer.CONCLUSION. The findings can be applied in practice in the media, blogging and media sphere. All three services have their positive and negative sides. According to the results of the study, ChatGPT is currently the leader in text generation and processing. Leadership of the service is ensured due to a wide range of capabilities and stability in issuing answers to requests. However, due to the availability of a large amount of information on the Internet necessary for rapid training of Russian networks, the situation may change in the near future.

With this volume, Acta linguistica is entering its 5th year. We would like to announce, with our great pleasure, that the journal has undergone some changes and will from now be published twice a year, with its summer and winter volume. This summer volume includes researches with a common topic of practicing a language, whether in educational, and religious institutions, or in the languages primary surroundings. In this spirit, the volume is divided into two parts, with the first devoted to the methodology of language teaching, focusing mainly on Chinese and Japanese language and presently still under-researched dyslexia role in language studies, and the second focusing on under-documented languages and their gap between language policies and the actual state of language use.The first paper by Katja Simončič, entitled Evaluating Approaches to Teaching and Learning Chinese Vocabulary from the Learning Theories Perspective: An Experimental Case Study, discusses two basic approaches to teaching Chinese vocabulary, and evaluates them based on the results of experimental study on Slovene students of Chinese.The next two papers deal with the different lexica in Japanese language. Nataliia Vitalievna Kutafeva's research, entitled Japanese Onomatopoeic Expressions with Quantitative Meaning analyzes the lexical mode of expression of quantitative meanings and their semantics with the help of onomatopoeic (giongo) and mimetic (gitaigo) words, and based on it proposes the new arrangement of semantic groups.Kiyomi Fujii’s research, entitled Blogging Identity: How L2 Learners Express Themselves, discusses identity expression in blogs by Japanese language learners on the intermediate and advanced level.The paper by Nagisa Moritoki Škof, Japanese Language Education and Dyslexia: On the Necessity of Dyslexia Research, shows an insight to dyslexia and through an outline of the present state of accepting and treating leaning disabilities in the Japanese education system stresses the importance of incounting dyslexia in language education in general.Manel Herat in his paper Functions of English vs. Other Languages in Sri Lankan Buddhist Rituals in the UK, analyzes the language shifts from the Sinhala and Pali languages to English at Buddhist festivals and sermons in UK. Next paper by Ali Ammar and his colleagues, Language Policy and Medium of Instruction Issue in Pakistan, briefly re-explores the situation of languages in the country and studies the latest language policy of Pakistan and its implications for local languages.The last research paper in this volume Bhadarwahi: A Typological Sketch was written by Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi and is an attempt to describe phonological and morphosyntactic features of the under-documented Bhadarwahi language belonging to Indo-Aryan language family.Finally, in the context of describing under-documented languages, the influence of the existing language policy is also noticed by Erwin Soriano FERNANDEZ and his book review on Pangasinan, entitled Panuntunán na Ortograpiya éd salitan PANGASINAN 2012. Manila: Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino.

The research relevance is defined by the mission of cultural journalism that is clearly aware of the changes in society’s values and historical topics, modern narratives of Ukrainian culture, language, and history both for the domestic consumer and abroad. The research subject is the audiovisual content of the Ukrainian media space, which is represented by a community of media professionals, amateurs, and video bloggers. This is due to the simplification of video production technologies and the availability of communication platforms for the distribution of audiovisual content. The aim of the research is to consider the impact of cultural journalism in the form of audiovisual content on the processes of creating national identity and self-awareness of Ukrainians during the war. The methods of content analysis, cultural and semantic analysis were used to achieve the goal. As a result of the research, the special role of wartime cultural journalism in the process of creating national identity was proved. It should also be taken into account that long-term research into the nature of an audiovisual work has proven the power of its influence on the processes of forming values and the worldview of a mass audience, however, this segment of the media space is not used enough in cultural journalism today. The majority of audiovisual content in the media today consists of conversational informational and analytical formats like video blogs of experts, analysts, and opinion leaders on relevant wartime topics. Many young Ukrainian YouTube amateurs create and promote such content very actively. At the same time, the creation and distribution of similar projects by professional media have a non-systematic nature, often a convergent form. On the one hand, the simplification of video production technologies and the availability of communication platforms led to the explosion and distribution of amateur audiovisual content on the topics of Ukrainian culture and history. On the other hand, insufficient attention of journalists and editors of Ukrainian media to audiovisual journalistic works of artistic and journalistic genres on the relevant subject is observed. Hybridization takes the place of genres into situational formats and the rapid development of cultural journalism and video blogging covering the topics of Ukrainian culture and history. The specified processes testify to the effectiveness of the factors of national identity creation in the media space today and outline the perspective of research on the specified problem.

The research focuses on transformations in speech etiquette in political Telegram channels. Effective communication is essential in media communication between the addresser and the recipient. The article aims to highlight certain features of political Telegram blogging speech by examining speech etiquette. Speech etiquette in the online environment is considered to be a line of meta-markers of online interaction (or etiquette line by L. Duskaeva), which helps optimize communicants' interactions in various communication situations. The article examines the different nodes of the speech etiquette line such as the beginning of contact, maintaining communication, and its completion. The research then delves into analyzing units with semantics that focus on addressing and responsiveness. It reveals various scenarios that are typical in establishing contact, maintaining communication, and regulating communication in Telegram. These include creative appeals, textual techniques for creating simultaneity and informality, commenting on other positions, supporting other channels, and responding to subscribers’ activities.Political Telegram channels’ speech etiquette is transformed in accordance with the communication goals and technological features in this milieu. The configuration of the etiquette line in online interaction with the audience strives to create an atmosphere of direct interpersonal communication, «friendly» talking, discussing current political news, and clarifying the peculiarities of public life. The study concludes that communicative scenarios in political Telegram blogging are focused on maintaining an intimate communication environment and avoiding formalization.

Customers and users post their opinions or reviews on social networking sites and it has increased the amount of data WWW. With this users from all over world try to share their opinions and sentiments on the blogging sites every day. Internet is being used in form of web pages, social media, and sometimes blogs which increases online portals sentiments, reviews, opinions, references, scores, and feedbacks are also generated by people. Twitter is the most famous micro-blogging site where users express their opinions in the form of tweets. The user can express their sentiments about various aspects e.g., books, celebrities, restaurants, various products, research, events, etc. All these opinions plays vital roles and they are quite important for various businesses, for government schemes, and for individual human being as well. Still, there are many curbs in mining reviews or opinions and process to calculate them. These limitations have turned into highland in investigating the actual gist of opinions and measuring its polarity. Hence, we recommend an inventive way to compute the sentiments for given reviews or opinions. This recommendation is centered on the social networking sites’ information of various Tweets, a word-emotion-association-network is put up in association to represent opinions and semantics that decides the base for the emotions (sentiment) analysis of opinion or reviews.

The relevance of the subject “game-related phenomena” is associated with the increasing importance of new cultural phenomena in modern culture (cosplay, let’s play, video blogging, fan art, fan fiction), which nonetheless rarely become the subject of cultural and philosophical reflection. We suggest exploring “game-related phenomena” from the standpoint of modern mythmaking. The concept of “game-related phenomena” is proposed to denote a number of sociocultural phenomena related to video games, but which are not their immediate part (cosplay, let’s play, fan fiction, fan art, e-sports, etc.). The object of this research are cosplay and let’s play. The purpose of the article is to analyze these cultural practices as forms of modern mythmaking manifestation. It should be noted that there are very few works devoted to the study of “game-related phenomena” through the perspective of modern mythological consciousness. Cosplay is a specific practice of creating and wearing a costume that allows fans reconstruct the image of a fictional character in popular culture. In this work we highlighted the main approaches to the study of cosplay: cosplay as (1) a way of constructing an identity; (2) a form of escapism; (3) a mass culture phenomenon; (4) a subculture. We have also presented a critical reflection on a number of existing approaches. Let’s play is a video created by users in the process of walking through a particular video game, combining gameplay and commenting it. Main results of the research. Firstly, we have proven the imaginative nature of cosplay. A cosplayer is an active participant in the creative reality transformation and myth construction. A cosplayer appropriates cultural texts and images, creatively processes them, creating one’s own myth on their basis, which attracts the audience. Secondly, we have revealed mythological identification of a reality image and reality itself, as well as the work of the mystical participation. Mythological images created by a cosplayer are thought of as quite real, one can quite feasibly interact with them. The image depicted by a cosplayer is at the same time the original, which introduces him/her and the audience to something larger, for example, to the fictional world, to the fandom, etc. Mythological images and meanings constructed in the framework of cosplay have a sacred meaning. Thirdly, we have shown the interconnections of cosplay with archaic mysteries, carnival performances, medieval theatrical performances that transmitted the sacred into the real world. The cosplay phenomenon itself, in our opinion, is rooted in archaic ritualized practices within which the mythological narrative attained its being. However, unlike archaic mysteries, cosplay is more eclectic and kaleidoscopic in terms of constructing images with different semantic and symbolic content. Fourthly, we can interpret the let’s play as online storytelling. Like a myth narrator, a let’s player narrates on one’s own behalf, constructing one’s own story not based on the original source. Let’s play from the standpoint of studying forms of modern mythmaking appears before us as a space of imagination, creativity, and playing with the original source. A let’s player makes secondary marking of video game elements, building on new meanings and meanings based on them, which allows you give new meanings to original narratives. So, we have come to the conclusion that such “game-related phenomena” such as cosplay and let’s play can be considered as forms of modern mythmaking.

