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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Semi-authoritarian regimes

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Academic literature on the topic 'Semi-authoritarian regimes'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Semi-authoritarian regimes"

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Dyussenov, Mergen. "The Role of ICT in Addressing Corruption Across Political Regimes." Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan 9, no. 1 (2019): 42–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.26618/ojip.v9i1.1508.

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The paper reviews existing literature on the role of the internet in addressing corruption by breaking it down into instrumental, important, and critical roles, across two types of political regimes – (semi-)authoritarian and democracies. It analyzes the key resources and strategies utilized by governments and activists across these regimes, and looks into the common themes that emerge as a result of analyzing literature sources, i.e. the notion of crisis, lack of a single accepted definition of corruption across nations, factors found to positively correlate with reduced corruption, and the e

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Laruelle, Marlene. "Urban Regimes in Russia’s Northern Cities: Testing a Concept in a New Environment." ARCTIC 73, no. 1 (2020): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.14430/arctic69933.

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At a time when urbanization represents a major trend in human history and when the majority of the world’s population lives in an urban environment, the urban regime theory, developed by Clarence Stone in the 1980s, offers an insightful framework for discussing how urban stakeholders are compelled to work together to achieve their goals. While research on urban regimes has historically focused mainly on democratic contexts, this article argues that it is time to use urban regime theory in authoritarian or semi-authoritarian countries in order to better understand how urban politics develop. Wi

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Sarkissian, Ani. "Religious Regulation and the Muslim Democracy Gap." Politics and Religion 5, no. 3 (2012): 501–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048312000284.

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AbstractThis article argues that high levels of government regulation of religion help to explain the “democracy gap” in majority Muslim countries. Controlling for previously hypothesized determinants of democracy, it finds that as levels of regulation increase, levels of democracy decline. Examination of specific types of religious regulation in Muslim-majority countries uncovers a pattern of repression of religious expression that may be used to mobilize citizens politically. These regulations are targeted more often at Muslims who seek independence from state-controlled religion or who wish

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Khoo, Boo Teik. "Political Turbulence and Stalemate in Contemporary Malaysia: Oligarchic Reconstitutions and Insecurities." TRaNS: Trans -Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia 6, no. 2 (2018): 227–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/trn.2018.7.

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AbstractMalaysian politics has been turbulent over the past two decades, as seen in the damaged tradition of leadership transition, non-violent revolts against successive regimes, and unstable realignments of opposing forces. Two startling symptoms point to disorder. One is the heavy electoral losses and loss of legitimacy suffered by the post-Mahathir regimes. The other is the political re-entry of Anwar Ibrahim and Mahathir Mohamad. The persisting turbulence raises certain questions. Why has the ruling party, the United Malays National Organization, been susceptible to internal fighting, bei

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Gimpelson, V., and G. Monusova. "Trust in the Police: Cross-country Comparisons." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 11 (November 20, 2012): 24–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2012-11-24-47.

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Using different cross-country data sets and simple econometric techniques we study public attitudes towards the police. More positive attitudes are more likely to emerge in the countries that have better functioning democratic institutions, less prone to corruption but enjoy more transparent and accountable police activity. This has a stronger impact on the public opinion (trust and attitudes) than objective crime rates or density of policemen. Citizens tend to trust more in those (policemen) with whom they share common values and can have some control over. The latter is a function of democra

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Abbott, Jason P. "Cacophony or Empowerment? Analysing the Impact of New Information Communication Technologies and New Social Media in Southeast Asia." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 30, no. 4 (2011): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341103000401.

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The capabilities, tools and websites we associate with new information communication technologies and social media are now ubiquitous. Moreover tools that were designed to facilitate innocuous conversation and social interaction have had unforeseen political impacts. Nowhere was this more visible than during the 2011 uprisings across the Arab World. From Tunis to Cairo, and Tripoli to Damascus protest movements against authoritarian rule openly utilized social networking and file sharing tools to publicize and organize demonstrations and to catalogue human rights abuses. The Arab Spring, or Ja

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Fernandes, Tiago. "Authoritarian Regimes and Pro-Democracy Semi-Oppositions: The End of the Portuguese Dictatorship (1968–1974) in Comparative Perspective." Democratization 14, no. 4 (2007): 686–705. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510340701398345.

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Gyene, Pál István. "“Rentier states” or the relationship between regime stability and exercising power in post-Soviet Central Asia." Society and Economy 38, no. 2 (2016): 171–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/204.2016.38.2.3.

