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Journal articles on the topic 'Senior ministers'
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Claes, Willy. "Vice-Premiers en kernkabinetten : Een evaluatie van deze innovaties." Res Publica 42, no. 1 (March 31, 2000): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v42i1.18528.
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The function of Deputy Prime Minister is not specified in the Belgian Constitution, nevertheless it is imposed by force ofcustom. Since 1961, there have been in each government one or more Deputy Prime Ministers whether or not carrying the formal title. The Deputy Prime Minister was originally the number two in the government, behind the Prime Minister. Usually, he belongs to another party. Thanks to the competences attributed to him in the government, his position in his party and his natural authority and leadership, he tries, together with the prime minister, to manage the government in the right direction and to maintain the cohesion in the coalition. The Deputy Prime Minister is at the same time also in charge of a given ministry. The function of Deputy Prime Minister has become more important due to the increased influence of political parties within and upon the government. The Deputy Prime Minister acts now explicitly as spokesperson of his party within the government and defends the decisions of the government within his party. After the split of the national parties in a Flemish and a Walloon party and as consequence, the increase of parties in government, the number of Deputy Prime Ministers also increased. It became usual that each party in government had his own Deputy Prime Minister, even the party of the Prime Minister since the latter is considered to be politically neutral. Under the name of 'Cabinet for general affairs ', the 'kernkabinet' raised in1961 to handle all major problems and initiatives of the government. The 'kernkabinet' interpreted this rather vague description of its competences in a broad way. lts members were the Prime Minister, the Deputy Prime Minister and some other senior ministers. Usually, an equilibrium on the basis of party- and language-affiliations was installed. In the second half of the 1970s, the role and the impact of the 'kernkabinet' increased gradually. The 'kernkabinet' had become a real decision-making institution, gathering several times a week. As a consequence, the role of the Council of Ministers on certain issues was degraded to merely ratify decisions taken by the 'kernkabinet'. Much critique was voiced on this evolution, especially upon the lack of transparency and efficiency.Although heavily criticized, the 'kernkabinet' has proved to be a very helpful instrument to take decisions on complex and delicate problems. In 1981, the 'kernkabinet' was formally abolished and in 1992, the Dehaene-government abolished all ministerial committees. Despite these abolitions, there was and still is nowadays the tendency to gather with the senior ministers to solve complex problems. De facto the kernkabinet holds strong.
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Wilson, R. Paul. "Research Note: A Profile of Ministerial Policy Staff in the Government of Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 48, no. 2 (June 2015): 455–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423915000293.
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AbstractAlthough ministerial political advisors are prominent and influential actors within the core executive in Canada and elsewhere, information is scarce with respect to their personal and professional backgrounds and career trajectory. This article uses recent survey data and publicly available biographical information to analyse the demographic composition of senior ministerial policy advisors within the Government of Canada. It finds that, while ministerial policy staffers are young and politically committed, they are not so young nor so professionally inexperienced as sometimes thought. Nor are they always personally and tightly bound to their current ministers but often work for different ministers in different departments. This suggests that advisors are agents of the whole government as much as agents of their individual ministers and raises questions about the degree to which they are responsive to the Prime Minister's Office, thereby increasing centralization.
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Alcantara, Christopher. "Ideas, Executive Federalism and Institutional Change: Explaining Territorial Inclusion in Canadian First Ministers' Conferences." Canadian Journal of Political Science 46, no. 1 (March 2013): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423913000152.
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Abstract.Official participation in Canadian First Ministers' Conferences has long been exclusive to federal and provincial first ministers. In March 1992, however, the membership of this intergovernmental arena was expanded permanently to include territorial premiers. Using the tools of historical institutionalism and drawing upon relevant literature and eleven elite interviews with former first ministers and senior civil servants, this paper seeks to explain why this instance of incremental institutional change occurred. It finds that significant friction between the institutional and ideational layers of the Canadian federation during a period of mega-constitutional reform allowed federal, provincial and territorial actors to draw upon ideas about democracy and the political and constitutional maturation of the territorial North to expand permanently the membership of First Ministers' Conferences.Résumé.Pendant longtemps, seuls les premiers ministres fédéral et provinciaux étaient admis officiellement à la conférence des premiers ministres du Canada. Toutefois, en mars 1992, ce sommet intergouvernemental était élargi en permanence de façon à accueillir les premiers ministres des territoires. À l'aide des outils de l'institutionnalisme historique, et en tirant parti de la documentation pertinente ainsi que de 11 entrevues menées auprès d'un groupe sélect d'ex-premiers ministres et de hauts fonctionnaires, cet article tente d'expliquer pourquoi nous avons assisté à un tel degré de changement constitutionnel. Nous en concluons que d'importantes frictions entre les niveaux institutionnel et idéationnel de la fédération canadienne au cours d'une période de réforme mégaconstitutionnelle ont permis aux acteurs fédéraux, provinciaux et territoriaux de s'inspirer d'idées portant sur la démocratie et sur le processus de maturation politique et constitutionnel du Nord territorial afin d'accroître en permanence le nombre de participants aux conférences des premiers ministres.