Введение. Идея сверхчеловека оказалась как никогда актуальной именно на рубеже последнего тысячелетия. Отголоски мыслей о существовании «особенного» всемогущего человека новой эпохи встречаются в философской концепции трансгуманизма, направленной на улучшение качества и продления срока жизни, а так-же на предотвращение старения и смерти. Понятие трансгуманизма рассматривается не только как философская концепция, но и как всемирная организация. Идеи трансгуманизма воплощаются в текстах, посвященных продлению жизни и сохранению молодости человека, в том числе и в интернет-текстах. С широким распространением медийности во всех сферах жизни развитие языкознания вышло на новый этап – зародилась новая ветвь, названная медиалингвистикой. Объектом анализа нового направления выступает одно из ключевых понятий медиалингвистики – интернет-блог, являющийся интернет-жанром, который представляет собой сетевое пространство определенной тематики и содержит соответствующий информационный контент (тексты, изображения, мультимедиа). В выбранной модели анализа блога как интернет-жанра выделены медийные, прагматические, структурно-семантические и стилистико-языковые параметры. В рамках анализа данной работы стилистико-языковыми особенностями англоязычного блога SkinTour являются следующие: специфические названия статей в форме риторических вопросов, характерные лексические единицы (медицинские процедуры), лексика, используемая для номинации самих косметических средств; акронимы, антонимы, степень сравнения имен прилагательных. Материал и методы. Материалом послужил авторский исследовательский корпус текстов англоязычного блога SkinTour, из которого были отобраны 50 аутентичных статей. В теоретической части исследования описаны понятия трансгуманизма, блога и интернет-жанра; анализ материальной базы позволил синтезировать полученные сегменты научных фактов и знаний, накопленных предыдущими поколениями и современниками; были систематизированы параметры анализа. В практической части работы проанализировано лексическое и грамматическое наполнение текстов англоязычного трансгуманистического блога SkinTour. Методологическим основанием работы выступает системный подход, в работе реализуются следующие общенаучные методы: анализ, синтез, индукция, обобщение (методы логики); квантитативные методы, метод группировки (методы статистики); метод компонентного анализа (методы структурной лингвистики). Результаты и обсуждение. В связи с широким распространением медийности в самых разнообразных сферах человеческой деятельности наблюдается прирост количества продуктов «сетевого пространства», одним из которых является интернет-блог (далее блог). Подавляющая часть (около 90 %) проанализированных англоязычных блогов с тэгом Anti-aging (а их более 500) содержит в названии тэг Skin и ориентирована в основном на женскую половину населения, которая стремится ухаживать за проблемной кожей. Англоязычный трансгуманистический блог SkinTour также направлен на женскую аудиторию, содержит тысячи статей от эксперта в области медицины. В процессе анализа выделены медийные, прагматические, структурно-семантические и стилистико-языковые параметры блога как интернет-жанра. В рамках анализа стилистико-языковых параметров содержание англоязычного трансгуманистического блога SkinTour представлено лексическими особенностями (названия статей в форме риторических вопросов; частое использование терминов, обозначающих медицинские процедуры и косметические средства; акронимы; антонимы) и грамматическими особенностями (степень сравнения имен прилагательных). Заключение. Английский язык блогов – самобытное отражение современного виртуального мира. Благодаря многообразию языкового материала интернет-пространства, медиалингвистика представляет собой большое поле для лингвистических исследований. Неоднородность текстов медиасферы выступает залогом разно-аспектности анализа трансгуманистических блогов. Практика исследования текстов интернет-жанров должна проводиться с целью фиксирования новых лексических, грамматических, стилистических и других особенностей медийного репертуара английского языка. Introduction. The idea of Superman was more relevant than ever at the turn of the last Millennium. Echoes of thoughts about the existence of a “special” omnipotent person of the new era are found in the philosophical concept of transhumanism, aimed at improving the quality and prolonging the life span, as well as at preventing aging and death. The concept of transhumanism is considered not only as a philosophical concept, but also as a world organization. The ideas of transhumanism are embodied in texts dedicated to prolonging the life and preserving the youth of a person, including in Internet texts. With the wide spread of media in all spheres of life, the development of linguistics has reached a new stage – a new branch called media linguistics has been born. The object of the analysis of the new direction is one of the key concepts of media linguistics – an Internet blog, which is an Internet genre, which is a network space of a certain topic and contains relevant information content (texts, images, multimedia). The chosen model of blog analysis as an Internet genre highlights media, pragmatic, structural-semantic, and stylistic-language parameters. As part of the analysis of this work, the stylistic and linguistic features of the English-language blog “SkinTour” are: specific names of articles in the form of rhetorical questions, characteristic lexical units (medical procedures), the vocabulary used for nominating cosmetics themselves; acronyms, antonyms, the degree of comparison of adjectives. Material and methods. The material basis of the research was the author’s research corpus of texts of the Englishlanguage blog “SkinTour”, from which 50 authentic articles were selected. In the theoretical part of the study, the concepts of transhumanism, blogging and Internet genre are described; the analysis of the material base allowed to synthesize the obtained segments of scientific facts and knowledge accumulated by previous generations and contemporaries; the parameters of the analysis were systematized. In the practical part of the work, the lexical and grammatical content of the texts of the English-language transhumanist blog “SkinTour” is analyzed. The methodological basis of the work is a systematic approach, the following General scientific methods are implemented: analysis, synthesis, induction, generalization (methods of logic); quantitative methods, grouping method (methods of statistics); method of component analysis (methods of structural linguistics). Results and discussion. Due to the wide spread of media in a wide variety of areas of human activity, there is an increase in the number of products of the “network space”, one of which is the Internet blog (hereinafter: blog). The vast majority (about 90 %) analyzed English-speaking blogs tagged “Anti-aging” (more than 500) contains in the title the tag “Skin” and focused mainly on the female half of the population that seeks to care for problem skin. The English-language transhumanist blog “SkinTour” is also aimed at a female audience, containing thousands of articles from an expert in the field of medicine. In the process of analysis, media, pragmatic, structural-semantic and stylisticlanguage parameters of a blog as an Internet genre are highlighted. As part of the analysis of stylistic and language parameters, the content of the English-language transhumanist blog “SkinTour” is represented by the following features: lexical features: article titles in the form of rhetorical questions; frequent use of terms denoting medical procedures and cosmetics; acronyms; antonyms; grammatical features: the degree of comparison of adjectives. Conclusion. The English language of blogs is an original reflection of the modern virtual world. Due to the variety of language materials in the Internet space, medialinguistics is a large field for linguistic research. Heterogeneity of texts in the media sphere is the key to the diversity of analysis of transhumanistic blogs. The practice of studying texts of Internet genres should be carried out in order to fix new lexical, grammatical, stylistic and other features of the media repertoire of the English language.

Persuasion aims at affecting the audience’s attitude and behaviour through a series of messages containing persuasion strategies. In the context of misinformation spread, identifying the persuasion strategies is important in order to warn people to be aware of the analogous persuasion attempts in the future. In this work, we address the prediction of persuasion strategies in micro-blogging posts through a multi-label classification approach based on a variety of lexical and semantic features. We conduct our experiments using a set of well-known multi-label classification algorithms, including multi-label decision tree, multi-label k-nearest neighbours, multi-label random forest, binary relevance and classifier chains. The results show that the model incorporating classifier chains and XGBoost algorithm achieves the best subset accuracy of 0.779 and the highest macro F1-score of 0.847. In addition, we evaluated and compared the features’ importance for different persuasion strategies and analysed the major errors of miss-out prediction. The findings of this article provide a benchmark for the multi-label classification of persuasion strategies in micro-blogging posts and lead to a better understanding of different persuasion attempts contained in social media misinformation.

