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1
Adeleke, Ademola. "The Politics and Diplomacy of Peacekeeping in West Africa: The Ecowas Operation in Liberia." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 4 (December 1995): 569–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021443.
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TheEconomic Community of West African States (Ecowas) was established in May 1975 as an organisation to promote the development of the sub-region, and for 15 years did not deviate from this mandate. The 16 member-states – Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Côte d'Ivoire, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Togo – restricted their interactions to purely economic matters and ran shy of political issues confronting West Africa. This tradition changed in 1990 when Ecowas decided to intervene in the civil war which had broken out in Liberia. Its strategy to resolve the conflict followed two parallel but mutually interactive channels — making and enforcing peace. The former involved negotiations and arbitration; the latter the deployment in August 1990 of a 3,000 strong multinational force to supervise a cease-fire.
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Njagi, Catherine Wambugu. "Combating Civil Wars in Africa." Jumuga Journal of Education, Oral Studies, and Human Sciences (JJEOSHS) 4, no. 1 (May 10, 2021): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.35544/jjeoshs.v4i1.34.
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The Twentieth and twenty first centuries have been described as the age of anxiety. This is largely due to the many civil wars and conflicts that have been prevalent in our contemporary world, and especially with special reference to Africa which is the worst hit. In particular, armed conflicts been witnessed in Angola, Ethiopia Mozambique, Rwanda, Somalia and Sudan among others. Equally, civil wars have been witnessed in Angola, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Somalia and Sudan. Sadly, some of these States are at the verge of collapse due to the effect of these unfortunate civil wars and conflicts. Other countries that were affected by civil or ethnic conflicts, albeit at lower levels include: Burundi, Cameroon, Kenya, Nigeria, Togo, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Chad, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Malawi, Senegal, and South Africa. The latter has witnessed xenophobic attacks, especially in May 2008. Terrorism activities have also Increased, as it continues to create tensions among nations, religions, tribes and so on. To this end, this article seeks to explore the causes of civil wars and conflicts in Africa, that bleeds poverty on a mass scale. How can the church participate in curbing these wars and conflicts, and eventually usher-in sanity in these troubled waters? In its methodology, this article strives to redefine war and discusses the characteristics of modern warfare. Through an extensive review of relevant literature, the article has also attempted to explore the place of individual persons, the nation-states and the international network systems in combating civil wars; and lastly, it has endeavored to show the contribution of the church in wrestling out all forms of conflicts in the Sub-Saharan Africa.
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Yao, Kouassi. "The Chances for Success of the Francophone Centers for Distance Education of the GDLN Network: The Case of the Centre d'Education à Distance de Côte d'Ivoire." African and Asian Studies 2, no. 4 (2003): 523–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920903773004040.
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AbstractThe Centers of Distance Education of francophone Africa in Benin, Côte d'Ivoire, and Senegal were set up under a financial and educational agreement with the World Bank. They were inaugurated on June 21, 2000, at the same time as four other centers in English-speaking Africa and eight others on other continents (Appendix 1). Since September 2003, Mauritania has had its own center, thus increasing the number of centers in French-speaking African countries to four. As of November 2003, more than 60 centers were affiliated with the Global Development Learning Network (GDLN). It has known start-up difficulties because of the socioeconomic environment caused the sociopolitical crisis from December 1999 to the civil war in September 2002. It needs a re-adaptation of its missions by public authorities in order to realize its first mission, which is to improve the capabilities of a large number of government executives and decision-makers at a minimal cost. The strategies and educational approach used at the Center are new methods and tools, precursors of what will be used in the education of tomorrow. In this article, we will briefly present the history of the creation of the Global Development Learning Network (GDLN), and then I will draw up a diagnostic account of the two years' functioning of the CED-CI. Finally, I will give an outline for its future growth.
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Garba, A. A. "Impacts of population growth in relation to changes in aquaculture and fisheries prices." Journal of Aquatic Sciences 36, no. 1 (August 3, 2021): 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/jas.v36i1.8.
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The paper reviewed the impacts of population growth and the ways it affects aquaculture and fisheries prices. As the world population continues to grow arithmetically, great pressure is placed on arable lands, water, energy, and biological resources to provide an adequate supply of food while maintaining the integrity of the ecosystem. In 2010, FAO projected the world population to double from 6.2 billion in October, 1999 to 12.5 billion in the year 2050. This had created serious negative impacts on the aquaculture and fisheries prices. At present fertile crop lands had been lost at an alarming rates while some abandoned during the past 50 years because erosions made it unproductive. Other vices such as food crisis, political unrest and war (Mexico, Uzbekistan, Turkistan, Yemen, Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria, Morocco and Sudan), civil strife and multiple years of draught (Niger, Mauritania and Senegal), impacts of HIV/AIDS Ebola, Lassa fever and Coronavirus the world over, clashes between cattle rearers and farmers and boko haram issues (Nigeria) as well as kidnapping and corruptions have severely affected aquaculture and fisheries production and accompanied prices. Thus, this review was conducted to raise a cry for farmers and citizens to engage and participate in intensive culture and fisheries practices in order to fill the demand - supply gap so as to make fish food products available for the teeming masses.
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Musah, Halidu. "DEMOCRATIC SUSTAINABILITY AND CONFLICT RESILIENCE IN GHANA’S DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM." International Journal of Applied Research in Social Sciences 1, no. 2 (June 21, 2020): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.51594/ijarss.v1i2.13.
