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Journal articles on the topic 'Seneca Elder'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 February 2022

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1

McGill, Scott. "Seneca the Elder on Plagiarizing Cicero's Verrines." Rhetorica 23, no. 4 (2005): 337–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2005.23.4.337.

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Abstract In a comment on the age in which he was writing, Seneca the Elder states inSuas. 2.19 that anyone can plagiarize Cicero's Verrines with impunity. Critics have taken Seneca's assertion as a sign of diminished familiarity with the In Verrem and of Cicero's diminished popularity. This article offers a different interpretation. Seneca assails the inattentiveness of contemporary audiences as they listen to declamations in the rhetorical schools, not their ignorance of theVerrines or aversion to Cicero. Seneca incorporates the In Verrem into that critique due to its emblematic length in order to satirize the audiences' carelessness. The use of theVerrines as a symbol relies for its effect on the easy identification of the text and its size, and consequently points to the fame of that title and its length, as well as of its author Cicero, in the 30s CE.

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2

Trinacty, Christopher V. "RETROSPECTIVE READING IN SENECAN TRAGEDY." Ramus 46, no. 1-2 (December 2017): 175–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2017.9.

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Conclusions matter in Senecan prose and poetry. At the conclusion of his epistles, Seneca often includes an unexpected quote or alters his subject-matter in a surprising manner—a technique that Fowler has helpfully classified as an example of ‘Romantic Irony’ in the vein of Heine or selected Horatian odes. His dialogues display a similar penchant for such endings, e.g. the post-mortem speech of Cremutius Cordus to his daughter, Marcia, in the finale of the Consolatio ad Marciam (Dial. 6.26.2-7). Seneca's tragedies likewise conclude in a beguiling fashion, ‘Part of the dramatic force of the Senecan ending is its avoidance of any note of easy resolution; it serves rather to sharpen and/or problematize the central issues of the particular play.’ As a way to further encourage the reader to question or recognize major themes of the play, Seneca's conclusions feature an intertext that casts these themes in a different light or elicits metapoetic commentary. These intertexts stress ideas and language important to the particular play, especially those found in the prologue, in order to create a type of ring-composition to the tragedy as a whole. This paper investigates these intertexts and indicates not only how they operate on an inter/intratextual level, but also why Seneca would think of the texts that he does at the conclusion of his tragedies. Seneca looks back to some of his major literary influences at the conclusions of his plays (Ovid, Horace, and Virgil unsurprisingly; Seneca the Elder perhaps more surprisingly), which reveals that these moments are diagnostic of his intertextual method in general. The larger situational or generic context of the sources shade the words uttered by Senecan protagonists, but Seneca stresses the tragic impact of such intertextual echoes again and again; Seneca tragicus surely is a pessimistic reader of the Augustan tradition. The reiteration of similar language and imagery throughout the play ‘primes’ the reader to recognize the intertext at the play's conclusion—thus intratextual repetitions signpost the intertextual reference. Seneca wants these references to be noticed; he promotes a retrospective reading technique in which these intertexts recast language and themes found earlier in the play, now vis-à-vis the literary and rhetorical source material. In creating such dense verbal connections, he encourages further contemplation of the major motifs of the tragedies and inherently endorses the position of his plays as ‘open’ texts that beg for further supplementation by further reading and rereading, again and again.

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3

Bennett, Beth S. "Spanish Declaimers in the Elder Seneca." Advances in the History of Rhetoric 10, no. 1 (January 2007): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15362426.2007.10557273.

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4

Ramsey, John T. "The Elder Seneca, Controversiae 2.1.1: sub domino sectore." Classical Quarterly 54, no. 1 (May 2004): 307–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/54.1.307.

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5

Echavarren, Arturo. "THE EMERGENCE OF A NOVEL ONOMASTIC PATTERN: COGNOMEN + NOMEN IN SENECA THE ELDER." Classical Quarterly 63, no. 1 (April 24, 2013): 353–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838812000638.

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The formula cognomen + nomen, as portrayed in Latronis enim Porcii (Sen. Controv. 1 praef. 13), the first double-name reference without praenomen in Seneca the Elder's work (henceforth referred to simply as Seneca), emerged as a result of the radical changes which the Roman onomastic system began to experience at the end of the Republic. On account of a wide variety of factors, both social and linguistic, the cognomen seized the role of diacritic name and individual signifier, having ousted praenomen from its ancient throne; the relatively limited number of praenomina in common use contributed substantially to their waning. The formulae of two constituents visibly reflected the progressive decline of praenomina; during the Early Principate double names still represented the usual formal means of reference (tria nomina being highly formal, mostly occurring in official contexts), but it mostly consisted of nomen + cognomen rather than praenomen + nomen or praenomen + cognomen. The formula nomen + cognomen, which developed once personal cognomina began to spread among the lesser classes, was primarily crafted for addressing men of ambiguous status, peregrini and freedmen. Thus, Cicero tends to avoid its use in naming members of the nobility, whom he refers to with a clear preference for the older, lustrous conjunction praenomen + cognomen.