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The paper intends to give an insight into the relations of the economic and political systems of the Central Asian republics using the theoretical framework of the “rentier economy” and “rentier state” approach. The main findings of the paper are that two (Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan) of the five states examined are commodity export dependent “full-scale” rentier states. The two political systems are of a stable neo-patrimonial regime character, while the Kyrgyz Republic and Tajikistan, poor in natural resources but dependent on external rents, may be described as “semi-rentier” states or “ren

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Seyidov, Ilgar. "“As quiet as a mouse”: Media use in Azerbaijan." Communications 45, s1 (2020): 893–911. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/commun-2020-0021.

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AbstractDuring the Soviet period, the media served as one of the main propagandist tools of the authoritarian regime, using a standardized and monotype media system across the Soviet Republics. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, 15 countries became independent. The transition from Soviet communism to capitalism has led to the reconstruction of economic, socio-cultural, and political systems. One of the most affected institutions in post-Soviet countries was the media. Media have played a supportive role during rough times, when there was, on the one hand, the struggle for liberation and s

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Domachowska, Agata B. "Przywództwo polityczne w ramach „stabilokracji” a stan demokracji: przykład Serbii." Przegląd Europejski, Tom 1 (March 30, 2020): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31971/1641-2478pe.1.20.9.

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The aim of this article is an attempt to answer the question of the impact of Aleksander Vucic political leadership on democracy in Serbia. In this analysis it will be used the new concept of stabilitocracy which describes the semi-authoritarian regimes in the Western Balkans. Furthermore, in order to measure the state of democracy in Serbia I will analyse the Democracy Index produced by The Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), Nations in Transit reports (Freedom House) and the Press Freedom Index published by Reporters Without Borders. I will summarize the article with some conclusions regardin

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Semi-authoritarian regimes"

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Damnjanovic, Milos. "The breakdown of semi-authoritarian regimes : the role of domestic and international actors in bringing about democratic transitions in Serbia and Croatia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.543693.

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King, Sophie. "Can NGOs cultivate supportive conditions for social democratic development? : the case of a research and development NGO in Western Uganda." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/can-ngos-cultivate-supportive-conditions-for-social-democratic-development-the-case-of-a-research-and-development-ngo-in-western-uganda(2c611672-a7f5-40a8-97f8-2df5298a6df9).html.

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There is an emergent consensus that the ‘poverty reduction through good governance’ agenda has failed to meet expectations. The capacity of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to cultivate the political economies and state-society synergies that might be supportive of more pro-poor development trajectories is contested. Advocates of inclusive liberalism identify increased political space for NGOs focused on popular empowerment and policy influence within the participatory spaces created by the good governance agenda. More radical critiques cast NGOs as apolitical brokers of neo-liberal devel

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Books on the topic "Semi-authoritarian regimes"

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Brooker, Paul. 6. Authoritarian regimes. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737421.003.0008.

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This chapter examines the concept of an authoritarian regime. Aside from the fact that they are not democracies, authoritarian regimes have little in common and are considerably diverse: from monarchies to military regimes, from clergy-dominated regimes to communist regimes, and from seeking a totalitarian control of thought through indoctrination to seeking recognition as a multiparty democracy through using semi-competitive elections. The chapter first traces the historical evolution of authoritarian regimes, with particular emphasis on the three-phase modernization of dictatorship in the ni

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Egreteau, Renaud. Caretaking Democratization. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190620967.001.0001.

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This book examines the political landscape that followed the 2010 elections in Myanmar and the subsequent transition from direct military rule to a semi-civilian, ‘hybrid’ regime. Striking political, social, and economic transformations have indeed taken place in the long-isolated country since the military junta disbanded in March 2011. To better construe – and question – what has routinely been labelled a ‘Burmese Spring’, the book examines the reasons behind the ongoing political transition, as well as the role of the Burmese armed forces in the process. The book draws on in-depth interview

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Book chapters on the topic "Semi-authoritarian regimes"

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Mustapha, Marda. "The 2012 General Elections in Sierra Leone: Democratic Consolidation or Semi-authoritarian Regime." In Democratization and Human Security in Postwar Sierra Leone. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137486745_6.

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Eizenga, Daniel, and Leonardo A. Villalón. "The Undoing of a Semi-authoritarian Regime: The Term Limit Debate and the Fall of Blaise Compaoré in Burkina Faso." In The Politics of Challenging Presidential Term Limits in Africa. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-40810-7_5.

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Chen, Weitseng. "Same Bed, Different Dreams." In The Global South and Comparative Constitutional Law. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198850403.003.0011.