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Ghana could be described as an island of peace in an ocean of conflicts. This is because most of Ghana’s West African neighbours have experienced (and some are still experiencing) various forms of national civil conflicts which have never occurred in Ghana. In the last three decades, the West Africa sub-region has been plagued with many intra-state conflicts. In Liberia, Sierra-Leone, Côte d’Ivoire and Mali, conflicts have escalated into full scale war, bringing with it numerous loss of lives, destruction of property and causing social despair for the citizenry. The peace of some countries like Senegal, Nigeria, Niger and recently Burkina Faso also continues to be threatened by different dissident groups and popular uprisings. While most of these countries’ democracies remain fragile due to the conflicts within these states, Ghana remains one of few examples whose current democratic structures have stood the test of time for the last three decades. This study inquired into Ghana’s conflict resistance capacities and its ability to continue to sustain its democracy as a country. Mixed methods approach was employed to select 132 community residents from 3 purposefully sampled conflict-prone communities in Ghana, and 5 key informants as well as 462 political party delegates for interviewing and data collection for the study.The study found that the very nature of Ghana’s internal conflicts with respect to their geographical limitations, the conflict parties involved as well as the issues at stake contribute to confine these internal conflicts within their areas of occurrence. In addition, some conscious social and institutional measures (put in place) in the Ghanaian democratic system help to promote peace and maintain order. Finally, majority of the respondents (63.6%) were of the opinion that Ghana is unlikely to have a national civil war because its democratic institutions are effective. It was suggested that politicians should avoid interfering in local conflicts and increase coverage for peace education programmes and conflict intervention initiatives in the country, among others.
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Ginsberg, Lauren Donovan. "VT ET HOSTEM AMAREM: JOCASTA AND THE POETICS OF CIVIL WAR IN SENECA'S PHOENISSAE." Ramus 46, no. 1-2 (December 2017): 58–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2017.5.
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Over the past two decades, scholars have devoted increasing attention to Roman civil war literature and its poetics, from the vocabulary of nefas, paradox, and hyperbole to the pervasive imagery of the state as a body violated by its citizens. Thebes and especially the civil war between Oedipus’ sons became prominent lenses through which Romans explored their country's strife-ridden past. Seneca's Phoenissae, however, has received comparatively little attention in this regard, often overshadowed by Statius’ epic Thebaid of the next generation. This paper investigates Seneca's contribution to the wider poetics of civil war through his expansion of the theme of incest, which Seneca uses to articulate civil war's most invasive, penetrative, and disintegrative effects. In particular, Seneca capitalizes on both the metaphorical potential of maternal violation and the eroticized imagery of Roman conquest to create disturbing points of contact between two generations of Jocasta's sons: the one who invaded her bed in the past, and the other who will soon invade his mother city. Seneca writes his Phoenissae to be an escalated return to the original sins of Oedipus’ incesta domus as another of Thebes’ native sons prepares to conquer his motherland.
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Demina, Svetlana S. "The Causes of the Civil War (49–45 BC) in the Thoughts of Roman Authors (1st Century BC – 1st Century AD)." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Historical Studies 7, no. 2 (26) (October 8, 2020): 7–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2312-1300.2020.7(2).7-13.
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This article investigates the thoughts of Roman authors about the causes of the civil war (49-45 BC). Caesar, Cicero and Velleius Paterculus consider the passions and the immorality of the persons as the causes of this war. According to Seneca and Lucan, the political ambitions of Caesar, Pompey, their supporters, as well as the passions of the whole society caused the civil war. But Lucan paid attention also to objective conditions.
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Hanson, John H. "Islam, Migration and the Political Economy of Meaning: Fergo Nioro from the Senegal River Valley, 1862–1890." Journal of African History 35, no. 1 (March 1994): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025950.
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The Muslim social movement known as the fergo Nioro provides a case of popular elaboration of the message of a leader of jihad. Umar Tal's call to holy war led to the conquest of Karta in the mid-1850s, and his call to hijra resulted in the migration of perhaps 20,000 Senegal-valley Fulbe to form a Muslim settler community. In the years after Umar's departure from Karta in 1859, military leaders and others in the Fulbe settler community sent envoys to recruit additional settlers from the Senegal valley. At least 16,000 and perhaps as many as 30,000 Fulbe responded to this recruitment effort and left Bundu, Futa Toro and the lower Senegal valley between 1862 and 1890. Two periods of more massive migration coincided with the residence at Nioro of Amadu Sheku, Umar's son and designated successor. During the late 1860s and early 1870s, a cholera epidemic swept up the Senegal valley, claimed thousands of victims, and encouraged Fulbe to leave the region for Karta. During the mid-1880s, French policies in the Senegal valley, notably the emancipation of slaves and moves to halt Fulbe raids in the lower Senegal valley, influenced the social movement.In both periods of large-scale migration and at other times, the Umarian envoys constructed an appeal which elaborated and even transformed Umar's call to hijra. Umar's insistence on holy war was a dominant theme in all periods, and resonated with the young men who left the valley in hopes of accumulating wealth through warfare. His condemnation of French influence in the Senegal valley was also expressed in the Arabic letters delivered by envoys. Umar's emphasis on the cutting of social bonds was not emphasized, as Fulbe settlers sought to attract relatives and neighbors to the new Fulbe communities in Karta.
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Roberts, Bill. "Introduction to Practicing Anthropology in Senegal." Practicing Anthropology 19, no. 1 (January 1, 1997): 2–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.19.1.037w27n9n1623154.
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The numerous problems Africans face are familiar to all of us, in part because an ever-present media depicts graphic scenes of civil wars and refugees, recurrent droughts, and the heart-wrenching human suffering associated with widespread poverty. The appeal of fieldwork in Africa has attracted a large number of anthropologists over the past century whose accomplishments and insights have contributed greatly to the advancement of the discipline as a whole. The immense human and biophysical diversity that characterizes Africa continues to provide anthropologists with a wide range of exciting research opportunities relevant to some perceived "problem." Anthropologists have worked with their African colleagues on many of these topical problems, and notable examples have been published in previous editions of Practicing Anthropology.
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Nordtveit, Bjorn Harald. "Producing Literacy and Civil Society: The Case of Senegal." Comparative Education Review 52, no. 2 (May 2008): 175–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/528761.
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Mortimer, Robert A. "Senegal's Rôle in Ecomog: the Francophone Dimension in the Liberian Crisis." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 2 (June 1996): 293–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00055348.
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The phenomenon of state breakdown in the post-cold war era has significantly increased the demand for peacekeeping operations around the world. The United Nations has stepped boldly into the breach, considerably expanding its interventions in hotspots on all continents. Yet the capacity of the UN to respond is often uncertain, and this has sparked interest in the concept of regional peacekeeping as an alternative, especially since the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) deployed the Cease-fire Monitoring Group (Ecomog) to stem the ravages of civil war in Liberia.