As a mode of open access public self-expression, blogs are one form of the unfolding massification of culture (Lovink). Though widely varied in content and style, they are characterised by a reverse chronological diary-like format, often produced by a single author, and often intimately expressive of that author’s thoughts and experiences. The purpose of this paper is to explore the use of blogs as a space for the detailed and on-going expression of the day to day experiences of sufferers of serious illness. We might traditionally consider the experience of illness as absolutely private, but illness, along with the process of recovery, retains a social and cultural aspect (Kleinman et al). A growing body of literature has recognised that the Internet has become a significant space for the recovery work that accompanies the diagnosis of serious illness (Orgad; Pitts; Hardey). Empowerment and agency are often emphasised in this literature, particularly in terms of the increased access to information and support groups, but also in the dynamic performances of self enabled by different forms of online communication and Web production. I am particularly interested in the ongoing shifts in the accessibility of “private” personal experience enabled by blog culture. Although there are thousands of others like them, three “illness blogs” have recently caught my attention for their candidness, completeness and complexity, expressing in vivid depth and detail individual lives transformed by serious illness. The late US journalist and television producer Leroy Sievers maintained a high profile blog, My Cancer, and weekly podcast on the National Public Radio website until his death from metastasised colon cancer in August 2008. Sievers used his public profile and the infrastructure of the NPR website to both detail his personal experience and bring together a community of people also affected by cancer or moved by his thoughts and experiences. The blogger Brainhell came to my attention through blogsphere comments and tributes when he died in February 2008. Spanning more than four years, Brainhell’s witty and charming blog attracted a significant audience and numerous comments, particularly toward the end of his life as the signs of his deteriorating motor system as a result of Amyotrophic Lateral Sclerosis (ALS, or “Lou Gherig’s disease”) riddled his intimate posts. Another blog of interest to me here, called Humanities Researcher, incorporates academic Stephanie Trigg’s period of illness and recovery from breast cancer within a pre-existing and ongoing blog about the intersection between professional and personal life. As I had crossed paths with Trigg while at Melbourne University, I was always interested in her blog. But her diagnosis with breast cancer and subsequent accounts of tests, the pain and debilitation of treatment and recovery within her blog also offer valuable insight into the role of online technologies in affecting experiences of illness and for the process of recovery.The subject matter of illness blogs revolves around significant personal transformations as a result of serious illness or trauma: transformations of everyday life, of body and emotional states, relationships, physical appearance, and the loss or recovery of physical ability. It is not my intention in this brief analysis to overgeneralise on the basis of some relatively limited observations. However, many blogs written in response to illness stand out for what they reveal about the shifting location or locatability of self, experience and the events of ongoing illness and thus how we can conceptualise the inherent “privacy” of illness as personal experience. Self-expression here is encompassing of the possibilities through which illness can be experienced – not as representation of that experience, a performance of a disembodied self (though these notions have their merits) – but an expressive element of the substance of the illness as it is experienced over time, as it affects the bodies, thoughts, events and relationships of individuals moving toward a state of full recovery or untimely death. Locating Oneself OnlineMany authors currently examining the role of online spaces in the lives of sufferers of serious illness see online communication as providing a means for configuring experience as a meaningful and coherent story, and thus conferring, or we could say recovering, a sense of agency amidst a tumultuous and ongoing battle with serious illness (Orgad, Pitts). In her study of breast cancer discussion forums, message boards and websites, Orgad (4) notes their role in regaining “the fundamentals disturbed by cancer” (see also Bury). Well before the emergence of online spaces, the act or writing has been seen as “a crucial affirmation of living, a statement against fearfulness, invisibility and silence” (Orgad, 67; Lorde, 61). For many decades scientists have asserted that “brief structured writing sessions can significantly improve mental and physical health for some groups of people” (Singer and Singer 485). The Internet has provided an infrastructure for bringing personal experiences of illness into the public realm, enabling a new level of visibility. Much of the work on illness and the Internet focuses on the liberatory and empowering act of story telling and “disembodied” self-expression. Discussion forums and cancer websites enable the formation of patient led “discourse communities” (Wuthnow). Online spaces such as discussion forums help their participants gain a foothold within a world they share with other sufferers, building communities of practice (Wegner) around specific forms of illness. In this way, these forms of self-expression and communication enable the sufferer of serious illness to counter the modes by which they are made “subjects”, in the Foucauldian sense, of medical discourse. All illness narratives are defined and constructed socially, and are infused with relations of power (Sontag; Foucault, Birth of the Clinic). Forms of online communication have shifted productive practice from professions to patients. Blogs, like discussion forums, websites, email lists etc., have come to play a central role in this contemporary shift. When Lovink (6) describes blogs as a “technology of the self” he points to their role in “self-fashioning”. Blogs written about and in the context of personal illness are a perfect example of this inclination to speak the truth of oneself in the confessional mode of modern culture borne of the church, science and talkshow television. For Foucault (Technologies of the Self, 17), technologies of the self: Permit individuals to effect by their own means or with the help of others a certain number of operations on their own bodies and souls, thoughts, conduct and way of being, so as to transform themselves in order to attain a state of happiness, purity, wisdom, perfection, immortality. Likewise, as a central concept for understanding Internet identity, the notion of performance (eg, Turkle) highlights the creativity with which illness bloggers may present their role as cancer patient in online spaces, perhaps as an act of resistance to “subjectifying” medical discourses and practices. Many bloggers wrest semiotic power through regular discussion of the language of pathology and medical knowledge, treatment processes and drugs. In the early stages of her treatment, Trigg plays with the new vocabulary, searching for etiologies and making her own semantic connections: I’ve learnt two new words. “Spiculated” describes the characteristic shape of a carcinoma on an ultrasound or x-ray. …The other word is at the other end of the spectrum of linguistic beauty: “lumpectomy”. It took me quite a while to realise that this was not really any different from partial mastectomy; or local excision. It’s an example of the powerful semantic connotations of words to realise that these phrases name the same processes: a long cut, and then the extraction of the diseased tissue (Humanities Researcher, 14 Oct. 2006).Partly due to the rarity of his illness, Brainhell goes through weeks of waiting for a diagnosis, and posts prolifically in an attempt to test out self-diagnoses. Amidst many serious and humorous posts analysing test results and discussing possible diagnoses Brainhell reflects on his targeted use of the blog: I am a word person. I think in sentences. I often take complex technical problems at work and describe them to myself in words. A story helps me understand things better. This blog has become a tool for me to organize my own thoughts about the Mystery Condition. (Brainhell, 6 Jan. 2004)The emancipatory potential of blog writing, however, can be easily overstated. While it is valuable to note and celebrate the performative potential of online production, and its “transformative” role as a technology of the self, it is easy to fall back on an unproblematic distinction between the actual and the virtual, the experience of illness, and its representation in online spaces. Textual expression should always refer us to the extra-textual practices that encompass it without imposing an artificial hierarchy of online and offline, actual experience and representation. As with other forms of online communication and production, the blog culture that has emerged around forms of serious illness plays a significant role in transforming our concepts of the relationship between online and offline spaces. In his My Cancer blog, Sievers often refers to “Cancer World”. He notes, for example, the many “passing friends” he makes in Cancer World through the medical staff and other regular patients at the radiation clinic, and refers to the equipment that sustains his life as the accoutrements of this world. His blog posts revolved around an articulation of the intricacies of this “world” that is in some ways a means of making sense of that world, but is also expressive of it. Sievers tries to explain the notion of Cancer World as a transformation of status between insider & outsider: “once we cross over into Cancer World, we become strangers in a strange land. What to expect, what to hope for, what to fear – none of those are clear right now” (My Cancer, 30 June 2008). Part of his struggle with the illness is also with the expression of himself as encompassed by this new “world” of the effects and activities of cancer. In a similar way, in her Humanities Researcher blog Trigg describes in beautiful detail the processes, routines and relationships formed during radiation treatment. I see these accounts of the textures of cancer spaces as lying at the point of juncture between expression and experience, not as a disembodied, emancipatory realm free from the fetters of illness and the everyday “real” self, but always encompassed by, and encompassing them, and in this way shifting what might be understood to remain “private” in personal experience and self-expression. Blogs as Public Diary Axel Bruns (171), following Matthew Rothenberg, characterises blogs as an accessible technological extension of the personal home page, gaining popularity in the late 1990s because they provided more easy to use templates and web publishing tools than earlier webpage applications. Personalised self expression is a defining element. However, the temporal quality of the reverse chronological, timestamped entry is equally significant for Bruns (171). Taking a broader focus to Bruns, who is most interested in the potential democratisation of media in news related blogs, Lovink sees the experimentation with a “public diary” format as fundamental, signalling their “productive contradiction between public and private” (Lovink 6). A diary may be written for posterity but it is primarily a secretive mode of communication. While blogs may mirror the temporal form of a diary, their intimate focus on self-expression of experience, thoughts and feelings, they do so in a very different communicative context.Despite research suggesting that a majority of bloggers report that they post primarily “for themselves” (Lenhart and Fox) – meaning that they do not deliberately seek a broad audience or readership – the step of making experiences and thoughts so widely accessible cannot be overlooked in any account of blogging. The question of audience or readership, for example, concerns Trigg in her Humanities Researcher blog: The immediacy of a blog distinguishes it from a journal or diary. I wrote for myself, of course, but also for a readership I could measure and chart and hear from, sometimes within minutes of posting. Mostly I don’t know who my readers are, but the kindness and friendship that come to me through the blog gave me courage to write about the intimacies of my treatment; and to chart the emotional upheaval it produced. (Trigg)In their ability to produce a comprehensive expression of the events, experiences, thoughts and feelings of an individual, blogs differ to other forms of online communication such as discussion forums or email lists. Illness blogs are perhaps an extreme example, an open mode of self-expression often arising abruptly in reaction to a life transforming diagnosis and tracking the process of recovery or deterioration, usually ending with remission or death. Brainhell’s blog begins with MRI results, and a series of posts about medical examination and self-examination regarding his mystery condition: So the MRI shows there is something on my brain that is not supposed to be there. The doctor thinks it is not a tumor. That would be good news. …As long as you are alive and have someone to complain to, you ain’t bad off. I am alive and I am complaining about a mystery spot on my brain, and lazy limbs. (Brainhell, 24 Dec. 2003)Brainhell spent many weeks documenting his search for a diagnosis, and continued writing up to his final deterioration and death in 2008. His final posts convey his physical deterioration in truncated sentences, spelling errors and mangled words. In one post he expresses his inability to wake his caregiver and to communicate his distress and physical discomfort at having to pee: when he snorted on waking, i shrieked and he got me up. splayed uncomfortably in the wc as he put dry clothes on me, i was gifted with his words: “you choose this, not me. you want to make it hard, what can i do?” (Brainhell, 13 Jan. 2008). The temporal and continuous format of the blog traverses the visceral, corporeal transformations of body and thought over time. The diary format goes beyond a straightforward narrative form in being far more experiential and even experimental in its self-reflective expression of the events of daily life, thoughts, feelings and states of being. Its public format bears directly on its role in shaping the communicative context in which that expression takes place, and thus to an extent shapes the experience of the illness itself. Nowhere does the expressive substance of the blog so fully encompass the possibilities through which the illness could be experienced than in the author’s death. At this point the blog feels like it is more than a catalogue, dialogue or self-presentation of a struggle with illness. It may take on the form of a memorial (see for example Tom’s Road to Recovery) – a recovery of the self expressed in the daily physical demise, through data maintained in the memory of servers. Ultimately the blog stands as a complex trace of the life lived within its posts. Brainhell’s lengthy blog exemplifies this quite hauntingly. Revealing the Private in Public Blogs exemplify a further step in the transformation of notions of public and private brought about by information and screen technologies. McQuire (103) refers to contemporary screen and Internet culture as “a social setting in which personal identity is subject to new exigencies”. Reality television, such as Big Brother, has promoted “a new mode for the public viewing of private life” (McQuire 114) contributing to the normalisation of open access to personal, intimate revelations, actions and experiences. However, privacy is “an elusive concept” that relates as much to information and property as to self-expression and personal experience (McCullagh). That is, what we consider private to an individual is itself constituted by our variable categories of personal information, material or immaterial possessions, or what counts as an expression of personal experience. Some analysts of online storytelling in the context of illness recognise the unsustainability of the distinction between public and private, but nonetheless rely on the notion of a continuum upon which activities or events could be considered as experienced in a public or private space (Orgad, 129-133). One of the characteristics of a blog, unlike other forms of online communication such as chat, discussion forums and email, is its predominantly public and openly accessible form. Though many illness bloggers do not seem to seek anonymity or hold back in allowing massive access to their self-expression and personal experience, a tension always seems to be there in the background. Identification through the proper name simply implies potential broader effects of blog writing, a pairing of the personal expressions with the person who expresses them in broader daily interactions and relationships. As already “public” figures, Stephanie Trigg and Leroy Sievers choose to forego anonymity, while Brainhell adopted his alias from the beginning and guarded his anonymity carefully. Each of these bloggers, however, shows signs of grappling with the public character of their site, and the interaction between the blog and their everyday life and relationships. In his etiquette page, Brainhell seems unclear about his readership, noting that his blog is for “friends and soul-mates, and complete strangers too”, but that he has not shared it with his family or all of his friends. He goes on to say: You may not have been invited but you are still welcome here. I made it public so that anyone could read it. Total strangers are welcome. Invited friends are welcome. But of those invited friends, I ask you to ask me before you out me as the blog author, or share the blog with other people who already know me. (Brainhell, 18 Feb. 2004) After his death Ratty took steps to continue to maintain his anonymity, vetting many comments and deleting others to “honor BH’s wishes as he outline in ‘Ettiquett for This Blog”’ (Brainhell, 2 Feb. 2008). In Leroy Sievers’ blog, one post exploring the conflict raised by publicly “sharing” his experiences provoked an interesting discussion. He relays a comment sent to him by a woman named Cherie: I have stage four colorectal cancer with liver mets. This is a strange journey, one I am not entirely sure I can share with my loved ones. I am scared it might rob them of the hope I see in their eyes. The hope which I sometimes don’t believe in. (My Cancer, 26 July 2006) Sievers struggles with this question: “How do you balance the need to talk about what is happening to you with the tears of a close friend when you tell him or her the truth? There’s no simple answer.” The blog, in this sense, seems to offer a more legitimate space for the ongoing, detailed expression of these difficult and affective, and traditionally private experiences. In some posts the privacy of the body and bodily experiences is directly challenged or re-negotiated. Stephanie Trigg was concerned with the effect of the blog on her interactions with colleagues. But another interesting dilemma presents itself to her when she is describing the physical effects of cancer, surgery and radiation treatment on her breast, and forces herself to hold back from comparing with the healthy breast: “it's not a medical breast, so I can't write about it here” (Humanities Researcher, 10 Jan. 2007). One prostate cancer blogger, identified as rdavisjr, seems to have no difficulties expressing the details of a physical intrusion on his “privacy” in the far more open forum of his blog: The pull-around ceiling mounted screen was missing (laundry?), so Kelly was called into the room and told to make a screen with a bed sheet. So here I am with one woman sticking her finger up my ass, while another woman is standing in front of the door holding an outstretched bed sheet under her chin (guess she wanted a view!)The screen was necessary to ensure my privacy in the event someone accidentally came into the room, something they said was a common thing. Well, Kelly peering over that sheet was hardly one of my more private moments in life! (Prostate Cancer Journal, 23 Feb. 2001). ConclusionWhatever emancipatory benefits may be found in expressing the most intimate of experiences and events of a serious illness online, it is the creative act of the blog as self-expression here, in its visceral, comprehensive, continuous timestamped format that dismantles the sense of privacy in the name of recovery. The blog is not the public face of private personal experience, but expressive of the life encompassed by that illness, and encompassing its author’s ongoing personal transformation. The blogs discussed here are not alone in demonstrating these practices. The blog format itself may soon evolve or disappear. Nonetheless, the massification enabled by Internet technologies and applications will continue to transform the ways in which personal experience may be considered private. ReferencesBruns, Axel. 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New York: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2008: 485-498. Sontag, Susan. Illness as Metaphor; And, AIDS and Its Metaphors. London: Penguin, 1991. Trigg, Stephanie. “Life Lessons.” Sunday Age, 10 June 2007. Turkle, Sherry. Life on the Screen: Identity in the Age of the Internet. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1995. Wenger, Etienne. Communities of Practice: Learning, Meaning and Identity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Wuthnow, Robert. Communities of Discourse: Ideology and Social Structure in the Reformation, the Enlightenment, and European Socialism. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989.BlogsBrainhell. ‹http://brainhell.blogspot.com/›. rdavisjr. Prostate Cancer Journal. ‹http://pcjournal-rrd.blogspot.com/›. Sievers, Leroy. My Cancer. ‹http://www.npr.org/blogs/mycancer/›. Tom’s Road to Recovery. ‹http://tomsrecovery.blog.com/›. Trigg, Stephanie. Humanities Researcher. ‹http://stephanietrigg.blogspot.com/›.

AbstractWe present a study of the evolution of the political landscape during the 2015 and 2019 presidential elections in Argentina, based on data obtained from the micro-blogging platform Twitter. We build a semantic network based on the hashtags used by all the users following at least one of the main candidates. With this network we can detect the topics that are discussed in the society. At a difference with most studies of opinion on social media, we do not choose the topics a priori, they emerge from the community structure of the semantic network instead. We assign to each user a dynamical topic vector which measures the evolution of her/his opinion in this space and allows us to monitor the similarities and differences among groups of supporters of different candidates. Our results show that the method is able to detect the dynamics of formation of opinion on different topics and, in particular, it can capture the reshaping of the political opinion landscape which has led to the inversion of result between the two rounds of 2015 election.

Web 2.0 (social networking, blogging and online forums) can serve as a data source for social science research because it contains vast amount of information from many different users. The volume of that information has been growing at a very high rate and becoming a network of heterogeneous data; this makes things difficult to find and is therefore not almost useful. We have proposed a novel theoretical model for gathering and processing data from Web 2.0, which would reflect semantic content of web pages in better way. This article deals with the analysis part of the model and its usage for content analysis of blogs. The introductory part of the article describes methodology for the gathering and processing data from blogs. The next part of the article is focused on the evaluation and content analysis of blogs, which write about specific trend.

