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Journal articles on the topic 'Seneca'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Mayne, Emily. "Presenting Seneca in Print: Elizabethan Translations and Thomas Newton’s Seneca His Tenne Tragedies." Review of English Studies 70, no. 297 (April 19, 2019): 823–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgz022.

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Abstract Seneca His Tenne Tragedies (1581) was the first printed collection of Seneca’s tragedies in English. This article re-examines this publication in the context of early modern production of collected unannotated editions of Seneca’s tragedies on the European mainland, and of the editorial and intellectual interests of its compiler, Thomas Newton. It identifies Newton as something of an early modern ‘print professional’, who was involved in the production of a wide variety of texts, translations, and commendatory poetry, and who used a variety of sophisticated strategies in print to draw attention to and to promote his own capacities and achievements; and it shows how the Tenne Tragedies participates in these practices. Attending to Newton’s activities alongside Jasper Heywood’s translation of Hercules furens reveals significant discontinuities in approach between the Tenne Tragedies and one of its constituent texts. Heywood’s translation first appeared in 1561 in a parallel-text format that was not designed for inclusion in a single-language collection such as the Tenne Tragedies, as one early modern reader’s response to the translation in this later printed context may show. Newton’s presentation of the Tenne Tragedies volume, and his particular attitude towards ‘Seneca’, complicates current critical understanding of the reception and uses of Senecan tragedy in Elizabethan England, and of any ‘project’ of Senecan translation in the period, which may be more an effect of Newton’s editorial proclivities, combined with modern understanding of Seneca as a single author, than reflective of attitudes towards Senecan tragedy in early modern England more generally.

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2

Braund, Susanna. "TABLEAUX AND SPECTACLES: APPRECIATION OF SENECAN TRAGEDY BY EUROPEAN DRAMATISTS OF THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES." Ramus 46, no. 1-2 (December 2017): 135–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2017.7.

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Did Sophocles or Seneca exercise a greater influence on Renaissance drama? While the twenty-first century public might assume the Greek dramatist, in recent decades literary scholars have come to appreciate that the model of tragedy for the Renaissance was the plays of the Roman Seneca rather than those of the Athenian tragedians. In his important essay on Seneca and Shakespeare written in 1932, T.S. Eliot wrote that Senecan sensibility was ‘the most completely absorbed and transmogrified, because it was already the most diffused’ in Shakespeare's world. Tony Boyle, one of the leading rehabilitators of Seneca in recent years, has rightly said, building on the work of Robert Miola and Gordon Braden in particular, that ‘Seneca encodes Renaissance theatre’ from the time that Albertino Mussato wrote his neo-Latin tragedy Ecerinis in 1315 on into the seventeenth century. The present essay offers a complement and supplement to previous scholarship arguing that Seneca enjoyed a status at least equal to that of the Athenian tragedians for European dramatists of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. My method will be to examine two plays, one in French and one in English, where the authors have combined dramatic elements taken from Seneca with elements taken from Sophocles. My examples are Robert Garnier's play, staged and published in 1580, entitled Antigone ou La Piété (Antigone or Piety), and the highly popular play by John Dryden and Nathaniel Lee entitled Oedipus, A Tragedy, staged in 1678 and published the following year.

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3

Boyle, A. J. "SENECAN POSTSCRIPT." Ramus 46, no. 1-2 (December 2017): 197–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2017.10.

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Eliot was always right to a degree, banally so. Much of the visceral, emotional and intellectual force of Senecan tragedy, like that of the great Elizabethan and Jacobean dramatists whom Seneca inspired, is necessarily verbal. But, as Trinacty's closural analysis and the other studies of this volume attest, there are ‘further realities’—many and diverse: poetic, theatrical, political, rhetorical, psychological, moral, cultural—‘behind’ the language itself. This collection of critical essays is the latest manifestation of the resurgence of Senecan scholarly and intellectual energy which has taken place in the thirty plus years since the 1983 publication of the Ramus volume on Seneca Tragicus. That volume not only displayed with disdain the above quotation from Eliot, but paraded itself lamentably as ‘the first collection of critical essays devoted specifically to Senecan tragedy to be published in English’.