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6

Pernot, Laurent. "“Figured Speech” in Seneca the Elder: A Glimpse of Ovid’s Rhetorical Education." Arethusa 53, no. 3 (2020): 225–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/are.2020.0008.

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7

Leigh, Matthew. "Seneca the Elder, the Controuersia Figurata, and the Political Discourse of the Early Empire." Classical Antiquity 40, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 118–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2021.40.1.118.

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This paper studies examples of how exponents of Roman declamation could insert into arguments on the trivial, even fantastic, cases known as controuersiae statements of striking relevance to the political culture of the triumviral and early imperial period. This is particularly apparent in the Controuersiae of Seneca the Elder but some traces remain in the Minor Declamations attributed to Quintilian. The boundaries separating Rome itself from the declamatory city referred to by modern scholars as Sophistopolis are significantly blurred even in those instances where the exercise does not turn on a specific event from Roman history, and there is much to be gained from how the declaimers deploy Roman historical examples. Some of the most sophisticated instances of mediated political comment exploit the employment of universalizing sententiae, which have considerable bite when they are related to contemporary Roman discourse and experience. The declamation schools are a forum for thinking through the implications of the transformation of the Roman state and deserve a place within any history of Roman political thought.

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8

Zinsmaier, Thomas. "Zwischen Erzählung und Argumentation: colores in den pseudoquintilianischen Declamationes maiores." Rhetorica 27, no. 3 (2009): 256–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2009.27.3.256.

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Abstract As a designation for specific arguments providing clever explanations or excuses in mock-forensic speeches (controversiae), the technical metaphor color is mainly known from the work of Seneca the Elder. But while the many colores he cites lack their speech context, the Major Declamations ascribed to Quintilian give a unique opportunity to study the techniques of “colouring” within the framework of entire speeches. After a reconsideration of what we know about the origin and the exact meaning of color, this article demonstrates the dual function of colores as a means both of generating arguments and of creating stories, i.e. as a device that is rhetorical as well as literary.

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9

Winterbottom, Michael. "The Elder Seneca - Lennart Håkanson (ed.): L. Annaeus Seneca Maior, Oratorum et Rhetorum Sententiae, Divisiones, Colores. (Bibl. Teubneriana.) Pp. xxiii + 384. Leipzig: Teubner, 1989. DM 78." Classical Review 41, no. 2 (October 1991): 338–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00280360.

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10

Cohen, Sheldon G. "Famous Asthmatics: A Continuing Series – Biographies: Pliny the Elder; Al Afdal; Henri de Mondeville; Lucius Annaeus Seneca." Allergy and Asthma Proceedings 16, no. 4 (July 1, 1995): 209–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2500/108854195778666865.

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11

Sinclair, Patrick. "Political Declensions in Latin Grammar and Oratory 55 BCE - CE 39." Ramus 23, no. 1-2 (1994): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x0000240x.

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In a discussion of the rhetorical styles of Caesar and the early principes, Fronto formulates the maxim thatimperium…non potestatis tantummodo uocabulum, sed etiam orationis(‘’command’…is a word connoting not only power, but also oratory’ [p.123.16-17 van den Hout]). This essay will explore the political background and implications of trends and shifts in Roman ways of thinking about language and oratory in the transition from Republic to Principate. The word declension in my title functions in two senses: literally, in the case of Caesar's discussion of the nature of the Latin language (inDe Analogia) and his rivalry with Cicero's views on oratorical style; and figuratively, in the perception of decline in oratory expressed by the elder Seneca and other writers of the early Principate. I hope to be able to present a new approach to, and understanding of, both these aspects.

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12

Kulawiak-Cyrankowska, Joanna. "The Death Penalty, the “Marriage Penalty” and Some Remarks on the Utility of Senecan Research in the Study of Roman Law." Studia Iuridica 80 (September 17, 2019): 197–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.4800.

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The problem in the 5th controversia from the work of Lucius Annaeus Seneca the Elder, entitled Oratorum et rhetorum sententiae divisiones colores, is presented as follows: one man seduced two women during the same night. According to the law, which in the literature is referred to as lex raptarum, a woman who was kidnapped may choose between the death penalty for the ravisher or marrying him, but without giving him a dowry. Here, two women were granted the right of option and one of them demanded the death of the man, but the other wanted to marry him. The declaimers were trying to find an answer to the question: which solution is worthier to prevail? Since, in fact, the main problem raised in the controversia is the interpretation of law, it constituted quite a significant intellectual challenge. The declaimers employed very impressive legal reasoning techniques. This controversia constitutes then not only an interesting starting point to conduct the research on the borderline of law and declamation, but also might be a strong argument that the law and rhetoric, at least in some aspects, could have been complementary to each other.

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13

Antonescu, Bogdan, David M. Schultz, Hugo M. A. M. Ricketts, and Dragoş Ene. "Theories on Tornado and Waterspout Formation in Ancient Greece and Rome." Weather, Climate, and Society 11, no. 4 (October 1, 2019): 889–900. http://dx.doi.org/10.1175/wcas-d-19-0057.1.