In the present paper, we-ll explore how social media tools provide an opportunity for new developments of the e-Learning in the context of managing personal knowledge. There will be a discussion how social media tools provide a possibility for helping knowledge workersand students to gather, organize and manage their personal information as a part of the e-learning process. At the centre of this social software driven approach to e-learning environments are the challenges of personalization and collaboration. We-ll share concepts of how organizations are using social media for e-Learning and believe that integration of these tools into traditional e-Learning is probably not a choice, but inevitability. Students- Survey of use of web technologies and social networking tools is presented. Newly developed framework for semantic blogging capable of organizing results relevant to user requirements is implemented at Varna Free University (VFU) to provide more effective navigation and search.

<strong>Now a day�s large number of people is moving toward s the social networking. Twitter is one of the best examples of social networking. Twitter is generally categorized as a micro-blogging service,which ena bles users to send brief text updates. These tweets are proces sed through twitter search API and crawler and used in real time event detection system such as detecting an ea rthquake. In proposed system semantic analysis is u sed to analyze the tweets. Support vector machines (SVMs) are used for classification,regression and outlier s detection. The occurrence of event detection is don e by spatiotemporal model by treating each twitter user as a sensor value. For the purpose of location estimatio n,an algorithm is used which is based on the tweet content similarity and the location transition history of t witter user.</strong> <strong>https://www.ijiert.org/paper-details?paper_id=140561</strong>

PurposeUser-generated content (UGC) refers to semantic and behavioral traces created by users on various social media platforms. While several waves of platforms have come and gone, the long-term sustainability of UGC activities has become a critical question that bears significance for theoretical understanding and social media practices.Design/methodology/approachBased on a large and lengthy dataset of both blogging and microblogging activities of the same set of users, a multistate survival analysis was applied to explore the patterns of users' staying, switching and multiplatforming behaviors, as well as the underlying driving factors.FindingsUGC activities are generally unsustainable in the long run, and natural attrition is the primary reason, rather than competitive switching to new platforms. The availability of leisure time, expected gratification and previous experiences drive users' sustainability.Originality/valueThe authors adopted actual behavioral data from two generations of platforms instead of survey data on users' switching intentions. Four types of users are defined: loyal, switcher, multiplatformer and dropout. As measured by the transitions among the four states, the different sustainability behaviors are thereby studied via an integrated framework. These two originalities bridge gaps in the literature and offer new insights into exploring user sustainability in social media.

Every user of the internet has high aspirations on its reliability, efficiency, productivity and in many other aspects of the same. Providing an uninterrupted service is of prime importance .The amount of data along with enormous number of residual traces is increasing rapidly and significantly. As a result, analysis of log data has profoundly influenced many aspects of researcher’s domains. Social media being integral part of the Internet, real time blogging services like Twitter are widely used due to their inherent nature of depicting social graph, propagating information and entire social dynamics. Content of tweets are of major interest to researchers as they reflect individuals experiences, real time events. Researchers have explored several applications of tweet analysis. One such application is detecting service outages through a myriad of messages posted by users regarding unavailability. Simple techniques are enough to extract key semantics from tweets as they are faster alerts for warning about service unavailability. Similarly, the outage mailing lists are text-based messages which are rich in semantic information about the underlying outages. Researchers find it a great challenge to automatically parse and process the data through NLP and text mining for service outage detection. An extensive study was conducted, aiming to explore the research directions and opportunities on log analysis, tweet analysis and outage mailing list analysis for the purpose of detecting and predicting service outages. A systematic- frame work is also articulated with a focus on all stages of analytics and we deliberately discussed potential research challenges &amp; paths in the above said analysis. We introduce three major data analysis methods for diagnosing the causes of service failures , detecting service failures prematurely and predicting them. We analyze Syslogs (contain log data generated by the system) for detecting the cause of a failure by automatically learning over millions of logs and analyze the data of a social networking service (namely, Twitter and outage mails) to detect possible service failures by extracting failure related tweets, which account for less than a percent of all tweet in real time with high accuracy. Paper is an effort not only to detect outages but also to forecast them using twitter analysis based on time series and neural network models. We further propose a log analysis model for the same.