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Lo, Mbaye. "Re-conceptualizing Civil Society: The Debate Continues With Specific Reference to Contemporary Senegal." African and Asian Studies 5, no. 1 (2006): 91–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920906775768264.
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AbstractThis article challenges the civil society argument based on its failure to correctly and appropriately conceptualize Africa's societal experiences. To this end, the article explores Senegal as a case study to show how the idiosyncrasy of societal development has constructed and produced different types of associational life that is not grasped within the liberal preconditions of civil society. Senegal was selected to make a deductive analysis. If we can prove that Senegalese society, which is commonly cited in the liberal argument as a vibrant model of civil society, is neither acting within the conventional frameworks nor meets the conventional preconditions of civil society, the argument on the flaws of the liberal conception of civil society will stand.
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Castillo Hidalgo, Daniel. "No dockers, no empire. The labour question at Dakar during World War I." International Journal of Maritime History 33, no. 2 (May 2021): 364–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08438714211017272.
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The Great War had a major impact on port activity at Dakar in Senegal. It increased bunkering and pushed up demand for daily labourers to provide an adequate service to the allied navies. This article analyses the changes in labour organization in the port during World War I. Based on archival sources held in the National Archives of Senegal, this study explores the ways in which the colonial administration tried to manage labour shortages on the docks. This research provides evidence of the institutional shifts in the colonial regime, where coercion strategies evolved into compensatory incentives to attract African workers. The vital military and economic roles played by Dakar as the gateway to French West Africa also explains the importance of institutional shift during the construction of colonial economic and political hegemony.
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Bangura, Ahmed Sheikh. "Islamic Society and State Power in Senegal." American Journal of Islam and Society 14, no. 4 (January 1, 1997): 112–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i4.2228.
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Senegal is one of the most stable sub-Saharan African countries. LeonardoVillal6n's book, Islamic Society and State Power in Senegal, attributes that stabilityto the forms of religious organization provided by Senegal's unique brandsof Sufism. Most Senegalese are affiliated to a marabout (Sufi leader) and aremembers of a Senegalese Sufi order. These orders remain the most pervasiveforms of social organization. Leonardo Villal6n's work, devoted to an examinationof the shape of Senegalese society, therefore focuses on its most salient feature:the forms and patterns of its religious organization.The author argues that the Senegalese Sufi orders, developed in the wake ofFrench colonialism, provide an effective mode of social organization vis-a-visthe state. They check the hegemonic ambitions of the state and give a measureof leverage to the disciple-citizens in their dealings with it. This maraboutic systemexplains much of Senegal's relative success in maintaining a dynamic balancebetween state and society. In other words, the Sufi pattern has become thebasis for the establishment of a religiously based "civil society." While this balanceremains precarious, as there are conceivable factors that can disrupt it, ithas thus far shielded Senegal from the instability and strife that continue tobedevil many African societies ...
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Littlewood, Cedric A. J. "HERCVLES FVRENS AND THE SENECAN SUBLIME." Ramus 46, no. 1-2 (December 2017): 153–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2017.8.
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In the first throes of madness Seneca's Hercules declares, ‘I shall be borne aloft to the world's high spaces’ (in alta mundi spatia sublimis ferar, HF 958). To Amphitryon these are the unspeakable thoughts of a mind that is hardly sane, but nevertheless great (pectoris sani parum, / magni tamen, 974f.). For Gilbert Lawall, writing the first essay in the 1983 collection of Ramus essays on Senecan tragedy, the fundamental question of the play is the moral quality of its hero, who in his madness becomes a ‘caricature of his real self’. John Fitch, writing just a few years later, argued for a continuity of characterization between the hero of the labours and the murderer of his family. My own essay is concerned less with the morality of Hercules’ character and actions than with the poetics of sublime aspiration and the imagery of grand literary endeavour. Seneca's conception of sublime poetry, as embodied in the figure of tragic Hercules, I discuss through his reception of Lucretius, Virgil, and Horace. The ambivalence Fitch and others have observed in this tragedy of Herculean overreaching I interpret first in the light of a plurality of literary models of transgressive poetics. Juno and the chorus both see violence and danger in the figure of Hercules, but yet do not see the same figure. This difference is located to some degree in the different genres and particular texts which define their perspectives. The Hercules who makes war on the heavens and commits the drama's primary action is very much the creation of Juno and the tragic energies of famous programmatic passages of Aeneid 1 and 7. Lyric offers an alternative conception of sky-towering fame. In the latter part of the article I consider the Lucretian paradigm of heroic rebellion against tradition and Hercules’ failure to break the pattern of Junonian madness. Finally I reflect on the tensions of the Georgics—ars and labor holding ingenium and furor in fragile balance—and see them overwhelmed in the civil war which Hercules Furens, a more powerful Orpheus, wages with himself.
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Leichtman, Mara A. "MIGRATION, WAR, AND THE MAKING OF A TRANSNATIONAL LEBANESE SHIʿI COMMUNITY IN SENEGAL." International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, no. 2 (April 13, 2010): 269–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074381000005x.
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The July 2006 Lebanon war was an important turning point for West African Lebanese. For the first time since their formation as a community, the Lebanese in Senegal organized a demonstration in Dakar displaying solidarity with Lebanon. This protest illuminates the dynamics between global forces and local responses. Hizbullah's effectiveness in winning the international public opinion of both Sunni and Shiʿi Muslims in the war against Israel led to a surge in Lebanese diaspora identification, even among communities who had not been similarly affected by previous Lebanese wars. By analyzing the role of a Lebanese shaykh in bringing religious rituals and a Lebanese national identity to the community in Senegal, this article explores how members of the community maintain political ties to Lebanon even when they have never visited the “homeland” and sheds new light on the relationship among religion, migration, and (trans)nationalism.
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Patterson, Amy S. "A reappraisal of democracy in civil society: evidence from rural Senegal." Journal of Modern African Studies 36, no. 3 (September 1998): 423–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x98002754.