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4

Trinacty, Christopher V. "RETROSPECTIVE READING IN SENECAN TRAGEDY." Ramus 46, no. 1-2 (December 2017): 175–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2017.9.

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Conclusions matter in Senecan prose and poetry. At the conclusion of his epistles, Seneca often includes an unexpected quote or alters his subject-matter in a surprising manner—a technique that Fowler has helpfully classified as an example of ‘Romantic Irony’ in the vein of Heine or selected Horatian odes. His dialogues display a similar penchant for such endings, e.g. the post-mortem speech of Cremutius Cordus to his daughter, Marcia, in the finale of the Consolatio ad Marciam (Dial. 6.26.2-7). Seneca's tragedies likewise conclude in a beguiling fashion, ‘Part of the dramatic force of the Senecan ending is its avoidance of any note of easy resolution; it serves rather to sharpen and/or problematize the central issues of the particular play.’ As a way to further encourage the reader to question or recognize major themes of the play, Seneca's conclusions feature an intertext that casts these themes in a different light or elicits metapoetic commentary. These intertexts stress ideas and language important to the particular play, especially those found in the prologue, in order to create a type of ring-composition to the tragedy as a whole. This paper investigates these intertexts and indicates not only how they operate on an inter/intratextual level, but also why Seneca would think of the texts that he does at the conclusion of his tragedies. Seneca looks back to some of his major literary influences at the conclusions of his plays (Ovid, Horace, and Virgil unsurprisingly; Seneca the Elder perhaps more surprisingly), which reveals that these moments are diagnostic of his intertextual method in general. The larger situational or generic context of the sources shade the words uttered by Senecan protagonists, but Seneca stresses the tragic impact of such intertextual echoes again and again; Seneca tragicus surely is a pessimistic reader of the Augustan tradition. The reiteration of similar language and imagery throughout the play ‘primes’ the reader to recognize the intertext at the play's conclusion—thus intratextual repetitions signpost the intertextual reference. Seneca wants these references to be noticed; he promotes a retrospective reading technique in which these intertexts recast language and themes found earlier in the play, now vis-à-vis the literary and rhetorical source material. In creating such dense verbal connections, he encourages further contemplation of the major motifs of the tragedies and inherently endorses the position of his plays as ‘open’ texts that beg for further supplementation by further reading and rereading, again and again.

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5

Colakis, Marianthe, Seneca, and A. J. Boyle. "Seneca Tragicus: Ramus Essays on Senecan Drama." Classical World 80, no. 1 (1986): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4349986.

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6

Batinski, Emily E. "Seneca." Ancient Philosophy 9, no. 2 (1989): 351–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil19899219.

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7

Graver, Margaret. "Seneca." Ancient Philosophy 26, no. 1 (2006): 221–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil200626150.

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8

Wood, Robin. "Seneca." Philosophers' Magazine, no. 40 (2008): 80–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tpm200840121.

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9

Mittelstadt, Michael C. "Seneca." International Studies in Philosophy 32, no. 2 (2000): 134–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil200032222.

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10

Grislis, Egil. "The Influence of the Renaissance on Richard Hooker." Perichoresis 12, no. 1 (June 1, 2014): 93–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2014-0006.

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ABSTRACT Like many writers after the Renaissance, Hooker was influenced by a number of classical and Neo-Platonic texts, especially by Cicero, Seneca, Hermes Trimegistus, and Pseudo-Dionysius. Hooker’s regular allusions to these thinkers help illuminate his own work but also his place within the broader European context and the history of ideas. This paper addresses in turn the reception of Cicero and Seneca in the early Church through the Middle Ages and Renaissance, Hooker’s use of Ciceronian and Senecan ideas, and finally Hooker’s use of Neo-Platonic texts attributed to Hermes Trismegistus and Dionysius the Areopagite. Hooker will be shown to distinguish himself as a sophisticated and learned interpreter who balances distinctive motifs such as Scripture and tradition, faith, reason, experience, and ecclesiology with a complex appeal to pagan and Christian sources and ideas.