In the last decade, the cell phone’s transformation from a tool for mobile telephony into a multi-modal, computational “smart” media device has engendered a new kind of emplacement, and the ubiquity of technological mediation into the everyday settings of urban life. With it, a new kind of media literacy has become necessary for participation in the networked social publics (Ito; Jenkins et al.). Increasingly, the way we experience our physical environments, make sense of immediate events, and form impressions is through the lens of the camera and through the ear of the microphone, framed by the mediating possibilities of smartphones. Adopting these practices as a kind of new media “grammar” (Burn 29)—a multi-modal language for public and interpersonal communication—offers new perspectives for thinking about the way in which mobile computing technologies allow us to explore our environments and produce new types of cultural knowledge. Living in the Social Multiverse Many of us are concerned about new cultural practices that communication technologies bring about. In her now classic TED talk “Connected but alone?” Sherry Turkle talks about the world of instant communication as having the illusion of control through which we micromanage our immersion in mobile media and split virtual-physical presence. According to Turkle, what we fear is, on the one hand, being caught unprepared in a spontaneous event and, on the other hand, missing out or not documenting or recording events—a phenomenon that Abha Dawesar calls living in the “digital now.” There is, at the same time, a growing number of ways in which mobile computing devices connect us to new dimensions of everyday life and everyday experience: geo-locative services and augmented reality, convergent media and instantaneous participation in the social web. These technological capabilities arguably shift the nature of presence and set the stage for mobile users to communicate the flow of their everyday life through digital storytelling and media production. According to a Digital Insights survey on social media trends (Bennett), more than 500 million tweets are sent per day and 5 Vines tweeted every second; 100 hours of video are uploaded to YouTube every minute; more than 20 billion photos have been shared on Instagram to date; and close to 7 million people actively produce and publish content using social blogging platforms. There are more than 1 billion smartphones in the US alone, and most social media platforms are primarily accessed using mobile devices. The question is: how do we understand the enormity of these statistics as a coherent new media phenomenon and as a predominant form of media production and cultural participation? More importantly, how do mobile technologies re-mediate the way we see, hear, and perceive our surrounding evironment as part of the cultural circuit of capturing, sharing, and communicating with and through media artefacts? Such questions have furnished communication theory even before McLuhan’s famous tagline “the medium is the message”. Much of the discourse around communication technology and the senses has been marked by distinctions between “orality” and “literacy” understood as forms of collective consciousness engendered by technological shifts. Leveraging Jonathan Sterne’s critique of this “audio-visual litany”, an exploration of convergent multi-modal technologies allows us to focus instead on practices and techniques of use, considered as both perceptual and cultural constructs that reflect and inform social life. Here in particular, a focus on sound—or aurality—can help provide a fresh new entry point into studying technology and culture. The phenomenon of everyday photography is already well conceptualised as a cultural expression and a practice connected with identity construction and interpersonal communication (Pink, Visual). Much more rarely do we study the act of capturing information using mobile media devices as a multi-sensory practice that entails perceptual techniques as well as aesthetic considerations, and as something that in turn informs our unmediated sensory experience. Daisuke and Ito argue that—in contrast to hobbyist high-quality photographers—users of camera phones redefine the materiality of urban surroundings as “picture-worthy” (or not) and elevate the “mundane into a photographic object.” Indeed, whereas traditionally recordings and photographs hold institutional legitimacy as reliable archival references, the proliferation of portable smart technologies has transformed user-generated content into the gold standard for authentically representing the everyday. Given that visual approaches to studying these phenomena are well underway, this project takes a sound studies perspective, focusing on mediated aural practices in order to explore the way people make sense of their everyday acoustic environments using mobile media. Curation, in this sense, is a metaphor for everyday media production, illuminated by the practice of listening with mobile technology. Everyday Listening with Technology: A Case Study The present conceptualisation of curation emerged out of a participant-driven qualitative case study focused on using mobile media to make sense of urban everyday life. The study comprised 10 participants using iPod Touches (a device equivalent to an iPhone, without the phone part) to produce daily “aural postcards” of their everyday soundscapes and sonic experiences, over the course of two to four weeks. This work was further informed by, and updates, sonic ethnography approaches nascent in the World Soundscape Project, and the field of soundscape studies more broadly. Participants were asked to fill out a questionnaire about their media and technology use, in order to establish their participation in new media culture and correlate that to the documentary styles used in their aural postcards. With regard to capturing sonic material, participants were given open-ended instructions as to content and location, and encouraged to use the full capabilities of the device—that is, to record audio, video, and images, and to use any applications on the device. Specifically, I drew their attention to a recording app (Recorder) and a decibel measurement app (dB), which combines a photo with a static readout of ambient sound levels. One way most participants described the experience of capturing sound in a collection of recordings for a period of time was as making a “digital scrapbook” or a “media diary.” Even though they had recorded individual (often unrelated) soundscapes, almost everyone felt that the final product came together as a stand-alone collection—a kind of gallery of personalised everyday experiences that participants, if anything, wished to further organise, annotate, and flesh out. Examples of aural postcard formats used by participants: decibel photographs of everyday environments and a comparison audio recording of rain on a car roof with and without wipers (in the middle). Working with 139 aural postcards comprising more than 250 audio files and 150 photos and videos, the first step in the analysis was to articulate approaches to media documentation in terms of format, modality, and duration as deliberate choices in conversation with dominant media forms that participants regularly consume and are familiar with. Ambient sonic recordings (audio-only) comprised a large chunk of the data, and within this category there were two approaches: the sonic highlight, a short vignette of a given soundscape with minimal or no introduction or voice-over; and the process recording, featuring the entire duration of an unfolding soundscape or event. Live commentaries, similar to the conventions set forth by radio documentaries, represented voice-over entries at the location of the sound event, sometimes stationary and often in motion as the event unfolded. Voice memos described verbal reflections, pre- or post- sound event, with no discernable ambience—that is, participants intended them to serve as reflective devices rather than as part of the event. Finally, a number of participants also used the sound level meter app, which allowed them to generate visual records of the sonic levels of a given environment or location in the form of sound level photographs. Recording as a Way of Listening In their community soundwalking practice, Förnstrom and Taylor refer to recording sound in everyday settings as taking world experience, mediating it through one’s body and one’s memories and translating it into approximate experience. The media artefacts generated by participants as part of this study constitute precisely such ‘approximations’ of everyday life accessed through aural experience and mediated by the technological capabilities of the iPod. Thinking of aural postcards along this technological axis, the act of documenting everyday soundscapes involves participants acting as media producers, ‘framing’ urban everyday life through a mobile documentary rubric. In the process of curating these documentaries, they have to make decisions about the significance and stylistic framing of each entry and the message they wish to communicate. In order to bring the scope of these curatorial decisions into dialogue with established media forms, in this work’s analysis I combine Bill Nichols’s classification of documentary modes in cinema with Karin Bijsterveld’s concept of soundscape ‘staging’ to characterise the various approaches participants took to the multi-modal curation of their everyday (sonic) experience. In her recent book on the staging of urban soundscapes in both creative and documentary/archival media, Bijsterveld describes the representation of sound as particular ‘dramatisations’ that construct different kinds of meanings about urban space and engender different kinds of listening positions. Nichols’s articulation of cinematic documentary modes helps detail ways in which the author’s intentionality is reflected in the styling, design, and presentation of filmic narratives. Michel Chion’s discussion of cinematic listening modes further contextualises the cultural construction of listening that is a central part of both design and experience of media artefacts. The conceptual lens is especially relevant to understanding mobile curation of mediated sonic experience as a kind of mobile digital storytelling. Working across all postcards, settings, and formats, the following four themes capture some of the dominant stylistic dimensions of mobile media documentation. The exploratory approach describes a methodology for representing everyday life as a flow, predominantly through ambient recordings of unfolding processes that participants referred to in the final discussion as a ‘turn it on and forget it’ approach to recording. As a stylistic method, the exploratory approach aligns most closely with Nichols’s poetic and observational documentary modes, combining a ‘window to the world’ aesthetic with minimal narration, striving to convey the ‘inner truth’ of phenomenal experience. In terms of listening modes reflected in this approach, exploratory aural postcards most strongly engage causal listening, to use Chion’s framework of cinematic listening modes. By and large, the exploratory approach describes incidental documentaries of routine events: soundscapes that are featured as a result of greater attentiveness and investment in the sonic aspects of everyday life. The entries created using this approach reflect a process of discovering (seeing and hearing) the ordinary as extra-ordinary; re-experiencing sometimes mundane and routine places and activities with a fresh perspective; and actively exploring hidden characteristics, nuances of meaning, and significance. For instance, in the following example, one participant explores a new neighborhood while on a work errand:The narrative approach to creating aural postcards stages sound as a springboard for recollecting memories and storytelling through reflecting on associations with other soundscapes, environments, and interactions. Rather than highlighting place, routine, or sound itself, this methodology constructs sound as a window into the identity and inner life of the recordist, mobilising most strongly a semantic listening mode through association and narrative around sound’s meaning in context (Chion 28). This approach combines a subjective narrative development with a participatory aesthetic that draws the listener into the unfolding story. This approach is also performative, in that it stages sound as a deeply subjective experience and approaches the narrative from a personally significant perspective. Most often this type of sound staging was curated using voice memo narratives about a particular sonic experience in conjunction with an ambient sonic highlight, or as a live commentary. Recollections typically emerged from incidental encounters, or in the midst of other observations about sound. In the following example a participant reminisces about the sound of wind, which, interestingly, she did not record: Today I have been listening to the wind. It’s really rainy and windy outside today and it was reminding me how much I like the sound of wind. And you know when I was growing up on the wide prairies, we sure had a lot of wind and sometimes I kind of miss the sound of it… (Participant 1) The aesthetic approach describes instances where the creation of aural postcards was motivated by a reduced listening position (Chion 29)—driven primarily by the qualities and features of the soundscape itself. This curatorial practice for staging mediated aural experience combines a largely subjective approach to documenting with an absence of traditional narrative development and an affective and evocative aesthetic. Where the exploratory documentary approach seeks to represent place, routine, environment, and context through sonic characteristics, the aesthetic approach features sound first and foremost, aiming to represent and comment on sound qualities and characteristics in a more ‘authentic’ manner. The media formats most often used in conjunction with this approach were the incidental ambient sonic highlight and the live commentary. In the following example we have the sound of coffee being made as an important domestic ritual where important auditory qualities are foregrounded: That’s the sound of a stovetop percolator which I’ve been using for many years and I pretty much know exactly how long it takes to make a pot of coffee by the sound that it makes. As soon as it starts gurgling I know I have about a minute before it burns. It’s like the coffee calls and I come. (Participant 6) The analytical approach characterises entries that stage mediated aural experience as a way of systematically and inductively investigating everyday phenomena. It is a conceptual and analytical experimental methodology employed to move towards confirming or disproving a ‘hypothesis’ or forming a theory about sonic relations developed in the course of the study. As such, this approach most strongly aligns with Chion’s semantic listening mode, with the addition of the interactive element of analytical inquiry. In this context, sound is treated as a variable to be measured, compared, researched, and theorised about in an explicit attempt to form conclusions about social relationships, personal significance, place, or function. This analytical methodology combines an explicit and critical focus to the process of documenting itself (whether it be measuring decibels or systematically attending to sonic qualities) with a distinctive analytical synthesis that presents as ‘formal discovery’ or even ‘truth.’ In using this approach, participants most often mobilised the format of short sonic highlights and follow-up voice memos. While these aural postcards typically contained sound level photographs (decibel measurement values), in some cases the inquiry and subsequent conclusions were made inductively through sustained observation of a series of soundscapes. The following example is by a participant who exclusively recorded and compared various domestic spaces in terms of sound levels, comparing and contrasting them using voice memos. This is a sound level photograph of his home computer system: So I decided to record sitting next to my computer today just because my computer is loud, so I wanted to see exactly how loud it really was. But I kept the door closed just to be sort of fair, see how quiet it could possibly get. I think it peaked at 75 decibels, and that’s like, I looked up a decibel scale, and apparently a lawn mower is like 90 decibels. (Participant 2) Mediated Curation as a New Media Cultural Practice? One aspect of adopting the metaphor of ‘curation’ towards everyday media production is that it shifts the critical discourse on aesthetic expression from the realm of specialised expertise to general practice (“Everyone’s a photographer”). The act of curation is filtered through the aesthetic and technological capabilities of the smartphone, a device that has become co-constitutive of our routine sensorial encounters with the world. Revisiting McLuhan-inspired discourses on communication technologies stages the iPhone not as a device that itself shifts consciousness but as an agent in a media ecology co-constructed by the forces of use and design—a “crystallization of cultural practices” (Sterne). As such, mobile technology is continuously re-crystalised as design ‘constraints’ meet both normative and transgressive user approaches to interacting with everyday life. The concept of ‘social curation’ already exists in commercial discourse for social web marketing (O’Connell; Allton). High-traffic, wide-integration web services such as Digg and Pinterest, as well as older portals such as Reddit, all work on the principles of arranging user-generated, web-aggregated, and re-purposed content around custom themes. From a business perspective, the notion of ‘social curation’ captures, unsurprisingly, only the surface level of consumer behaviour rather than the kinds of values and meaning that this process holds for people. In the more traditional sense, art curation involves aesthetic, pragmatic, epistemological, and communication choices about the subject of (re)presentation, including considerations such as manner of display, intended audience, and affective and phenomenal impact. In his 2012 book tracing the discourse and culture of curating, Paul O’Neill proposes that over the last few decades the role of the curator has shifted from one of arts administrator to important agent in the production of cultural experiences, an influential cultural figure in her own right, independent of artistic content (88). Such discursive shifts in the formulation of ‘curatorship’ can easily be transposed from a specialised to a generalised context of cultural production, in which everyone with the technological means to capture, share, and frame the material and sensory content of everyday life is a curator of sorts. Each of us is an agent with a unique aesthetic and epistemological perspective, regardless of the content we curate. The entire communicative exchange is necessarily located within a nexus of new media practices as an activity that simultaneously frames a cultural construction of sensory experience and serves as a cultural production of the self. To return to the question of listening and a sound studies perspective into mediated cultural practices, technology has not single-handedly changed the way we listen and attend to everyday experience, but it has certainly influenced the range and manner in which we make sense of the sensory ‘everyday’. Unlike acoustic listening, mobile digital technologies prompt us to frame sonic experience in a multi-modal and multi-medial fashion—through the microphone, through the camera, and through the interactive, analytical capabilities of the device itself. Each decision for sensory capture as a curatorial act is both epistemological and aesthetic; it implies value of personal significance and an intention to communicate meaning. The occurrences that are captured constitute impressions, highlights, significant moments, emotions, reflections, experiments, and creative efforts—very different knowledge artefacts from those produced through textual means. Framing phenomenal experience—in this case, listening—in this way is, I argue, a core characteristic of a more general type of new media literacy and sensibility: that of multi-modal documenting of sensory materialities, or the curation of everyday life. References Allton, Mike. “5 Cool Content Curation Tools for Social Marketers.” Social Media Today. 15 Apr. 2013. 10 June 2015 ‹http://socialmediatoday.com/mike-allton/1378881/5-cool-content-curation-tools-social-marketers›. Bennett, Shea. “Social Media Stats 2014.” Mediabistro. 9 June 2014. 20 June 2015 ‹http://www.mediabistro.com/alltwitter/social-media-statistics-2014_b57746›. Bijsterveld, Karin, ed. Soundscapes of the Urban Past: Staged Sound as Mediated Cultural Heritage. Bielefeld: Transcript-Verlag, 2013. Burn, Andrew. Making New Media: Creative Production and Digital Literacies. New York, NY: Peter Lang Publishing, 2009. Daisuke, Okabe, and Mizuko Ito. “Camera Phones Changing the Definition of Picture-worthy.” Japan Media Review. 8 Aug. 2015 ‹http://www.dourish.com/classes/ics234cw04/ito3.pdf›. Chion, Michel. Audio-Vision: Sound on Screen. New York, NY: Columbia UP, 1994. Förnstrom, Mikael, and Sean Taylor. “Creative Soundwalks.” Urban Soundscapes and Critical Citizenship Symposium. Limerick, Ireland. 27–29 March 2014. Ito, Mizuko, ed. Hanging Out, Messing Around, and Geeking Out: Kids Living and Learning with New Media. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2010. Jenkins, Henry, Ravi Purushotma, Margaret Weigel, Katie Clinton, and Alice J. Robison. Confronting the Challenges of Participatory Culture: Media Education for the 21st Century. White Paper prepared for the McArthur Foundation, 2006. McLuhan, Marshall. Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964. Nichols, Brian. Introduction to Documentary. Bloomington &amp; Indianapolis, Indiana: Indiana UP, 2001. Nielsen. “State of the Media – The Social Media Report.” Nielsen 4 Dec. 2012. 12 May 2015 ‹http://www.nielsen.com/us/en/insights/reports/2012/state-of-the-media-the-social-media-report-2012.html›. O’Connel, Judy. “Social Content Curation – A Shift from the Traditional.” 8 Aug. 2011. 11 May 2015 ‹http://judyoconnell.com/2011/08/08/social-content-curation-a-shift-from-the-traditional/›. O’Neill, Paul. The Culture of Curating and the Curating of Culture(s). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2012. Pink, Sarah. Doing Visual Ethnography. London, UK: Sage, 2007. ———. Situating Everyday Life. London, UK: Sage, 2012. Sterne, Jonathan. The Audible Past: Cultural Origins of Sound Reproduction. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2003. Schafer, R. Murray, ed. World Soundscape Project. European Sound Diary (reprinted). Vancouver: A.R.C. Publications, 1977. Turkle, Sherry. “Connected But Alone?” TED Talk, Feb. 2012. 8 Aug. 2015 ‹http://www.ted.com/talks/sherry_turkle_alone_together?language=en›.