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Civil society is the space of uncoerced human association and relational networks formed for the sake of family, faith, interests and ideology. Supporters of civil society have argued that this conglomeration of networks and organisations has helped to fuel democratic aspirations and channel democratic demands in Africa. Proponents maintain that civil society serves as a counter to the actions of the predatory African state, which seeks to limit individual freedoms and to encroach on societal resources. By questioning the actions of state officials and by challenging state policies, civil society organisations can cause the state to be more accountable and transparent, and can facilitate a positive deconcentration of political power. A plural, vibrant civil society encourages political liberalisation and the development of a democratic and legitimate state. It is because the organisations of civil society promote democratic values among their members that they are able to challenge repressive state actions and facilitate democratic development. Since their members trust each other and feel that they have a say in group activities, democratic organisations are more unified and effective at achieving their political objectives.This article challenges these assumptions about civil society through an examination of rural Senegalese organisations. I argue that groups in civil society rarely teach their members democratic values because most associations do not practice legitimate, inclusive and accountable decision making. More often than not, social hierarchies and power relations that define how individuals of different genders and classes are to interact in the public realm limit democracy. As a result, civil society groups often become ineffective and disorganised, and cannot achieve their political, economic or social goals. The inefficiency and undemocratic nature of civil society have larger implications for democratic transitions in Africa.
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Pazzanita, Anthony G. "Mauritania's Foreign Policy: the Search for Protection." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 2 (June 1992): 281–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010727.
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Of the 21 members of the Arab League, the Islamic Republic of Mauritania has received perhaps the least attention, ranking far behind other North African states, much less those closer to the Arab—Israeli fault-line or the recent Gulf conflict. Mauritania's desperate economic condition (a G.N.P. per capita of only $446 in 1984) has been occasionally publicised, as well as advancing desertification (reaching even into the centre of the capital, Nouakchott), and the tensions between the ruling Beydane (‘white’) Arabs, supported by their cultural/political allies, and the black African tribes concentrated in the Senegal River valley that erupted into violence in April 1989, and which led to a near-war between Senegal and Mauritania.
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Lambert, Michael C. "Violence and the war of words: ethnicityv.nationalism in the Casamance." Africa 68, no. 4 (October 1998): 585–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161167.
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Since 1982 the Mouvement des forces démocratique casamançais has been fighting for the independence of the Casamance region of Senegal. In 1989, when the Mouvement initiated a sustained military campaign, Senegal's official and independent press began to provide intensive coverage of its activities and objectives. This article documents the arguments for and against Casamançais independence as documented by Senegal's press in the year following the resurgence of this conflict. The Mouvement's leadership has consistently maintained that its efforts to win independence for the Casamance are legitimate because France created the Casamance. The French, it argues, never intended the Casamance to be administratively incorporated into Senegal. Conversely, those opposed to the Mouvement have attempted to delegitimise its activities by claiming that it represents the interests of the Jola, just one of the Casamance's many ethnic groups. It is argued that the Senegalese government and other opponents of the Mouvement have attempted to label the independence movement an ethnic movement because of a distinction in African political ideology between nationalism and ethnicity. According to this ideology, nationalism, and other legitimate forms of political mobilisation, should represent a plural constituency. Those that represent the narrow interests of a single ethnic group are not considered legitimate.
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Bajorek, Jennifer. "Of Jumbled Valises and Civil Society: Photography and Political Imagination in Senegal." History and Anthropology 21, no. 4 (December 2010): 431–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02757206.2010.521554.
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Roberto, Simone Assis Alves, and Patrícia Dos Santos Pinheiro. "Do Senegal à Pelotas, RS: migração, identidade e violência." Século XXI: Revista de Ciências Sociais 9, no. 1 (October 30, 2019): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.5902/2236672536920.
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Este artigo é um desdobramento de uma etnografia realizada junto a um coletivo de imigrantes senegaleses, que viveram (ou vivem, em número bastante reduzido) essa diáspora na cidade de Pelotas, Rio Grande do Sul (RS), onde se viram diante de forte repressão em suas atividades como vendedores ambulantes de inúmeros produtos. No trabalho foram descritas experiências vivenciadas desde 2015 com esse coletivo, em que a observação participante se transformou e se intercalou no envolvimento e em mediações perante o poder público local e organizações da sociedade civil, relacionadas a perspectivas teóricas que se debruçam sobre a diáspora negra, a identidade e a colonialidade. Especificamente nesta pesquisa com imigrantes oriundos do Senegal, são abordadas algumas (re)configurações da identidade, assim como estratégias de inserção nesse processo migratório, que em determinados momentos se apresentou a eles de forma hostil em função da repressão policial, mas que também permitiu a formação de laços com a população local.
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Leichtman, Mara A. "MIGRATION, WAR, AND THE MAKING OF A TRANSNATIONAL LEBANESE SHIʿI COMMUNITY IN SENEGAL." International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, no. 2 (April 13, 2010): 290a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074381000036x.
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This article investigates links between religious and political transnationalisms through analyzing responses to the 2006 Lebanon war from the diaspora. I examine the role of a shaykh in bringing Lebanese Shiʿa in Senegal “back to Islam” as well as (spiritually if not physically) back to Lebanon. I explore his efforts to institute formal religious education through a Friday sermon, encourage public expressions of piety, and introduce new religious rituals in commemorations of ʿAshuraʾ and Ramadan. This ethnographic study adds a diaspora component to debates about Lebanese nationalism and suggests that the ideology of the umma does not hold for a marginalized Muslim minority community in a Muslim majority country, which instead defines itself along reformulated ethnic, religious, and national boundaries. The paper contributes to newly emerging scholarship on transnational Shiʿi linkages by demonstrating how the African example adds another dimension to our understanding of the relationship between religion and nationalism in the Middle East.
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Koopman, Jeanne. "Land grabs, government, peasant and civil society activism in the Senegal River Valley." Review of African Political Economy 39, no. 134 (December 2012): 655–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2012.738797.
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Galvan, Dennis. "The Market Meets Sacred Fire: Land Pawning as Institutional Syncretism in Inter-War Senegal." African Economic History, no. 25 (1997): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3601877.