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Abstract Tornadoes and waterspouts have long fascinated humankind through their presence in myths and popular beliefs and originally were believed to have supernatural causes. The first theories explaining weather phenomena as having natural causes were proposed by ancient Greek natural philosophers. Aristotle was one of the first natural philosophers to speculate about the formation of tornadoes and waterspouts in Meteorologica (circa 340 BCE). Aristotle believed that tornadoes and waterspouts were associated with the wind trapped inside the cloud and moving in a circular motion. When the wind escapes the cloud, its descending motion carries the cloud with it, leading to the formation of a typhon (i.e., tornado or waterspout). His theories were adopted and further nuanced by other Greek philosophers such as Theophrastus and Epicurus. Aristotle’s ideas also influenced Roman philosophers such as Lucretius, Seneca, and Pliny the Elder, who further developed his ideas and also added their own speculations (e.g., tornadoes do not need a parent cloud). Almost ignored, Meteorologica was translated into Latin in the twelfth century, initially from an Arabic version, leading to much greater influence over the next centuries and into the Renaissance. In the seventeenth century, the first book-length studies on tornadoes and waterspouts were published in Italy and France, marking the beginning of theoretical and observational studies on these phenomena in Europe. Even if speculations about tornadoes and waterspouts proposed by Greek and Roman authors were cited after the nineteenth century only as historical pieces, core ideas of modern theories explaining these vortices can be traced back to this early literature.

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14

Hudson, Jared M. "THE EMPIRE IN THE EPITOME: FLORUS AND THE CONQUEST OF HISTORIOGRAPHY." Ramus 48, no. 01 (June 2019): 54–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2019.9.

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Sorting out just what Florus’ condensed work of history is has proved a significant impediment to an understanding of what it might mean. F.R.D. Goodyear's terse précis of Florus ‘The historian’—carefully decoupled from ‘The orator’ and ‘The poet’—in the Cambridge History of Classical Literature begins tellingly: ‘Florus’ outline of Roman history, ending with Augustus, was in late antiquity inaccurately described as an epitome of Livy.’ This is accurate enough. Despite the transmitted title, Epitoma(e) de Tito Liuio (also Bellorum omnium annorum septingentorum libri n. duo), Florus’ work is notably distinct from, say, Justin's abridgment of Pompeius Trogus or the Livian Periochae. Livy looms large in Florus’ history, but at no point in the text is he signaled by name, and numerous structural and thematic features mark this diminutive work's divergence from its huge predecessor. Florus’ Tableau (Jal's chosen title) simply doesn't read as mere paraphrase of Ab urbe condita. He frequently reshuffles, omits, or contradicts material found in Livy, or covers content that Livy does not include, or does not reach chronologically. Alongside Livy, Cato, Caesar, Sallust, Virgil, Seneca the Elder, Lucan, and (seemingly) Tacitus are conspicuous presences in Florus. Much has been said about how Florus fails to be a proper epitome. However, and perhaps more significantly as regards the reception of Florus’ quirky historiography, Goodyear's emphatic non-definition reinforces a summary dismissal of Florus’ value as a text. That is to say, in such a portrayal (and in that of many others), Florus suffers double punishment. He ‘has little to say which is new or remarkable’, but at the same time definitely fails as a reliable compiler. Derivative, and yet faithless: whatever Florus may be, he is something worse than epitome.

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15

Bloomer, W. Martin. "The Elder Seneca - (E.) Berti Scholasticorum Studia. Seneca il Vecchio e la cultura retorica e letteraria della prima età imperiale. (Biblioteca di ‘Materiali e Discussioni per l'Analisi dei Testi Classici’ 20.) Pp. 408. Pisa: Giardini, 2007. Paper, €84 (Cased, €168). ISBN: 978-88-427-1476-7 (978-88-427-1477-4 hbk)." Classical Review 59, no. 2 (September 15, 2009): 469–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x09000663.

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16

SHACKLETON BAILEY, D. R. "MORE ON SENECA THE ELDER." Philologus 137, no. 1 (January 1, 1993). http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/phil.1993.137.1.38.

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17

"IV. The First Century A.D." New Surveys in the Classics 27 (1997): 82–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s053324510003025x.

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‘The Roman historians subsequent to Livy’, pronounced Sir Ronald Syme, ‘have perished utterly.’ It is true that most of the historians who wrote in the century between Livy and Tacitus, whether well known (e.g. the elder Seneca and the elder Pliny) or less familiar (e.g. Servilius Nonianus and Fabius Rusticus), have survived only in fragments or not at all; but there are two exceptions, Velleius Paterculus and Curtius.

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18

Ramsey, John T. "ADDENDUM TO ‘DID CICERO “PROSCRIBE” MARCUS ANTONIUS?’." Classical Quarterly, March 29, 2021, 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838821000586.

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Abstract This note adduces three passages in Seneca the Elder to reinforce a demonstration in CQ 69 (2019), 793–8001 that the text of Plin. HN 7.117 has suffered corruption in one of its clauses and requires emendation to restore Pliny's intent. This additional evidence concerns a trope employed by declaimers which could have predisposed a scribe to alter Pliny's text to state that Cicero proscribed Mark Antony. Such a statement has no place in a list of achievements that otherwise all belong to Cicero's consulship twenty years earlier in 63 b.c.

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