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Durso, Pamela R. "This is what a minister looks like: The expanding Baptist definition of minister." Review & Expositor 114, no. 4 (November 2017): 520–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034637317737512.
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In 1956, H. Richard Niebuhr and Daniel D. Williams asserted that to the traditional definition of minister as pastor-preacher must be added teacher, chaplain, missionary, evangelist, counselor, and countless others. What Niebuhr and Williams observed as happening within American churches in general was also true within Baptist churches. Beginning sometime around mid-century, Baptist churches hired staff members to lead and plan their music programs; to work with preschoolers, children, teenagers, college students, and senior adults; and to oversee administration, education, and recreational activities. Around the 1970s, some Baptist churches recognized and publicly identified these staff members as ministers and began ordaining them. Women were among these newly ordained ministers. By the 1980s and 1990s, the number of ordained Baptist women had increased significantly, and the number of recognized ministry positions both inside and outside the church also increased significantly. Women were obviously beneficiaries of the trend of ordaining as ministers those serving in positions other than pastor-preacher, or perhaps women were leading the way and were trendsetters for Baptists. Either way, Baptist women were in the mix in this move toward the broader definition of minister.
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Carroll, Barbara Wake. "Breaking the Bargain: Public Servants, Ministers and Parliament." Canadian Journal of Political Science 38, no. 1 (March 2005): 229–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423905210107.
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Breaking the Bargain: Public Servants, Ministers and Parliament, Donald J. Savoie, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003, pp. xiv, 337Most of us have been taught, and have taught, about the traditional relationship between public servants, ministers and parliaments under the Westminster tradition of government. Ideas like the accountability of the neutral, non-partisan, anonymous senior public servant to his minister, and concepts like ministerial responsibility and collective cabinet responsibility to Parliament, and the oversight and legislative role of Parliament, are part of what Donald Savoie calls the traditional bargain that underpins the political and administrative process in Canada. The central thesis of this book is that this traditional bargain has been broken and a new bargain needs to be struck if our system of responsible government is going to continue to function effectively.
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Russell, Peter H. "A Project to Reduce Canadians' Constitutional Illiteracy." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 25, no. 3 (November 21, 2016): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c9ht18.
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How is it determined who is prime minister? Does the leader of the party that wins the most seats in the House of Commons, or that gets the most votes in the election automatically become prime minister? Who appoints cabinet ministers? Do cabinet ministers have to be MPs? Who appoints deputy ministers? What are deputy ministers? What are parliamentary secretaries? What is the PCO? What is the PMO? How is the Governor General selected? What are the Governor General’s powers? What is the role of the Queen in governing Canada? What contact, if any, can senior civil servants have with opposition parties? What contact, if any, can government leaders have with judges? How are treaties with foreign countries ratified? Why does Canada have treaties with Aboriginal peoples? Are there any constraints on federal spending in areas of provincial responsibility? What is the constitutional status of the northern territories and how does the federal government’s relationship with them differ from its relations with the provinces?A Canadian citizen who wants to know how her country is governed should be able to get clear, authoritative answers to these questions without much trouble; so should a civics teacher in a school classroom or a person preparing immigrants for Canadian citizenship. These are not small technical questions — they are basic to knowing how Canadian government and democracy work — yet the citizen who looks for answers to these questions in the written text of Canada’s Constitution will look in vain.
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Eidenfalk, Joakim, Vivien W. Forner, Michael Jones, and Dominique Rene Parrish. "Prime ministers as leaders: Applying self-determination theory on Australian prime ministers." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 6, no. 1 (June 26, 2018): 224–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v6i1.763.