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Ndiaye, Gnilane, Cheng BO, V. V. Azenga, and Juniter Kwamboka. "The Impact of Internal Control on the Profitability of Microfinance Institutions in Senegal." International Journal of Research in Business and Social Science (2147-4478) 8, no. 2 (March 27, 2019): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.20525/ijrbs.v8i2.199.
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The purpose of this study is "Designing an excellent service model on Population and Civil Registration Service in the city of Metro ". The conclusions obtained from this study are (1) Problems in excellent service at Population and Civil Registration Service in the city of Metro based on their nature are divided into two types, which is uncontrolled (missed) and which is controlled (difficult). Uncontrolled problems are problems that should not need to exist, but they appear as an unavoidable problem whereas problems that are controlled are problems whose level of difficulty can be controlled. (2). The focus of service in population administration services in an institutional model emphasizes speed and convenience and does not pay attention to the simplicity of requirements and so to improve its quality it is necessary to pay attention to safety factors. (3) There are still many brokers in the services of the city of Metro Population and Civil Registration Service due to lack of supervision from the relevant agencies, not yet clear the application of Procedure Service Standards as well as the lack of socialization to the public about the service rates and service procedures.
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Coquery-Vidrovitch, Catherine. "Access to Higher Education in French Africa South of the Sahara." Social Sciences 10, no. 5 (May 17, 2021): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10050173.
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This article examines the evolution of the educational situation in French West Africa (FWA) and French Equatorial Africa (FEA) from the onset of colonization until independence. Our central theme is the tragic deprivation endured by the public school system, especially in FEA, which handed over primary education to Catholic missions and slowed down secondary education; in FWA, only one university was belatedly created in Senegal (1958). The education of girls remained non-existent. The article is based upon a large number of mostly unpublished doctoral works, a handful of published studies, and half a century of personal inquiries, conducted mainly in Gabon, Congo and Senegal. This paper establishes a connection between the lack of political skills based upon Western standards of the colonized peoples on the eve of independence to the training of their civil servants which was drastically limited to secondary school education and the major hurdles involved in obtaining French nationality except for the residents of the Four Communes of Senegal. At the time of independence, only a few thousand colonized people had reached the level of university that was being established in the early 1950s; even fewer received scholarships to study in France. This shortage of trained personnel in administration and education required massive recourse to French “coopérants”, whose presence would only gradually diminish from the 1970s.
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Fry, Zachery A. ""Our Aim Was Man": Andrew's Sharpshooters in the American Civil War ed. by Roberta Senechal de la Roche." Journal of Southern History 84, no. 4 (2018): 1008–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/soh.2018.0280.
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Konte. "Measuring Land Property Rights, Political Rights, Civil Liberties, and Political Instability in Senegal (1819–2010)." Journal of Development Perspectives 1, no. 1-2 (2017): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jdevepers.1.1-2.0054.
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Lachenmann, Gudrun. "Civil Society and Social Movements in Africa: The Case of the Peasant Movement in Senegal." European Journal of Development Research 5, no. 2 (December 1993): 68–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09578819308426588.
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Roberts, Richard. "Text and Testimony in theTribunal de Première Instance, Dakar, During the Early Twentieth Century." Journal of African History 31, no. 3 (November 1990): 447–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700031170.
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Historians have recently come to appreciate the importance of studying the colonial legal system and the potential in mining court cases for historical data. This article is a preliminary effort to present a methodology for the study of the records of the entry level civil court, thetribunal de première instance, in Dakar, Senegal. The records are somewhat peculiar, because they are the consequence of the extension of the legal rights to the Africanoriginairesof the four communes of Senegal, which empowered them to bring civil cases before this court. However, these records share with records from other courts in colonial Africa problems of determining how the litigants' ‘testimony’ was shaped by the legal procedures of the court. This article, therefore, focusses on the context in which litigants' testimony was transformed into the texts we read as court records. In particular, it examines how the phases of litigation and how the court's bias towards written evidence shaped the court records. This research was stimulated in part by the need to locate new sources providing African ‘voices’ about the changes associated with the transition to colonialism. This article concludes with an appraisal of the historical potential of using court records for African social history.
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Perry, Donna L. "Muslim Child Disciples, Global Civil Society, and Children's Rights in Senegal: The Discourses of Strategic Structuralism." Anthropological Quarterly 77, no. 1 (2004): 47–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/anq.2004.0010.
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Engel, Michael S. "On the identity of Amegilla sesquicincta (Erichson) and the type species of Dizonamegilla (Hymenoptera: Apidae)." Beiträge zur Entomologie = Contributions to Entomology 59, no. 2 (December 15, 2009): 325–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/contrib.entomol.59.2.325-328.
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Vorliegende Arbeit behandelt die Identität und Nomenklatur von Amegilla sesquicincta (Erichson). Die Verwendung dieses Namens war lange Zeit unklar. Amegilla sesquicincta ist eine senegalesische Art von unsicherer Identität. Der auf die indische Art angewendete Name ist jedoch präokkupiert. Deshalb wird sie hiermit A. dizona nom. n. genannt. Amegilla sesquicincta war auch als Typusart der Untergattung Dizonamegilla festgelegt. Aufgrund der Fehlbestimmung dieser Art muss auch die Frage der Typusart neu behandelt werden. Entsprechend den Regeln der ICZN wird A. dizona als Typusart festgelegt.StichwörterNomenclature, Amegilla, Senegal, India, Apidae, Anthophila.Nomenklatorische Handlungendizoma Engel, 2009 (Amegilla), nom. n. pro Apis bicincta Fabricius, 1793, nec Schrank, 1781sesquicincta (Erichson, 1842) (Amegilla), nom. dub. described as Megilla sesquicinctabizoma Engel, 2009 (Amegilla (Dizonamegilla)), type species of the subgenus Dizonamegilla
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Clark, Andrew F. "Environmental Decline and Ecological Response in the Upper Senegal Valley, West Africa, from the Late Nineteenth Century to World War I." Journal of African History 36, no. 2 (July 1995): 197–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700034113.