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11

Johnson, Brian Earl. "Reading Seneca." International Philosophical Quarterly 48, no. 1 (2008): 114–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ipq200848132.

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12

Healy, Donald T. "Seneca-Cayuga." Raven: A Journal of Vexillology 3 (1996): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/raven1996/19973/499.

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13

Rosemeyer, Thomas. "Stoick Seneca." Modern Drama 29, no. 1 (March 1986): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/md.29.1.92.

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14

Raschke, Wendy J., and P. T. Eden. "Seneca: Apocolocyntosis." Classical World 80, no. 5 (1987): 389. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350078.

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15

Clack, Jerry, Seneca, Frederick Ahl, Seneca, Frederick Ahl, Seneca, and Frederick Ahl. "Seneca: Medea." Classical World 82, no. 1 (1988): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350289.

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16

Harrison, George W. M., Seneca, Michael Coffey, and Roland Mayer. "Seneca: Phaedra." Classical World 84, no. 5 (1991): 391. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350859.

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17

Rosenmeyer, Thomas G. "Stoick Seneca." Modern Drama 29, no. 1 (1986): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mdr.1986.0018.

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18

Wray, David. "Saint Seneca." Classical Review 55, no. 1 (March 2005): 141–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clrevj/bni080.

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19

Davis, P. J. "Seneca Tragicus." Classical Review 49, no. 1 (April 1999): 65–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/49.1.65.

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20

Segal, Erich. "SENECA TRAGICUS." Classical Review 48, no. 2 (October 1998): 316–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x9852001x.

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21

Nießen, Johannes Maximilian. "Seneca als Geschichtsphilosoph." Philosophisches Jahrbuch 123, no. 1 (2016): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0031-8183-2016-1-23.

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Abstract. The philosophical writings of Seneca the Younger comprise noteworthy thoughts concerning Philosophy of History. This paper aims to prove that these thoughts form above all a coherent system. Developing the criteria as well as the definition of Philosophy of History from writings of Kant and Hegel, the following analysis identifies and systematizes relevant concepts such as reason, teleology, cultural development and providence in the writings of Seneca (mainly Epistulae, De providentia and Naturales Quaestiones). The analysis and the comparison with Kant and Hegel make clear that Seneca draws up Philosophy of History as a systematic meta-discipline. Consequently, this paper shows that systematic Philosophy of History is already rooted in Antiquity and that specifically Seneca can to some extent be regarded as a forerunner of the philosophy of the Modern Period.

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22

Karamucka-Marcinkiewicz, Magdalena. "Norwidowskie interpretacje chrześcijańskiego Seneki." Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae 33, no. 1 (September 20, 2023): 189–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sppgl.2023.xxxiii.1.14.

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Connections with Christianity are one of the aspects of reflections on the life and work of Seneca the Younger in subsequent centuries. This issue is also revealed in the writings of Cyprian Norwid, a Polish 19th-century writer, artist and thinker. In point of fact, Norwid skipped other aspects related to Seneca. The themes he did touch on are connected with his historiosophical reflections and the problem of the relationship between Roma pagana and Roma Christiana, which was of particular interest to him. In the preserved writings of Norwid, however, references to Seneca are relatively rare, which was actually quite typical in the 19th century, but may also be related to a certain ambiguity in Seneca’s attitude as the tutor of Emperor Nero and a figure who enjoyed a high position in Rome for a long time or Norwid’s conviction that most of Seneca’s thought close to Christianity should simply be explained by the Roman writer’s stoicism. However, this is only a hypothesis. It is also possible that Norwid more often referred to Seneca the Younger than he literally noted it. Norwid referred, among other things, to the issue of alleged relations between Seneca and St. Paul and the apocryphal correspondence between them. He also referred to Seneca’s importance for the Church Fathers. Furthermore, he drew attention to some similarities between Seneca and Socrates in terms of their martyr deaths and to certain thoughts expressed by Seneca, in which one can perceive the idea of one God. Some of Norwid’s references to Seneca analysed here were inspired by such works devoted to Seneca’s Christianity as the article by Gaston Boissier, which was published in 1871 in the “Revue des Deux Mondes”. It is not exactly clear how well Norwid knew the work of Seneca, and to what extent he relied on the aforementioned studies. Undoubtedly, however, the references to Seneca, which he included in his writings, were carefully selected and were related to Norwid’s vision of history and his deliberations on the essence of truth, and thus they were not only a testimony of Norwid’s reading, but also of Norwid’s personal reflections.