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The leadership capability of Australia’s four Prime Ministers 1996 – 2015 has been widely debated by political commentators, financial analysts and the general public. The success of these senior leaders has been questioned, as has their management of their office, staff, and colleagues. This article will investigate the performances of these four Australia Prime Ministers – John Howard, Kevin Rudd, Julia Gillard and Tony Abbott. Self-Determination Theory (SDT) is presented as a framework that could provide guidance on the aspects of leadership that if attended to could result in enhanced performance of political leaders and ultimately security of their position. SDT is also used as a theoretical lens to evaluate the behaviour and provide a comparative assessment of these four Australian Prime Ministers. It is posited that SDT analysis illustrates ways that each of the four Prime Ministers could have performed better and highlights key lessons for current and future leaders around the world.
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Jacob, Luis, and Ricardo Pocinho. "ICT, Senior universities and digital security." Geopolitical, Social Security and Freedom Journal 2, no. 1 (November 1, 2019): 37–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/gssfj-2019-0004.
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Abstract The Senior Universities (US) in Portugal are socio-educational organisations, of non-formal education, officially recognised by the Resolution of the Council of Ministers nº 76/2016. According to the National Network of Senior Universities (RUTIS), there were 330 US in Portugal with a total of 45,000 senior students in 2019. Since the beginning of the US, computer education has been one of the most sought after topics for seniors. In 2018, 62% of students attended a course related to Information and Communication Technologies (ICT). This teaching has gone through three phases in the US that we will present. In the study carried out by the author to 1,016 senior students from all over the country, it was possible to conclude that the frequency of the US contributed a great deal to diminish digital illiteracy and that it is in the older and less literate public that these contributors are more visible. It was also possible to realise that most US students have smartphones and laptops and understand the evolution that the use of computers has had in the US.
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Griffith, Richard. "Using public health law to contain the spread of COVID-19." British Journal of Nursing 29, no. 5 (March 12, 2020): 326–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/bjon.2020.29.5.326.
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Richard Griffith, Senior Lecturer in Health Law at Swansea University, considers what powers are available to ministers, health and local authorities to minimise the spread of the novel coronavirus and the disease it causes
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Lee, Don S. "PORTFOLIO ALLOCATION AS THE PRESIDENT'S CALCULATIONS: LOYALTY, COPARTISANSHIP, AND POLITICAL CONTEXT IN SOUTH KOREA." Journal of East Asian Studies 18, no. 3 (June 1, 2018): 345–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2018.16.
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AbstractHow do the president's calculations in achieving policy goals shape the allocation of cabinet portfolios? Despite the growing literature on presidential cabinet appointments, this question has barely been addressed. I argue that cabinet appointments are strongly affected not only by presidential incentives to effectively deliver their key policy commitments but also by their interest in having their administration maintain strong political leverage. Through an analysis of portfolio allocations in South Korea after democratization, I demonstrate that the posts wherein ministers can influence the government's overall reputation typically go to nonpartisan professionals ideologically aligned with presidents, while the posts wherein ministers can exert legislators' influence generally go to senior copartisans. My findings highlight a critical difference in presidential portfolio allocation from parliamentary democracies, where key posts tend to be reserved for senior parliamentarians from the ruling party.
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Filipek, Michał Jan. "STRUKTURA ORGANIZACYJNA ORAZ GŁÓWNE KIERUNKI DZIAŁALNOŚCI NORDYCKIEJ RADY MINISTRÓW." Zeszyty Prawnicze 9, no. 2 (June 25, 2017): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2009.9.2.05.
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Organizational Structure and Main Activities of the Nordic Council of MinistersSummaryThe aim of the paper is to present basic information concerning structure and political activity of The Nordic Council of Ministers. The Nordic Council of Ministers was established in 1971 after an attempt at Nordic economic co-operation, the so-called Nordek, which had failed the year before. One of the main goals of the Nordic Council of Ministers was to maintain Nordic co-operation and integration. Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden have been members of the Nordic Council of Ministers since 1971. The autonomous territories of Greenland, the Faroe Islands and Åland have also increased their representation and position in the Nordic Council of Ministers (the same representation as the member states).The Nordic Council of Ministers has developed contacts with all of the countries in the Baltic Sea Region. Closer co-operation with the Baltic States takes the form of rich co-operation on many levels. The Nordic Council of Ministers is the forum for Nordic governmental co-operation. Issues are prepared and followed up by the various Committees of Senior Officials which consist of civil servants from the member countries.The purpose of inter-governmental and political co-operation in the Nordic Council of Ministers is to work toward joint Nordic solutions that have positive effects for the citizens of Nordic countries.
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Coogan, John W., and Peter F. Coogan. "The British Cabinet and the Anglo-French Staff Talks, 1905–1914: Who Knew What and When Did He Know It?" Journal of British Studies 24, no. 1 (January 1985): 110–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385827.