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The upper Senegal valley of West Africa, like other areas of Africa, experienced a period of acute environmental decline and intense ecological response by residents from the late nineteenth century until World War I. French colonial strategies caused considerable disruption and dislocation, benefitting in many ways the colonial agenda which sought to regulate labor flows. African responses to the widening crisis, including movement within the region, migration to the peanut basin and the coast, and enlistment in the war effort, often served colonial interests while sometimes directly exacerbating the environmental degradation, necessitating constant ecological adaptation. This study of an early period of intense and well-documented physical decline, and the various strategies developed by West Africans to survive and overcome obstacles, can shed light on current environmental policy debates and issues.
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Riccardi, Niccolò, Riccardo Alagna, Ilaria Motta, Maurizio Ferrarese, Paola Castellotti, Laura Ambra Nicolini, Mama Moussa Diaw, et al. "Towards ending TB: civil community engagement in a rural area of Senegal: results, challenges and future proposal." Infectious Diseases 51, no. 5 (February 18, 2019): 392–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23744235.2019.1572920.
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CARPENTER, DANIEL, and COLIN D. MOORE. "When Canvassers Became Activists: Antislavery Petitioning and the Political Mobilization of American Women." American Political Science Review 108, no. 3 (August 2014): 479–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305541400029x.
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Examining an original dataset of more than 8,500 antislavery petitions sent to Congress (1833–1845), we argue that American women's petition canvassing conferred skills and contacts that empowered their later activism. We find that women canvassers gathered 50% or more signatures (absolute and per capita) than men while circulating the same petition requests in the same locales. Supplementary evidence (mainly qualitative) points to women's persuasive capacity and network building as the most plausible mechanisms for this increased efficacy. We then present evidence that leaders in the women's rights and reform campaigns of the nineteenth century were previously active in antislavery canvassing. Pivotal signers of the Seneca Falls Declaration were antislavery petition canvassers, and in an independent sample of post–Civil War activists, women were four times more likely than men to have served as identifiable antislavery canvassers. For American women, petition canvassing—with its patterns of persuasion and networking—shaped legacies in political argument, network formation, and organizing.
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Miles, William F. S. "Conclusions." African Studies Review 47, no. 2 (September 2004): 109–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002020600030900.
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West African Islam is evolving politically and fast: This much these four rich case studies on Niger, Gambia, Nigeria, and Senegal assure us. How quaint now seems the early postcolonial notion that meaningful separation of mosque and state would remain a bedrock of the independent nation-state in a region of Africa marked by such a strong Muslim presence. Significant inroads into the superimposed European ideal of governance through secular institutions alone had already been made before the events of 9/11 recalibrated our focus on Islam in West Africa. As Mahmud and Villalón show us, partisan democratizing pressures in Nigeria and Senegal had put Shari'a and anti-Mouride Reformism on the the political table well before Osmana bin Laden became a household name. Similarly, the emergence of civil society associations in Niger and Wahhabi proselytizing in Gambia, according to Charlick and Darboe, elevated Islamist movements there prior to the attacks on the Twin Towers and Pentagon. After 9/11, the significance of Islamism in West Africa is of course inescapable: Mahmud's mere reference to a “Nigerian Taliban” inevitably whets curiosity. This response, however, is disproportionate to the group's real impact. It is crucial, in other words, that scholars of West African Islam not fall into the reductio ad al-Qaedum trap of neophyte Africanist students and intelligence analysts.
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Agarwal, Om Prakash, and Ajay Kumar. "Institutional Labyrinth." Transportation Research Record: Journal of the Transportation Research Board 2500, no. 1 (January 2015): 142–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3141/2500-17.
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The regulation and the management of urban transport services are often fragmented across multiple institutions. The need for a lead institution to take comprehensive responsibility for urban transport is well recognized. However, attempts in some developing countries to establish effective institutions have not proved successful. This paper seeks to highlight the causes of this lack of success in two cities—Metropolitan Manila, Philippines, and Dakar, Senegal—across two continents. The paper argues that several challenges, even beyond establishing the institutions themselves, need to be addressed if these institutions are to prove effective. Inadequate definition of their role and overlap of responsibilities with other agencies, coupled with inadequate power over financial resources, can render them ineffective.
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Adjovi, Roland. "The Agreement on the Establishment of the Extraordinary African Chambers within the Senegalese Judicial System Between the Government of the Republic Of Senegal and the African Union and the Statute of the Chambers." International Legal Materials 52, no. 4 (August 2013): 1020–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/intelegamate.52.4.1020.
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On August 22, 2012, the Republic of Senegal and the African Union (AU) signed an agreement to create a tribunal within the Senegalese judicial system to prosecute the perpetrators of international law violations in Chad between 1982 and 1990. To be called the Extraordinary African Chambers (Chambers), the tribunal is the result of years of political and judicial bargaining around Hissein Habré, the former President of Chad. The Chambers were inaugurated in February 2013, following the agreement upon a Statute of the Chambers in January 2013. On July 2, 2013, Hissein Habré was charged with crimes against humanity, torture, and war crimes, and placed in pre-trial detention. To date, Habré is the only indictee, but the Prosecutor reportedly intends to seek the indictment of five officials of Habré’s administration suspected of having committed international crimes.
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Ajulo, Sunday Babalola. "The Economic Community of West African States and International Law." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 2 (June 1989): 233–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0000046x.
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The Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) was established by the Treaty signed in Lagos on 25 May 1975 by the Heads of State and Government (or their representatives) from Benin, Burkina Faso, Côte d'Ivoire, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Togo. They were joined a few months later by Cape Verde, thereby increasing the number of member-states to 16. Following the post-World War II convention whereby international organisations formally insert in their constitutive instruments a declaratory statement concerning their status, it is not surprising that Article 60(1) stipulated that the Community ‘shall enjoy legal personality’. Although such organisations may be similar they are never identical, and this is why the nature and scope of the legal personality of each needs to be ascertained and discussed.
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Măda, Stanca, and Răzvan Săftoiu. "“Now there is a real effort to make sure people are adhering to orders they are supposed to be adhering to.”." Language and Dialogue 4, no. 2 (September 15, 2014): 194–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ld.4.2.02mad.