Being a celebrity sure ain’t what it used to be. Or, perhaps more accurately, the process of maintaining a stable star persona isn’t what it used to be. With the rise of new media technologies—including digital photography and video production, gossip blogging, social networking sites, and streaming video—there has been a rapid proliferation of voices which serve to articulate stars’ personae. This panoply of sanctioned and unsanctioned discourses has brought the coherence and stability of the star’s image into crisis, with an evermore-heightened loop forming recursively between celebrity gossip and scandals, on the one hand, and, on the other, new media-enabled speculation and commentary about these scandals and gossip-pieces. Of course, while no subject has a single meaning, Hollywood has historically expended great energy and resources to perpetuate the myth that the star’s image is univocal. In the present moment, however, studios’s traditional methods for discursive control have faltered, such that celebrities have found it necessary to take matters into their own hands, using new media technologies, particularly Twitter, in an attempt to stabilise that most vital currency of their trade, their professional/public persona. In order to fully appreciate the significance of this new mode of publicity management, and its larger implications for contemporary subjectivity writ large, we must first come to understand the history of Hollywood’s approach to celebrity publicity and image management.A Brief History of Hollywood PublicityThe origins of this effort are nearly as old as Hollywood itself, for, as Richard DeCordova explains, the celebrity scandals of the 1920s threatened to disrupt the economic vitality of the incipient industry such that strict, centralised image control appeared as a necessary imperative to maintain a consistently reliable product. The Fatty Arbuckle murder trial was scandalous not only for its subject matter (a murder suffused with illicit and shadowy sexual innuendo) but also because the event revealed that stars, despite their mediated larger-than-life images, were not only as human as the rest of us, but that, in fact, they were capable of profoundly inhuman acts. The scandal, then, was not so much Arbuckle’s crime, but the negative pall it cast over the Hollywood mythos of glamour and grace. The studios quickly organised an industry-wide regulatory agency (the MPPDA) to counter potentially damaging rhetoric and ward off government intervention. Censorship codes and morality clauses were combined with well-funded publicity departments in an effort that successfully shifted the locus of the star’s extra-filmic discursive construction from private acts—which could betray their screen image—to information which served to extend and enhance the star’s pre-existing persona. In this way, the sanctioned celebrity knowledge sphere became co-extensive with that of commercial culture itself; the star became meaningful only by knowing how she spent her leisure time and the type of make-up she used. The star’s identity was not found via unsanctioned intrusion, but through studio-sanctioned disclosure, made available in the form of gossip columns, newsreels, and fan magazines. This period of relative stability for the star's star image was ultimately quite brief, however, as the collapse of the studio system in the late 1940s and the introduction of television brought about a radical, but gradual, reordering of the star's signifying potential. The studios no longer had the resources or incentive to tightly police star images—the classic age of stardom was over. During this period of change, an influx of alternative voices and publications filled the discursive void left by the demise of the studios’s regimented publicity efforts, with many of these new outlets reengaging older methods of intrusion to generate a regular rhythm of vendible information about the stars.The first to exploit and capitalize on star image instability was Robert Harrison, whose Confidential Magazine became the leading gossip publication of the 1950s. Unlike its fan magazine rivals, which persisted in portraying the stars as morally upright and wholesome, Confidential pledged on the cover of each issue to “tell the facts and name the names,” revealing what had been theretofore “confidential.” In essence, through intrusion, Confidential reasserted scandal as the true core of the star, simultaneously instituting incursion and surveillance as the most direct avenue to the “kernel” of the celebrity subject, obtaining stories through associations with call girls, out-of-work starlettes, and private eyes. As extra-textual discourses proliferated and fragmented, the contexts in which the public encountered the star changed as well. Theatre attendance dropped dramatically, and as the studios sold their film libraries to television, the stars, formerly available only on the big screen and in glamour shots, were now intercut with commercials, broadcast on grainy sets in the domestic space. The integrity—or at least the illusion of integrity—of the star image was forever compromised. As the parameters of renown continued to expand, film stars, formally distinguished from all other performers, migrated to television. The landscape of stardom was re-contoured into the “celebrity sphere,” a space that includes television hosts, musicians, royals, and charismatic politicians. The revamped celebrity “game” was complex, but still playabout: with a powerful agent, a talented publicist, and a check on drinking, drug use, and extra-marital affairs, a star and his or her management team could negotiate a coherent image. Confidential was gone, The National Inquirer was muzzled by libel laws, and People and E.T.—both sheltered within larger media companies—towed the publicists’s line. There were few widely circulated outlets through which unauthorised voices could gain traction. Old-School Stars and New Media Technologies: The Case of Tom CruiseYet with the relentless arrival of various news media technologies beginning in the 1980s and continuing through the present, maintaining tight celebrity image control began to require the services of a phalanx of publicists and handlers. Here, the example of Tom Cruise is instructive: for nearly twenty years, Cruise’s publicity was managed by Pat Kingsley, who exercised exacting control over the star’s image. With the help of seemingly diverse yet essentially similar starring roles, Cruise solidified his image as the cocky, charismatic boy-next-door.The unified Cruise image was made possible by shutting down competing discourses through the relentless, comprehensive efforts of his management company; Kingsley's staff fine-tuned Cruise’s acts of disclosure while simultaneously eliminating the potential for unplanned intrusions, neutralising any potential scandal at its source. Kingsley and her aides performed for Cruise all the functions of a studio publicity department from Hollywood’s Golden Age. Most importantly, Cruise was kept silent on the topic of his controversial religion, Scientology, lest it incite domestic and international backlash. In interviews and off-the-cuff soundbites, Cruise was ostensibly disclosing his true self, and that self remained the dominant reading of what, and who, Cruise “was.” Yet in 2004, Cruise fired Kingsley, replaced her with his own sister (and fellow Scientologist), who had no prior experience in public relations. In essence, he exchanged a handler who understood how to shape star disclosure for one who did not. The events that followed have been widely rehearsed: Cruise avidly pursued Katie Holmes; Cruise jumped for joy on Oprah’s couch; Cruise denounced psychology during a heated debate with Matt Lauer on The Today Show. His attempt at disclosing this new, un-publicist-mediated self became scandalous in and of itself. Cruise’s dismissal of Kingsley, his unpopular (but not necessarily unwelcome) disclosures, and his own massively unchecked ego all played crucial roles in the fall of the Cruise image. While these stumbles might have caused some minor career turmoil in the past, the hyper-echoic, spastically recombinatory logic of the technoculture brought the speed and stakes of these missteps to a new level; one of the hallmarks of the postmodern condition has been not merely an increasing textual self-reflexivity, but a qualitative new leap forward in inter-textual reflexivity, as well (Lyotard; Baudrillard). Indeed, the swift dismantling of Cruise’s long-established image is directly linked to the immediacy and speed of the Internet, digital photography, and the gossip blog, as the reflexivity of new media rendered the safe division between disclosure and intrusion untenable. His couchjumping was turned into a dance remix and circulated on YouTube; Mission Impossible 3 boycotts were organised through a number of different Web forums; gossip bloggers speculated that Cruise had impregnated Holmes using the frozen sperm of Scientology founder L. Ron Hubbard. In the past, Cruise simply filed defamation suits against print publications that would deign to sully his image. Yet the sheer number of sites and voices reproducing this new set of rumors made such a strategy untenable. Ultimately, intrusions into Cruise’s personal life, including the leak of videos intended solely for Scientology recruitment use, had far more traction than any sanctioned Cruise soundbite. Cruise’s image emerged as a hollowed husk of its former self; the sheer amount of material circulating rendered all attempts at P.R., including a Vanity Fair cover story and “reveal” of daughter Suri, ridiculous. His image was fragmented and re-collected into an altered, almost uncanny new iteration. Following the lackluster performance of Mission Impossible 3 and public condemnation by Paramount head Sumner Redstone, Cruise seemed almost pitiable. The New Logic of Celebrity Image ManagementCruise’s travails are expressive of a deeper development which has occurred over the course of the last decade, as the massively proliferating new forms of celebrity discourse (e.g., paparazzi photos, mug shots, cell phone video have further decentered any shiny, polished version of a star. With older forms of media increasingly reorganising themselves according to the aesthetics and logic of new media forms (e.g., CNN featuring regular segments in which it focuses its network cameras upon a computer screen displaying the CNN website), we are only more prone to appreciate “low media” forms of star discourse—reports from fans on discussion boards, photos taken on cell phones—as valid components of the celebrity image. People and E.T. still attract millions, but they are rapidly ceding control of the celebrity industry to their ugly, offensive stepbrothers: TMZ, Us Weekly, and dozens of gossip blogs. Importantly, a publicist may be able to induce a blogger to cover their client, but they cannot convince him to drop a story: if TMZ doesn’t post it, then Perez Hilton certainly will. With TMZ unabashedly offering pay-outs to informants—including those in law enforcement and health care, despite recently passed legislation—a star is never safe. If he or she misbehaves, someone, professional or amateur, will provide coverage. Scandal becomes normalised, and, in so doing, can no longer really function as scandal as such; in an age of around-the-clock news cycles and celebrity-fixated journalism, the only truly scandalising event would be the complete absence of any scandalous reports. Or, as aesthetic theorist Jacques Ranciere puts it; “The complaint is then no longer that images conceal secrets which are no longer such to anyone, but, on the contrary, that they no longer hide anything” (22).These seemingly paradoxical involutions of post-modern celebrity epistemologies are at the core of the current crisis of celebrity, and, subsequently, of celebrities’s attempts to “take back their own paparazzi.” As one might expect, contemporary celebrities have attempted to counter these new logics and strategies of intrusion through a heightened commitment to disclosure, principally through the social networking capabilities of Twitter. Yet, as we will see, not only have the epistemological reorderings of postmodernist technoculture affected the logic of