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23

Dobrijevic, Aleksandar. "Exit from stultitia: Seneca’s pedagogical-therapeutic strategy." Theoria, Beograd 64, no. 1 (2021): 83–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/theo2101083d.

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In his analysis of Seneca?s notion of stultitia, Michel Foucault suggests that we will not fully understand Seneca?s pedagogical-therapeutic strategy if we exclusively follow the traditional and literal translation of the term as ?nonsense?, ?folly?, or ?ignorance?. According to his description, the figure of the stultus is best understood as a ?raw material?, devoid of an appropriate relation to itself, but more or less suitable for formation, provided that, like Seneca?s literary addressees, he wills to emerge from the raw state of the stultitia by appealing for help to the figure of an ?pedagogue?, ?teacher?, or ?therapist? (that is, to Seneca himself). However, in keeping with the Stoic tradition, Seneca dares not to think of himself as a wise man, but rather as an experienced and progressive stultus who, without continual struggle with himself, always threatens to fall from a ?cooked? to a ?raw? state of stultitia.

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24

Costa, C. "Review. Seneca. Die Fuhrung des Lesers in Senecas Epistulae morales. E Hachmann. Seneca: moral and political essays. JM Cooper, JF Procope." Classical Review 46, no. 2 (February 1, 1996): 273–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/46.2.273.

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25

CURRY, SUSAN A. "SENECA RISING: EPISTOLARY SELF-RECREATION IN THE AD HELVIAM." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 61, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/2041-5370.12081.

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Abstract: Following his relegation to Corsica in ad 42, Seneca the Younger wrote the ad Helviam, a consolatory letter ostensibly offering his mother Helvia comfort and support in the face of his deathlike absence through exile. The addressees of Seneca's letters served different purposes for him, and here, because he is addressing his mother, who birthed him, Seneca creates within the ad Helviam a space for rebirth, a means of reviving and repairing a self left shattered by the trauma of exile. Reading Seneca's consolation through the lens of psychoanalyst Heinz Kohut's theory of the ‘tripolar self’, I suggest that in this letter Seneca satisfies his needs for mirroring, for an idealized other, and for twinship, which are requisite for his self-recreation. Through this process, Seneca also provides Helvia with the tools she needs to recreate her own self after the ‘loss’ of Seneca; both son and mother are thus reborn.

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26

Motto, Ana Lydia. "Seneca on pleasure." Helmántica 47, no. 142 (January 1, 1996): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.36576/summa.3478.

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27

Vogt, Katja Maria. "Seneca, De Clementia." Ancient Philosophy 31, no. 2 (2011): 453–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil201131239.

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28

VAN EEKERT, GEERT. "SENECA IN KÖNIGSBERG." Bijdragen 70, no. 1 (January 2009): 87–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/bij.70.1.2035295.

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29

Zappala, Michael, and Louise Fothergill-Payne. "Seneca and "Celestina."." South Central Review 7, no. 1 (1990): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3189232.

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30

Snow, Joseph T., and Louise Fothergill-Payne. "Seneca and "Celestina"." Hispanic Review 59, no. 2 (1991): 220. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/473730.

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31

Shultz, S. "Akhmatova and Seneca." Человек, no. 6 (December 2018): 158–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s023620070002351-3.

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32

Motto, A. L., and J. R. Clark. "Seneca on Vice." Euphrosyne 21 (January 1993): 239–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.euphr.5.126260.

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33

Most, Glenn W. "Seneca, Medea 136." Materiali e discussioni per l’analisi dei testi classici, no. 42 (1999): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40236146.

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34

Makowski, John F., Seneca, and Anna Lydia Motto. "Seneca: Moral Epistles." Classical World 81, no. 4 (1988): 329. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350218.