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It is widely regarded that war journalism is centred on the dichotomy good/evil, with “good” being (almost always) on the author’s side, who promotes a type of discourse that readers should adhere to. In this paper, we put forward an examination of events in various conflict areas (Afghanistan, Iran, Syria, Senegal, and Dagestan) in order to identify and analyse linguistic strategies employed by journalists in order to construct attitudes. We refer to such strategies as: stance-taking patterns, source identification, use of military jargon, and inculcation of a politically-correct way of thinking. In order to carry out this analysis, we selected ten articles from representative American daily newspapers reporting on conflictive events. The data were gathered starting from the idea of simultaneity of opinions and of events. This feature allows our analysis to focus on recurrent patterns in the articles.
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CANNELLA, FERDINANDO, ALBERTO GARINEI, MARIAPAOLA D'IMPERIO, and GIANLUCA ROSSI. "A NOVEL METHOD FOR THE DESIGN OF PROSTHESES BASED ON THERMOELASTIC STRESS ANALYSIS AND FINITE ELEMENT ANALYSIS." Journal of Mechanics in Medicine and Biology 14, no. 05 (August 2014): 1450064. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s021951941450064x.
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This work is about a prosthesis destined for the people of Senegal and the victims of mines that have been spread throughout countries involved in war. The purpose of this study is to design a new, low-cost prosthesis using the materials produced in Senegal: teak wood and iron (AISI 304). In order to optimize the design of the new prosthesis, a methodology was developed to evaluate stress patterns for different configurations. A commercial CAD and ANSYS Workbench were used to define prosthesis geometry and to perform Finite Element Analysis. Load and constraints were defined according to Regulation ISO10328-2006, and stress distribution was estimated using the FE model. Fatigue due to the cycling load was also taken into account. The two materials currently used in western countries, titanium and steel (AISI 1020), were compared to iron and teak in order to determine the prosthesis' lifespan based on the differences in structural behaviors. An experimental, non-contact measurement technique based on the Thermoelastic principle is proposed here to validate the FE model. This technique permits the evaluation of superficial stress patterns on the prosthesis subjected to a cyclic load. A loading rig was built to test the prosthesis, and experimental and FEM results were compared to allow qualitative mechanical assessment of the new prosthesis. The finding of this work was that the prosthesis can indeed be built using autochthonous materials such as teak and iron. Moreover, the methodology proposed can be used for the performance prediction and design of new prostheses using materials that are typically expensive or difficult to test (such as wood), allowing for optimization of the geometry based on stress distribution, an increase in reliability and a decrease in costs.
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Raso, Luciano, Jean-Claude Bader, and Steven Weijs. "Reservoir Operation Optimized for Hydropower Production Reduces Conflict with Traditional Water Uses in the Senegal River." Journal of Water Resources Planning and Management 146, no. 4 (April 2020): 05020003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1061/(asce)wr.1943-5452.0001076.
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AWENENGO DALBERTO, SÉVERINE. "HIDDEN DEBATES OVER THE STATUS OF THE CASAMANCE DURING THE DECOLONIZATION PROCESS IN SENEGAL: REGIONALISM, TERRITORIALISM, AND FEDERALISM AT A CROSSROADS, 1946–62." Journal of African History 61, no. 1 (March 2020): 67–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853720000043.
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AbstractThe article studies the contexts in which the idea of a separation of the Casamance from the rest of Senegal arose during the process of decolonization. The idea was an outgrowth of colonial representations forged since the end of the nineteenth century. It was first formulated by the French authorities in secret discussions with the representatives of the Casamance in the context of the 1958 referendum. It was taken over by local political leaders who saw it as a possible answer to the debates over representation that arose in the post-war process of democratization, and later by proponents of political mobilization at the sub-regional level after independence. By examining this little-known moment of possibility, the article shows that the claims of the current armed independence movement are in fact part of a longer, more ambivalent history in which a separatist imaginary of the Casamance took shape.
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Evora, Noël Dacruz, and Jean Rousselle. "Évaluation de la performance d'un modèle de simulation des débits journaliers en climat semi-aride." Canadian Journal of Civil Engineering 31, no. 4 (August 1, 2004): 589–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/l04-042.
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A new approach in stochastic modeling of daily flows in semiarid climate has been proposed recently. This approach has been used for the purpose of daily flows simulation at the Bakel station on the Senegal river (West Africa). Very good results have been obtained as far as the preservation of overall and monthly statistics of the observed daily flow series is concerned. In this paper, an assessment of the model performance is made. The key points are the duration and deficit of the drought events, the time of occurrence and intensity of the annual peak flows, and finally, the monthly and annual flow series obtained by aggregation of synthetic daily flow series. The results obtained from the analysis of these specific points confirm the overall good performance of the simulation model.Key words: stochastic modeling, flows, semiarid region, drought, peak flow.
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Kelly, L. G. "Plato, Bacon and the Puritan Apothecary." Target. International Journal of Translation Studies 1, no. 1 (January 1, 1989): 95–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/target.1.1.07kel.
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Abstract During the seventeenth century the London apothecaries, most of them Puritans, sought to destroy the control the London College of Physicians exercised over the practice of medicine in the capital. Cromwell's success in the Civil War gave the apothecaries the advantage in this fight, and the major weapon they used against the College was translation of the Latin professional literature into English and wide dissemination of the translations, which often included some very unbridled footnotes to embarass the College. The most important of these apothecary-translators was Nicholas Culpeper (1616-1654). His practice in both medicine and translation is typical of the Puritan tradition in combining four influences: the philosophy of Francis Bacon, medieval interpretations of Ovid's account of Creation (Metamorphoses I.85), the Platonist flavour of medieval alchemy, and the Bible, particularly as translated by the Calvinists (the "Geneva Bible"). Culpeper was writing for a public that saw no distinction between secular and religious knowledge, and which took from Bacon and Seneca the conviction that polished language could not co-exist with truth. Thus his translation style, taken ultimately from the Puritan pulpit and schoolroom, is unadorned, accurate, and literal in that his versions respect the discourse order and content of the original.