scandal/intrusion, but so too have they radically altered the workings of intrusion’s dialectical counterpart, disclosure.In the 1930s, when written letters were still the primary medium for intimate communication, stars would send lengthy “hand-written” letters to members of their fan club. Of course, such letters were generally not written by the stars themselves, but handwriting—and a star’s signature—signified authenticity. This ritualised process conferred an “aura” of authenticity upon the object of exchange precisely because of its static, recurring nature—exchange of fan mail was conventionally understood to be the primary medium for personal encounters with a celebrity. Within the overall political economy of the studio system, the medium of the hand-written letter functioned to unleash the productive power of authenticity, offering an illusion of communion which, in fact, served to underscore the gulf between the celebrity’s extraordinary nature and the ordinary lives of those who wrote to them. Yet the criterion and conventions through which celebrity personae were maintained were subject to change over time, as new communications technologies, new modes of Hollywood's industrial organization, and the changing realities of commercial media structures all combined to create a constantly moving ground upon which the celebrity tried to affix. The celebrity’s changing conditions are not unique to them alone; rather, they are a highly visible bellwether of changes which are more fundamentally occurring at all levels of culture and subjectivity. Indeed, more than seventy years ago, Walter Benjamin observed that when hand-made expressions of individuality were superseded by mechanical methods of production, aesthetic criteria (among other things) also underwent change, rendering notions of authenticity increasingly indeterminate.Such is the case that in today’s world, hand-written letters seem more contrived or disingenuous than Danny DeVito’s inaugural post to his Twitter account: “I just joined Twitter! I don't really get this site or how it works. My nuts are on fire.” The performative gesture in DeVito’s tweet is eminently clear, just as the semantic value is patently false: clearly DeVito understands “this site,” as he has successfully used it to extend his irreverent funny-little-man persona to the new medium. While the truth claims of his Tweet may be false, its functional purpose—both effacing and reifying the extraordinary/ordinary distinction of celebrity and maintaining DeVito’s celebrity personality as one with which people might identify—is nevertheless seemingly intact, and thus mirrors the instrumental value of celebrity disclosure as performed in older media forms. Twitter and Contemporary TechnocultureFor these reasons and more, considered within the larger context of contemporary popular culture, celebrity tweeting has been equated with the assertion of the authentic celebrity voice; celebrity tweets are regularly cited in newspaper articles and blogs as “official” statements from the celebrity him/herself. With so many mediated voices attempting to “speak” the meaning of the star, the Twitter account emerges as the privileged channel to the star him/herself. Yet the seemingly easy discursive associations of Twitter and authenticity are in fact ideological acts par excellence, as fixations on the indexical truth-value of Twitter are not merely missing the point, but actively distracting from the real issues surrounding the unsteady discursive construction of contemporary celebrity and the “celebretification” of contemporary subjectivity writ large. In other words, while it is taken as axiomatic that the “message” of celebrity Twittering is, as Henry Jenkins suggests, “Here I Am,” this outward epistemological certainty veils the deeply unstable nature of celebrity—and by extension, subjectivity itself—in our networked society.If we understand the relationship between publicity and technoculture to work as Zizek-inspired cultural theorist Jodi Dean suggests, then technologies “believe for us, accessing information even if we cannot” (40), such that technology itself is enlisted to serve the function of ideology, the process by which a culture naturalises itself and attempts to render the notion of totality coherent. For Dean, the psycho-ideological reality of contemporary culture is predicated upon the notion of an ever-elusive “secret,” which promises to reveal us all as part of a unitary public. The reality—that there is no such cohesive collective body—is obscured in the secret’s mystifying function which renders as “a contingent gap what is really the fact of the fundamental split, antagonism, and rupture of politics” (40). Under the ascendancy of the technoculture—Dean's term for the technologically mediated landscape of contemporary communicative capitalism—subjectivity becomes interpellated along an axis blind to the secret of this fundamental rupture. The two interwoven poles of this axis are not unlike structuralist film critics' dialectically intertwined accounts of the scopophilia and scopophobia of viewing relations, simply enlarged from the limited realm of the gaze to encompass the entire range of subjectivity. As such, the conspiratorial mindset is that mode of desire, of lack, which attempts to attain the “secret,” while the celebrity subject is that element of excess without which desire is unthinkable. As one might expect, the paparazzi and gossip sites’s strategies of intrusion have historically operated primarily through the conspiratorial mindset, with endless conjecture about what is “really happening” behind the scenes. Under the intrusive/conspiratorial paradigm, the authentic celebrity subject is always just out of reach—a chance sighting only serves to reinscribe the need for the next encounter where, it is believed, all will become known. Under such conditions, the conspiratorial mindset of the paparazzi is put into overdrive: because the star can never be “fully” known, there can never be enough information about a star, therefore, more information is always needed. Against this relentless intrusion, the celebrity—whose discursive stability, given the constant imperative for newness in commercial culture, is always in danger—risks a semiotic liquidation that will totally displace his celebrity status as such. Disclosure, e.g. Tweeting, emerges as a possible corrective to the endlessly associative logic of the paparazzi’s conspiratorial indset. In other words, through Twitter, the celebrity seeks to arrest meaning—fixing it in place around their own seemingly coherent narrativisation. The publicist’s new task, then, is to convincingly counter such unsanctioned, intrusive, surveillance-based discourse. Stars continue to give interviews, of course, and many regularly pose as “authors” of their own homepages and blogs. Yet as posited above, Twitter has emerged as the most salient means of generating “authentic” celebrity disclosure, simultaneously countering the efforts of the papparazzi, fan mags, and gossip blogs to complicate or rewrite the meaning of the star. The star uses the account—verified, by Twitter, as the “real” star—both as a means to disclose their true interior state of being and to counter erastz narratives circulating about them. Twitter’s appeal for both celebrities and their followers comes from the ostensible spontaneity of the tweets, as the seemingly unrehearsed quality of the communiqués lends the form an immediacy and casualness unmatched by blogs or official websites; the semantic informality typically employed in the medium obscures their larger professional significance for celebrity tweeters. While Twitter’s air of extemporary intimacy is also offered by other social networking platforms, such as MySpace or Facebook, the latter’s opportunities for public feedback (via wall-posts and the like) works counter to the tight image control offered by Twitter’s broadcast-esque model. Additionally, because of the uncertain nature of the tweet release cycle—has Ashton Kutcher sent a new tweet yet?—the voyeuristic nature of the tweet disclosure (with its real-time nature offering a level of synchronic intimacy that letters never could have matched), and the semantically displaced nature of the medium, it is a form of disclosure perfectly attuned to the conspiratorial mindset of the technoculture. As mentioned above, however, the conspiratorial mindset is an unstable subjectivity, insofar as it only exists through a constant oscillation with its twin, the celebrity subjectivity. While we can understand that, for the celebrities, Twitter functions by allowing them a mode for disclosive/celebrity subjectivisation, we have not yet seen how the celebrity itself is rendered conspiratorial through Twitter. Similarly, only the conspiratorial mode of the follower’s subjectivity has thus far been enumerated; the moment of the follower's celebrtification has so far gone unmentioned. Since we have seen that the celebrity function of Twitter is not really about discourse per se, we should instead understand that the ideological value of Twitter comes from the act of tweeting itself, of finding pleasure in being engaged in a techno-social system in which one's participation is recognised. Recognition and participation should be qualified, though, as it is not the fully active type of participation one might expect in say, the electoral politics of a representative democracy. Instead, it is a participation in a sort of epistemological viewing relations, or, as Jodi Dean describes it, “that we understand ourselves as known is what makes us think there is that there is a public that knows us” (122). The fans’ recognition by the celebrity—the way in which they understood themselves as known by the star was once the receipt of a hand-signed letter (and a latent expectation that the celebrity had read the fan’s initial letter); such an exchange conferred to the fan a momentary sense of participation in the celebrity's extraordinary aura. Under Twitter, however, such an exchange does not occur, as that feeling of one-to-one interaction is absent; simply by looking elsewhere on the screen, one can confirm that a celebrity's tweet was received by two million other individuals. The closest a fan can come to that older modality of recognition is by sending a message to the celebrity that the celebrity then “re-tweets” to his broader following. Beyond the obvious levels of technological estrangement involved in such recognition is the fact that the identity of the re-tweeted fan will not be known by the celebrity’s other two million followers. That sense of sharing in the celebrity’s extraordinary aura is altered by an awareness that the very act of recognition largely entails performing one’s relative anonymity in front of the other wholly anonymous followers. As the associative, conspiratorial mindset of the star endlessly searches for fodder through which to maintain its image, fans allow what was previously a personal moment of recognition to be transformed into a public one. That is, the conditions through which one realises one’s personal subjectivity are, in fact, themselves becoming remade according to the logic of celebrity, in which priority is given to the simple fact of visibility over that of the actual object made visible. Against such an opaque cultural transformation, the recent rise of reactionary libertarianism and anti-collectivist sentiment is hardly surprising. ReferencesBaudrillard, Jean. Simulacra and Simulation. Ann Arbor: Michigan UP, 1994.Benjamin, Walter. Illuminations. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1968. Dean, Jodi. Publicity’s Secret: How Technoculture Capitalizes on Democracy. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 2003. DeCordova, Richard. Picture Personalities: The Emergence of the Star System in America. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1990. Jenkins, Henry. “The Message of Twitter: ‘Here It Is’ and ‘Here I Am.’” Confessions of an Aca-Fan. 23 Aug. 2009. 15 Sep. 2009 &lt; http://henryjenkins.org/2009/08/the_message_of_twitter.html &gt;.Lyotard, Jean-Francois. The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge. Minneapolis: Minnesota UP, 1984.Ranciere, Jacques. The Future of the Image. New York: Verso, 2007.