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This chapter analyses legality in hybrid regimes in Asia, which refers to countries categorized by varying strands of literature as ‘semi-democracy’, ‘competitive authoritarianism’, or ‘electoral authoritarian regimes’. This type of hybrid regime is common in Asia and very much a product of the contemporary world where the functionalities of legality and constitutional law are recognized by not only democratic countries but also authoritarian states. This essay seeks to answer three questions: first, why would authoritarians accept the idea of legality and what exactly do they mean by legality? Second, what makes authoritarian legality functional and stable? Third, what are the factors that provide the conditions for the transition towards a more liberal and democratic system? The experience of East Asian hybrid regimes shows that authoritarian legality and constitutionalism is not only possible but actually exists in many Asian states associated with reputed prosperity. That being said, various limitations exist. It is also theoretically problematic and empirically wrong to assume a linear theory about the trajectory of legality development moving towards democracy.

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Wampler, Brian, Stephanie McNulty, and Michael Touchton. "Conclusion: The Frontiers of PB." In Participatory Budgeting in Global Perspective. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192897756.003.0008.

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This chapter summarizes the main findings about PB’s adoption, adaptation, and impact. It raises questions about PB’s future and the limited evidence that continues to hamper researchers and policymakers’ ability to make key policy recommendations. PB is now used in settings as diverse as large cities in wealthy industrialized democracies, rural, low-income villages in countries governed by semi-authoritarian regimes, municipalities of middle-income countries in the Global South, and a variety of contexts in authoritarian countries. This diversity of program types and institutional contexts showcases the allure of PB around the world. Yet, it also highlights the challenges facing policymakers as they consider creating their own programs. The chapter ends with a conceptual discussion to guide policymakers as they adopt or support PB in the future.

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Dean, Laura A. "Diffusing human trafficking policy adoption." In Diffusing Human Trafficking Policy in Eurasia. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447352839.003.0003.

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Chapter Two narrows the focus to a case study analysis of Russia, Latvia, and Ukraine and examines how human trafficking policies diffuse in these three most-similar case studies from Eurasia. The results demonstrate that internal determinants such as state commitment to human trafficking policy and interest group strength are more important to policy adoption than external pressures from the international community. Conversely, state capacity and bureaucratic restructuring impede policy adoption. Instead of identifying international influence as an all-encompassing reason for policy adoption, data suggested that policy adoption was influenced by multifaceted pressures such as the Palermo Protocol, US TIP reports, the Council of Europe, and EU and ultimately country dependent. The chapter argues that policymaking is more nuanced than blind compliance with international treaties, as the literature suggests, and reveals that there is no black box of policymaking because even in authoritarian (Russia) and semi-authoritarian (Ukraine) regimes, policymaking does not occur in a vacuum. This type of policymaking shows that interest groups and policy entrepreneurs work within the constraints of national policymaking to adopt human trafficking policies even in non-democratic political systems.

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Pinckney, Jonathan C. "“Power Is Sweet”." In From Dissent to Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190097301.003.0006.

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This chapter presents the second of three case studies of civil resistance transitions (CRTs) and the impact of the challenges of mobilization and maximalism in CRTs. The case examined is the transition in Zambia following the Movement for Multiparty Democracy’s campaign against Zambia’s one-party authoritarian regime. The case study finds that low levels of mobilization during the transition led to a lack of accountability for new leaders, facilitating an increase in corruption and derailing Zambia’s move to democracy. Instead the regime that has been consolidated over time is an elite semi-democracy, in which elites dominate the politics for their own benefit and ordinary people have little impact on political outcomes.

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Pinckney, Jonathan C. "“The Elephant’s Tail”." In From Dissent to Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190097301.003.0005.

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This chapter presents the first of three case studies of civil resistance transitions (CRTs) and the impact of the challenges of mobilization and maximalism in CRTs. The case examined is the transition in Nepal following the 2006 Second People’s Movement that overthrew the Nepali monarchy. The case study shows that while the Nepali transition had high levels of social mobilization, its high levels of maximalism have undermined the consolidation of new democratic institutions and led to Nepal’s transitioning to a fractious semi-democracy. Nepal’s various political forces have used revolutionary goals and tactics to undermine each other’s power position and prevent the establishment of new democratic institutions. As a result, a new democratic regime has been slow to appear and is fragile to authoritarian reversal.

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Gagliardone, Iginio. "The Technopolitics of the Ethiopian Nation." In Knowledge Development and Social Change through Technology. IGI Global, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-60960-507-0.ch016.

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This chapter addresses how state actors in the developing world have influenced technology adoption and favoured the diffusion of certain uses of ICTs while discouraging others. Drawing upon extensive field research and looking at the evolution of ICTs in Ethiopia, it examines how a semi-authoritarian, yet developmentally oriented regime, has actively sought to mediate the – either real or imagined – destabilising aspects of ICTs while embracing them as a tool for nation-building. A constructivist framework as developed in international relations and history of technology is employed to understand how the introduction of the new ICT framework as promoted by international organizations has been mediated both by the results of the socialization of earlier technologies in Ethiopia and by the national project pursued by the local political elite.

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