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Reis, Luiza Nascimento dos. "O exílio africano de Paulo Farias (África Ocidental, 1964-1969)." Tempo 25, no. 2 (August 2019): 430–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/tem-1980-542x2018v250208.
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Resumo: Paulo Fernando de Moraes Farias é historiador brasileiro com renomado trabalho desenvolvido no Centre of West African Studies, da Universidade de Birmingham. Sua longa trajetória de residência e pesquisa no Reino Unido se deu após anos decisivos, em que viveu em diferentes países da África Ocidental. Perseguido politicamente pela ditadura civil-militar brasileira instaurada em 1964, Farias deixou o Centro de Estudos Afro-orientais (Ceao) da Universidade Federal da Bahia (UFBA) e vinculou-se sucessivamente a diferentes instituições acadêmicas em Gana, no Senegal e na Nigéria para desenvolver pesquisa no emergente campo da história africana. Neste texto, amparado em três entrevistas concedidas por Farias e em diversas correspondências depositadas em acervos do Ceao e da Fundação Pierre Verger (FPV), discutimos os dilemas, as descobertas e os diálogos do jovem historiador em seu exílio africano entre 1964 e 1969.
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Leonard, Llewellyn. "The World Social Forum as a sub-political space for environmental justice: The case for South African grassroots empowerment within a network society." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 5, no. 4 (December 30, 2014): 238–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v5i4.823.
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The World Social Forum (WSF) has provided an international stage for civil society from across the globe to share ideas, strategies, tactics and struggles for creating ‘another world’ against the failures of market inequalities. It attracts more than sixty thousand people pursuing the vision of 'Another World is Possible', with the event becoming a symbol of hope for environmental, social and economic justice. How effective has the WSF been in projecting the concerns of the grassroots against inequalities produced? Should new strategies and tactics be forged amongst civil society so that this international platform becomes more meaningful for the marginalised? Through empirical work conducted at the 2011 WSF in Dakar, Senegal, supplemented with previous empirical work with civil society conducted in Durban, South Africa, this paper points to challenges that need to be addressed by civil society if ‘another world is possible.’ Although there is an urgent need for local representative and civil society to mobilise social capital and include the grassroots into discussions in future WSF gatherings, the success of such an international platform is also influenced by historical, socio-economic and political contexts within countries influencing social capital within networks. Grassroots empowerment will help build more coherent actions that reflect the needs of those most affected by inequalities
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Johnson, Marion. "Interesting Document, Dangerous Translation." History in Africa 14 (1987): 359–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171846.
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Under the not very informative cover title of Munger Africana Library Notes 3, the library of that name published in 1971 a group of four French documents, collectively called The Choiseul papers, secret documents prepared for the peace negotiations to end the Seven Years' War in 1762/63. There is no indication as to the original authorship of these documents, except that the first, with a date of 6 January 1681, is noted as “sent on behalf of M. de Bussy.” The editor, Monique le Blanc, in her short introduction which places these documents in their historical setting, says that they were obtained from the family of the Duc de Nivernais, the French representative at the negotiations. The editor also notes that they were used in part by André Delcourt in his IFAN Memoire La France et les établissements français au Sénégal entre 1713 et 1763 (Dakar, 1952). The translator, James Greenlee, provides brief notes concerned mainly with the orthography of the copyists, who, he suggests, may in two cases have been Spanish. (Their French spelling is in some ways similar to that of Jean Barbot nearly a century earlier--were they, like him, from La Rochelle?)The purpose of the present brief note is both to draw attention to these documents, which are reproduced in facsimile (slightly reduced in size), but also, regretably, to warn those who wish to use them to beware of the translation which accompanies them. The documents consist of four secret mémoires--one entitled “first secret mémoire on the Coast of Africa”, dated 1761 (translated as “last secret communication…”), a second entitled “First secret mémoire on Senegal and the Island of Gorée,” followed by a second secret mémoire on Senegal and Gorée and a third secret mémoire on the west coast of Africa, forwarded to the Duc de Nivernais by the Comte de Choiseul, then Minister of Foreign Affairs.
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Cooper, Frederick. "‘Our Strike’: Equality, Anticolonial Politics and the 1947–48 Railway Strike in French West Africa." Journal of African History 37, no. 1 (March 1996): 81–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700034800.
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This essay is both a reinterpretation of the place of the French West African railway strike in labor history and part of an exploration of its effects on politics and political memory. This vast strike needs to be studied in railway depots from Senegal to the Ivory Coast. Historians need both to engage the fictional version of the strike in Ousmanne Sembene'sGod's Bits of Woodand avoid being caught up in it. Interviews in the key railway and union town of Thiès, Senegal, suggest that strike veterans want to distinguish an experience they regard as their own from the novelist's portrayal. They accept the heroic vision of the strike, but offer different interpretations of its relationship to family and community and suggest that its political implications include co-optation and betrayal as much as anticolonial solidarity. Interviews complement the reports of police spies as sources for the historian. The central irony of the strike is that it was sustained on the basis of railwaymen's integration into local communities but that its central demand took railwaymen into a professionally defined, nonracial category of railwayman. The strike thus needs to be situated in relation to French efforts to define a new imperialism for the post-war era and the government's inability to control the implications of its own actions and rhetoric. Negotiating with a new, young, politically aware railway union leadership in 1946 and 1947, officials were unwilling to defend the old racial wage scales, accepted in principle thecadre uniquedemanded by the union, but fought over the question of power – who was to decide the details that would give such a cadre meaning? The article analyzes the tension between the principles of nonracial equality and African community among the railwaymen and that between colonial power and notions of assimilation and development within the government. It examines the extent to which the strike remained a railway strike or spilled over into a wider and longer term question of proletarian solidarity and anticolonial mobilization.
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Salem, Gérard. "Geographie de la mortalite et de la natalite a pikine (senegal): Interets et limites des donnees d'etat civil dans les villes africaines." Social Science & Medicine 36, no. 10 (May 1993): 1297–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-9536(93)90220-x.
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