Lists and Social MediaLists have long been an ordering mechanism for computer-mediated social interaction. While far from being the first such mechanism, blogrolls offered an opportunity for bloggers to provide a list of their peers; the present generation of social media environments similarly provide lists of friends and followers. Where blogrolls and other earlier lists may have been user-generated, the social media lists of today are more likely to have been produced by the platforms themselves, and are of intrinsic value to the platform providers at least as much as to the users themselves; both Facebook and Twitter have highlighted the importance of their respective “social graphs” (their databases of user connections) as fundamental elements of their fledgling business models. This represents what Mejias describes as “nodocentrism,” which “renders all human interaction in terms of network dynamics (not just any network, but a digital network with a profit-driven infrastructure).”The communicative content of social media spaces is also frequently rendered in the form of lists. Famously, blogs are defined in the first place by their reverse-chronological listing of posts (Walker Rettberg), but the same is true for current social media platforms: Twitter, Facebook, and other social media platforms are inherently centred around an infinite, constantly updated and extended list of posts made by individual users and their connections.The concept of the list implies a certain degree of order, and the orderliness of content lists as provided through the latest generation of centralised social media platforms has also led to the development of more comprehensive and powerful, commercial as well as scholarly, research approaches to the study of social media. Using the example of Twitter, this article discusses the challenges of such “big data” research as it draws on the content lists provided by proprietary social media platforms.Twitter Archives for ResearchTwitter is a particularly useful source of social media data: using the Twitter API (the Application Programming Interface, which provides structured access to communication data in standardised formats) it is possible, with a little effort and sufficient technical resources, for researchers to gather very large archives of public tweets concerned with a particular topic, theme or event. Essentially, the API delivers very long lists of hundreds, thousands, or millions of tweets, and metadata about those tweets; such data can then be sliced, diced and visualised in a wide range of ways, in order to understand the dynamics of social media communication. Such research is frequently oriented around pre-existing research questions, but is typically conducted at unprecedented scale. The projects of media and communication researchers such as Papacharissi and de Fatima Oliveira, Wood and Baughman, or Lotan, et al.—to name just a handful of recent examples—rely fundamentally on Twitter datasets which now routinely comprise millions of tweets and associated metadata, collected according to a wide range of criteria. What is common to all such cases, however, is the need to make new methodological choices in the processing and analysis of such large datasets on mediated social interaction.Our own work is broadly concerned with understanding the role of social media in the contemporary media ecology, with a focus on the formation and dynamics of interest- and issues-based publics. We have mined and analysed large archives of Twitter data to understand contemporary crisis communication (Bruns et al), the role of social media in elections (Burgess and Bruns), and the nature of contemporary audience engagement with television entertainment and news media (Harrington, Highfield, and Bruns). Using a custom installation of the open source Twitter archiving tool yourTwapperkeeper, we capture and archive all the available tweets (and their associated metadata) containing a specified keyword (like “Olympics” or “dubstep”), name (Gillard, Bieber, Obama) or hashtag (#ausvotes, #royalwedding, #qldfloods). In their simplest form, such Twitter archives are commonly stored as delimited (e.g. comma- or tab-separated) text files, with each of the following values in a separate column: text: contents of the tweet itself, in 140 characters or less to_user_id: numerical ID of the tweet recipient (for @replies) from_user: screen name of the tweet sender id: numerical ID of the tweet itself from_user_id: numerical ID of the tweet sender iso_language_code: code (e.g. en, de, fr, ...) of the sender’s default language source: client software used to tweet (e.g. Web, Tweetdeck, ...) profile_image_url: URL of the tweet sender’s profile picture geo_type: format of the sender’s geographical coordinates geo_coordinates_0: first element of the geographical coordinates geo_coordinates_1: second element of the geographical coordinates created_at: tweet timestamp in human-readable format time: tweet timestamp as a numerical Unix timestampIn order to process the data, we typically run a number of our own scripts (written in the programming language Gawk) which manipulate or filter the records in various ways, and apply a series of temporal, qualitative and categorical metrics to the data, enabling us to discern patterns of activity over time, as well as to identify topics and themes, key actors, and the relations among them; in some circumstances we may also undertake further processes of filtering and close textual analysis of the content of the tweets. Network analysis (of the relationships among actors in a discussion; or among key themes) is undertaken using the open source application Gephi. While a detailed methodological discussion is beyond the scope of this article, further details and examples of our methods and tools for data analysis and visualisation, including copies of our Gawk scripts, are available on our comprehensive project website, Mapping Online Publics.In this article, we reflect on the technical, epistemological and political challenges of such uses of large-scale Twitter archives within media and communication studies research, positioning this work in the context of the phenomenon that Lev Manovich has called “big social data.” In doing so, we recognise that our empirical work on Twitter is concerned with a complex research site that is itself shaped by a complex range of human and non-human actors, within a dynamic, indeed volatile media ecology (Fuller), and using data collection and analysis methods that are in themselves deeply embedded in this ecology. “Big Social Data”As Manovich’s term implies, the Big Data paradigm has recently arrived in media, communication and cultural studies—significantly later than it did in the hard sciences, in more traditionally computational branches of social science, and perhaps even in the first wave of digital humanities research (which largely applied computational methods to pre-existing, historical “big data” corpora)—and this shift has been provoked in large part by the dramatic quantitative growth and apparently increased cultural importance of social media—hence, “big social data.” As Manovich puts it: For the first time, we can follow [the] imaginations, opinions, ideas, and feelings of hundreds of millions of people. We can see the images and the videos they create and comment on, monitor the conversations they are engaged in, read their blog posts and tweets, navigate their maps, listen to their track lists, and follow their trajectories in physical space. (Manovich 461) This moment has arrived in media, communication and cultural studies because of the increased scale of social media participation and the textual traces that this participation leaves behind—allowing researchers, equipped with digital tools and methods, to “study social and cultural processes and dynamics in new ways” (Manovich 461). However, and crucially for our purposes in this article, many of these scholarly possibilities would remain latent if it were not for the widespread availability of Open APIs for social software (including social media) platforms. APIs are technical specifications of how one software application should access another, thereby allowing the embedding or cross-publishing of social content across Websites (so that your tweets can appear in your Facebook timeline, for example), or allowing third-party developers to build additional applications on social media platforms (like the Twitter user ranking service Klout), while also allowing platform owners to impose de facto regulation on such third-party uses via the same code. While platform providers do not necessarily have scholarship in mind, the data access affordances of APIs are also available for research purposes. As Manovich notes, until very recently almost all truly “big data” approaches to social media research had been undertaken by computer scientists (464). But as part of a broader “computational turn” in the digital humanities (Berry), and because of the increased availability to non-specialists of data access and analysis tools, media, communication and cultural studies scholars are beginning to catch up. Many of the new, large-scale research projects examining the societal uses and impacts of social media—including our own—which have been initiated by various media, communication, and cultural studies research leaders around the world have begun their work by taking stock of, and often substantially extending through new development, the range of available tools and methods for data analysis. The research infrastructure developed by such projects, therefore, now reflects their own disciplinary backgrounds at least as much as it does the fundamental principles of computer science. In turn, such new and often experimental tools and methods necessarily also provoke new epistemological and methodological challenges. The Twitter API and Twitter ArchivesThe Open API was a key aspect of mid-2000s ideas about the value of the open Web and “Web 2.0” business models (O’Reilly), emphasising the open, cross-platform sharing of content as well as promoting innovation at the margins via third-party application development—and it was in this ideological environment that the microblogging service Twitter launched and experienced rapid growth in popularity among users and developers alike. As José van Dijck cogently argues, however, a complex interplay of technical, economic and social dynamics has seen Twitter shift from a relatively open, ad hoc and user-centred platform toward a more formalised media business: For Twitter, the shift from being primarily a conversational communication tool to being a global, ad-supported followers tool took place in a relatively short time span. This shift did not simply result from the owner’s choice for a distinct business model or from the company’s decision to change hardware features. Instead, the proliferation of Twitter as a tool has been a complex process in which technological adjustments are intricately intertwined with changes in user base, transformations of content and choices for revenue models. (van Dijck 343)The specifications of Twitter’s API, as well as the written guidelines for its use by developers (Twitter, “Developer Rules”) are an excellent example of these “technological adjustments” and the ways they are deeply interwined with Twitter’s search for a viable revenue model. These changes show how the apparent semantic openness or “interpretive flexibility” of the term “platform” allows its meaning to be reshaped over time as the business models of platform owners change (Gillespie).The release of the API was first announced on the Twitter blog in September 2006 (Stone), not long after the service’s launch but after some popular third-party applications (like a mashup of Twitter with Google Maps creating a dynamic display of recently posted tweets around the world) had already been developed. Since then Twitter has seen a flourishing of what the company itself referred to as the “Twitter ecosystem” (Twitter, “Developer Rules”), including third-party developed client software (like Twitterific and TweetDeck), institutional use cases (such as large-scale social media visualisations of the London Riots in The Guardian), and parasitic business models (including social media metrics services like HootSuite and Klout).While the history of Twitter’s API rules and related regulatory instruments (such as its Developer Rules of the Road and Terms of Use) has many twists and turns, there have been two particularly important recent controversies around data access and control. First, the company locked out developers and researchers from direct “firehose” (very high volume) access to the Twitter feed; this was accompanied by a crackdown on free and public Twitter archiving services like 140Kit and the Web version of Twapperkeeper (Sample), and coincided with the establishment of what was at the time a monopoly content licensing arrangement between Twitter and Gnip, a company which charges commercial rates for high-volume API access to tweets (and content from other social media platforms). A second wave of controversy among the developer community occurred in August 2012 in response to Twitter’s release of its latest API rules (Sippey), which introduce further, significant limits to API use and usability in certain circumstances. In essence, the result of these changes to the Twitter API rules, announced without meaningful consultation with the developer community which created the Twitter ecosystem, is a forced rebalancing of development activities: on the one hand, Twitter is explicitly seeking to “limit” (Sippey) the further development of API-based third-party tools which support “consumer engagement activities” (such as end-user clients), in order to boost the use of its own end-user interfaces; on the other hand, it aims to “encourage” the further development of “consumer analytics” and “business analytics” as well as “business engagement” tools. Implicit in these changes is a repositioning of Twitter users (increasingly as content consumers rather than active communicators), but also of commercial and academic researchers investigating the uses of Twitter (as providing a narrow range of existing Twitter “analytics” rather than engaging in a more comprehensive investigation both of how Twitter is used, and of how such uses continue to evolve). The changes represent an attempt by the company to cement a certain, commercially viable and valuable, vision of how Twitter should be used (and analysed), and to prevent or at least delay further evolution beyond this desired stage. Although such attempts to “freeze” development may well be in vain, given the considerable, documented role which the Twitter user base has historically played in exploring new and unforeseen uses of Twitter (Bruns), it undermines scholarly research efforts to examine actual Twitter uses at least temporarily—meaning that researchers are increasingly forced to invest time and resources in finding workarounds for the new restrictions imposed by the Twitter API.Technical, Political, and Epistemological IssuesIn their recent article “Critical Questions for Big Data,” danah boyd and Kate Crawford have drawn our attention to the limitations, politics and ethics of big data approaches in the social sciences more broadly, but also touching on social media as a particularly prevalent site of social datamining. In response, we offer the following complementary points specifically related to data-driven Twitter research relying on archives of tweets gathered using the Twitter API.First, somewhat differently from most digital humanities (where researchers often begin with a large pre-existing textual corpus), in the case of Twitter research we have no access to an original set of texts—we can access only what Twitter’s proprietary and frequently changing API will provide. The tools Twitter researchers use rely on various combinations of parts of the Twitter API—or, more accurately, the various Twitter APIs (particularly the Search and Streaming APIs). As discussed above, of course, in providing an API, Twitter is driven not by scholarly concerns but by an attempt to serve a range of potentially value-generating end-users—particularly those with whom Twitter can create business-to-business relationships, as in their recent exclusive partnership with NBC in covering the 2012 London Olympics.The following section from Twitter’s own developer FAQ highlights the potential conflicts between the business-case usage scenarios under which the APIs are provided and the actual uses to which they are often put by academic researchers or other dataminers:Twitter’s search is optimized to serve relevant tweets to end-users in response to direct, non-recurring queries such as #hashtags, URLs, domains, and keywords. The Search API (which also powers Twitter’s search widget) is an interface to this search engine. Our search service is not meant to be an exhaustive archive of public tweets and not all tweets are indexed or returned. Some results are refined to better combat spam and increase relevance. Due to capacity constraints, the index currently only covers about a week’s worth of tweets. (Twitter, “Frequently Asked Questions”)Because external researchers do not have access to the full, “raw” data, against which we could compare the retrieved archives which we use in our later analyses, and because our data access regimes rely so heavily on Twitter’s APIs—each with its technical quirks and limitations—it is impossible for us to say with any certainty that we are capturing a complete archive or even a “representative” sample (whatever “representative” might mean in a data-driven, textualist paradigm). In other words, the “lists” of tweets delivered to us on the basis of a keyword search are not necessarily complete; and there is no way of knowing how incomplete they are. The total yield of even the most robust capture system (using the Streaming API and not relying only on Search) depends on a number of variables: rate limiting, the filtering and spam-limiting functions of Twitter’s search algorithm, server outages and so on; further, because Twitter prohibits the sharing of data sets it is difficult to compare notes with other research teams.In terms of epistemology, too, the primary reliance on large datasets produces a new mode of scholarship in media, communication and cultural studies: what emerges is a form of data-driven research which tends towards abductive reasoning; in doing so, it highlights tensions between the traditional research questions in discourse or text-based disciplines like media and communication studies, and the assumptions and modes of pattern recognition that are required when working from the “inside out” of a corpus, rather than from the outside in (for an extended discussion of these epistemological issues in the digital humanities more generally, see Dixon).Finally, even the heuristics of our analyses of Twitter datasets are mediated by the API: the datapoints that are hardwired into the data naturally become the most salient, further shaping the type of analysis that can be done. For example, a common process in our research is to use the syntax of tweets to categorise it as one of the following types of activity: original tweets: tweets which are neither @reply nor retweetretweets: tweets which contain RT @user… (or similar) unedited retweets: retweets which start with RT @user… edited retweets: retweets do not start with RT @user…genuine @replies: tweets which contain @user, but are not retweetsURL sharing: tweets which contain URLs(Retweets which are made using the Twitter “retweet button,” resulting in verbatim passing-along without the RT @user syntax or an opportunity to add further comment during the retweet process, form yet another category, which cannot be tracked particularly effectively using the Twitter API.)These categories are driven by the textual and technical markers of specific kinds of interactions that are built into the syntax of Twitter itself (@replies or @mentions, RTs); and specific modes of referentiality (URLs). All of them focus on (and thereby tend to privilege) more informational modes of communication, rather than the ephemeral, affective, or ambiently intimate uses of Twitter that can be illuminated more easily using ethnographic approaches: approaches that can actually focus on the individual user, their social contexts, and the broader cultural context of the traces they leave on Twitter. ConclusionsIn this article we have described and reflected on some of the sociotechnical, political and economic aspects of the lists of tweets—the structured Twitter data upon which our research relies—which may be gathered using the Twitter API. As we have argued elsewhere (Bruns and Burgess)—and, hopefully, have begun to demonstrate in this paper—media and communication studies scholars who are actually engaged in using computational methods are well-positioned to contribute to both the methodological advances we highlight at the beginning of this paper and the political debates around computational methods in the “big social data” moment on which the discussion in the second part of the paper focusses. One pressing issue in the area of methodology is to build on current advances to bring together large-scale datamining approaches with ethnographic and other qualitative approaches, especially including close textual analysis. More broadly, in engaging with the “big social data” moment there is a pressing need for the development of code literacy in media, communication and cultural studies. In the first place, such literacy has important instrumental uses: as Manovich argues, much big data research in the humanities requires costly and time-consuming (and sometimes alienating) partnerships with technical experts (typically, computer scientists), because the free tools available to non-programmers are still limited in utility in comparison to what can be achieved using raw data and original code (Manovich, 472).But code literacy is also a requirement of scholarly rigour in the context of what David Berry calls the “computational turn,” representing a “third wave” of Digital Humanities. Berry suggests code and software might increasingly become in themselves objects of, and not only tools for, research: I suggest that we introduce a humanistic approach to the subject of computer code, paying attention to the wider aspects of code and software, and connecting them to the materiality of this growing digital world. With this in mind, the question of code becomes increasingly important for understanding in the digital humanities, and serves as a condition of possibility for the many new computational forms that mediate our experience of contemporary culture and society. (Berry 17)A first step here lies in developing a more robust working knowledge of the conceptual models and methodological priorities assumed by the workings of both the tools and the sources we use for “big social data” research. Understanding how something like the Twitter API mediates the cultures of use of the platform, as well as reflexively engaging with its mediating role in data-driven Twitter research, promotes a much more materialist critical understanding of the politics of the social media platforms (Gillespie) that are now such powerful actors in the media ecology. ReferencesBerry, David M. “Introduction: Understanding Digital Humanities.” Understanding Digital Humanities. Ed. David M. Berry. 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