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35

Staley, Gregory A., Seneca, and C. D. N. Costa. "Seneca: Seventeen Letters." Classical World 84, no. 6 (1991): 502. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350956.

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36

Levitan, William. "Seneca in Racine." Yale French Studies, no. 76 (1989): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2930168.

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37

Adkin, Neil. "Jerome, Seneca, Juvenal." Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire 78, no. 1 (2000): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rbph.2000.4435.

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38

Costello, Cynthia, and Amy Dru Stanley. "Report from Seneca." Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies 8, no. 2 (1985): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3346051.

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39

Barnes, Daniel. "A Seneca Boy." Callaloo 18, no. 2 (1995): 384–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cal.1995.0036.

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40

Lihani, John, and Louise Fothergill-Payne. "Seneca and 'Celestina'." Hispania 74, no. 1 (March 1991): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/344538.

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41

Mayer, Roland. "Seneca (Semi)Staged." Classical Review 51, no. 2 (October 2001): 258–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/51.2.258.

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42

Rosenmeyer, Thomas G. "Seneca and Nature." Arethusa 33, no. 1 (2000): 99–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/are.2000.0005.

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43

Harris, James C. "The Dying Seneca." JAMA Psychiatry 71, no. 7 (July 1, 2014): 742. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jamapsychiatry.2013.2741.

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44

Junghanß, Antje. "Contempt in Seneca's Dialogue “On the Firmness of the Wise”." Emotion Review 15, no. 3 (July 2023): 240–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17540739231183203.

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For Seneca, the firmness of the Wise is shown in his ability to remain calm against attacks, as he explains in his treatise of that name. Attacks can come in the form of injustice, iniuria, and disparagement, contumelia; Seneca proves that neither of them affects the wise man. Contumelia is linked to contemptus in definition and conceptualization so that the remarks on how to deal with disparagement contain clues as to what contemptus means for Seneca. The article argues that Seneca understands the term in a double sense: First, contemptus denotes a reprehensible attitude. Second, it designates a kind of indifference which is to be understood in the context of Stoic apatheia.

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45

White, Kevin J., Michael Galban, and Eugene R. H. Tesdahl. "La Salle on Seneca Creation, 1678." American Indian Culture and Research Journal 40, no. 4 (January 1, 2016): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicrj.40.4.white.

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Michael Galban and Eugene R. H. Tesdahl have discovered and translated a Seneca version of creation that was provided by René-Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle, and dates back to 1678. Kevin J. White situates this 1678 version alongside other better-known Seneca versions and uses it to demonstrate the many similarities among them, the powerful memory and oratory skills of the Seneca, and the overall stability of oral culture among the Haudenosaunee.

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46

Słomak, Iwona. "Katon Macieja Kazimierza Sarbiewskiego (Lyr. II 6) i exercitia Seneciana." Terminus 23, no. 1 (58) (2021): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20843844te.21.001.13260.

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Maciej Kazimierz Sarbiewski’s Cato (Lyr. II 6) and exercitia Seneciana The starting point for the research presented in this article was an attempt to trace the literary tradition which inspired the creation of the lyrical subject and the titular figure of Maciej Kazimierz Sarbiewski’s ode II 6 (Cato Politicus). The presence of this name implies that the intertextual dimension of the poem should be taken into account in its interpretation, hence, the author of this article assumed that the question of the literary tradition should be addressed before a hypothesis about the meaning of the poem is put forth. A review of Sarbiewski’s potential sources of inspiration – primarily works that were included in the basic and supplementary reading lists in Jesuit colleges – brings satisfactory results. It turns out that the ancient author who often mentions Cato the Younger is Seneca Philosophus, moreover, there are numerous similarities between some passages in his works and ode II 6. Sarbiewski seems to have been especially inspired by his Epistulae morales ad Lucilium, and also by the Senecan Consolationes. However, rather than refer to the views attributed by Seneca explicitly to Cato, the Polish poet explores the thoughts of the Philosopher himself, possibly assuming that the views of the politician and the philosopher were similar; this assumption could be justified by the fact that Seneca not only repeatedly expresses highest praise of the republican hero, but he also openly recommends to treat Cato Uticensis as a role model. These issues are discussed in the first part of this paper. In the second part, the author compares selected passages from Seneca’s works and two poems (II 5 and II 7) adjacent to the ode Cato Politicus. The comparison shows that the convergences discussed above are not incidental. On the contrary, there is a series of Sarbiewski’s odes inspired by Seneca, and therefore the Roman philosopher and tragedian can be considered the next, after Horace, master of the Jesuit poet. It is postulated that these inspirations deserve more recognition in further studies on Sarbiewski’s poetry, as they may be helpful in the interpretation of some problematic passages of his odes.

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47

Budzanowska, Dominika. "O władcy i jego poddanych, czyli Gorgiasz 469 C według Seneki Młodszego." Civitas. Studia z Filozofii Polityki 13 (January 28, 2011): 157–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/civ.2011.13.08.

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In Plato’s dialogue ‘Gorgias’, which is a polemic with rhetoric as an ability to choose the unfair, Socrates proves that it is better to experience the injustice rather than to cause it. A few centuries later, this idea was further exploited by a Roman Empire Stoic Lucius Annaeus Seneca, also called Seneca the Younger or Philosophus. The basic idea of Seneca’s political thought is hatred towards the tyranny and a simultaneous acceptance of a fair sovereign who can control his anger and look after his country. Through his work Seneca is encouraging a just life that is in accordance with god’s laws. For him, justice is the core for the functioning of a society. Seneca also claims that human relations should be based on natural reasoning rules.

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48

Sheiko, V. "Secrets of Concepts — Sense and Essence of Life and Looking for the Ways of its Optimization." Culture of Ukraine, no. 73 (September 23, 2021): 128–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31516/2410-5325.073.18.

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Book review: Lucius Annaeus Seneca about life philosophy: thoughts, aphorisms / Lucius Annaeus Seneca: introductory article. Compilation of the text: N. V. Diachenko. — Kharkiv: Publisher — Aleksandr Savchuk, 2021. — 176 pp.

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49

Bellemore, Jane. "The Dating of Seneca'sAd Marciam De Consolatione." Classical Quarterly 42, no. 1 (May 1992): 219–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800042713.

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Ina.d.25, Aulus Cremutius Cordus, a Senator and a historian, was charged with ‘maiestas’. He committed suicide, and immediately his books, the ostensible source of the charge against him, were officially burnt. Some years later, Seneca referred in detail to these events in a philosophical study he had composed for Marcia, the daughter of Cremutius Cordus. Seneca wrote the work to console Marcia on the death of her son Metilius. In theAd Marciam, Seneca notes in passing that the worksof Cremutius Cordus have been re-published.

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Von Glinski, Marie Louise. "ALL THE WORLD'S OFFSTAGE: METAPHYSICAL AND METAFICTIONAL ASPECTS IN SENECA'SHERCVLES FVRENS." Classical Quarterly 67, no. 1 (April 11, 2017): 210–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838817000350.

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Abstract:

In his essay on Seneca, T.S. Eliot used theHercules Furens(=HF) as his example to illustrate ‘this curious freak of non-theatrical drama’. Even though Senecan scholarship has by and large moved away from his indictment, the sense that the attention seems to be directed away from the stage points to the play's unique dramaturgy. The surest indicator of this reverse orientation is the conspicuous absence of Hercules himself for much of the play. Hercules is (or wishes to be) permanently ‘elsewhere’. His entrance is delayed for a long time; once home, he rushes offstage after a few lines to kill Lycus. He returns onstage only to be attacked by madness, and is drawn inside the palace again to kill his wife and sons. When his madness abates, he falls asleep onstage; on waking, he longs for a place beyond the known world (and underworld) and finally exits into exile. This article proposes a closer examination of the semiotics of space, especially the symbolic value of the offstage. Seneca is constantly drawing attention to the pull towards the stage perimeter and the unseen offstage, characterizing the cosmic nature of Hercules’ conflict with Juno and questioning the hero's place in the world as the son of an immortal father.

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