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The role of the British cabinet in the Anglo-French military conversations prior to the First World War has been and remains controversial. The acrimonious debate within the government during November 1911 seems linked inextricably to the flood of angry memoirs that followed August 1914 and to the continuing historical debate over the actions and motivations of the various ministers involved. Two generations of researchers now have examined an enormous body of evidence, yet the leading modern scholars continue to publish accounts that differ on the most basic questions. Historians have proved no more able than the ministers themselves were to reconcile the contradictory statements of honorable men. The persistence of these differences in historical literature demonstrates both the continuing confusion over the cabinet's role in the military conversations and the need for a renewed effort to resolve this confusion.The starting point for any discussion of the staff talks must be the recognition that the meaning of the term changed significantly over the nine years before the outbreak of World War I. The contacts began with a series of informal discussions between senior British and French officers during 1905. The first systematic conversations took place early in January 1906 under the authority of Lord Esher, a permanent member of the Committee of Imperial Defence (CID), and Sir George Clarke, the CID secretary. Later in that month a small group of ministers, including Prime Minister Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, sanctioned formal, ongoing exchanges between the two general staffs.
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BARKER, ANTHONY, and GRAHAM K. WILSON. "Whitehall's Disobedient Servants? Senior Officials' Potential Resistance to Ministers in British Government Departments." British Journal of Political Science 27, no. 2 (April 1997): 223–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123497000124.
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Kim, Kyoung Eun, and Heung Suk Choi. "What determines senior civil servants’ responsive behaviors to ministers?: Applying mixed-methodology on the relationship between top bureaucrats and ministers in South Korea." International Review of Public Administration 25, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 22–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12294659.2020.1728020.
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Robbins, David. "Climate Change Frame Production: Perspectives from Government Ministers and Senior Media Strategists in Ireland." Environmental Communication 14, no. 4 (November 22, 2019): 509–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17524032.2019.1691620.
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Wilson, K. M. "A Venture in ‘The Caverns of Intrigue’: The Conspiracy Against Lord Curzon and his Foreign Policy, 1922–3." Historical Research 70, no. 173 (October 1, 1997): 312–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00046.
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Abstract This article investigates the opposition, both within and without the British cabinet, to Curzon's handling of relations with France and Germany in the early nineteen‐twenties, opposition which came to a head in the form of a conspiracy to remove him as Foreign Secretary in October 1923. The chief conspirators are identified as the editor of the Morning Post, a senior Foreign Office official—and Lord Derby. The relationship to this conspiracy of the French premier and of several British cabinet ministers, including the prime minister, Baldwin, is a major theme. How Curzon survived, with the help of French documents intercepted by the British intelligence agencies, is part of the conclusion. The article adds to what is known of the making of British foreign policy at this time, and is largely based upon material in the papers of H.A. Gwynne and in the archive of the Morning Post newspaper which has not been utilized by anyone else.
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Choy Flannigan, Alison, and Prue Power. "Health Care Governance: Introduction." Australian Health Review 32, no. 1 (2008): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah080007.
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IN RECOGNITION OF the importance and the complexity of governance within the Australian health care sector, the Australian Healthcare and Hospitals Association has established a regular governance section in Australian Health Review. The aim of this new section is to provide relevant and up-to-date information on governance to assist those working at senior leadership and management levels in the industry. We plan to include perspectives on governance of interest to government Ministers and senior executives, chief executives, members of boards and advisory bodies, senior managers and senior clinicians. This section is produced with the assistance of Ebsworth & Ebsworth lawyers, who are pleased to team with the Australian Healthcare and Hospitals Association in this important area. We expect that further articles in this section will cover topics such as: � Principles of good corporate governance � Corporate governance structures in the public health sector in Australia � Legal responsibilities of public health managers � Governance and occupational health and safety � Financial governance and probity. We would be pleased to hear your suggestions for future governance topics.
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McLeay Thompson, Robert, and Christine Flynn. "Inter-sector senior leader transitions: experience and outcomes." International Journal of Public Sector Management 27, no. 1 (January 7, 2014): 85–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpsm-03-2012-0034.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the experience of senior leaders who move into the public sector from other sectors of the economy, a process referred to in this paper as inter-sector senior leader transitions. This is a little researched area of public sector leadership yet has significant implications for fundamental public sector reform. Design/methodology/approach – The paper employs an interview design to elicit senior leaders' stories of their transition into the public sector. Findings – The data suggest that successful senior leader transitions are more likely when a set of conditions is met; the leader transitions into CEO role, rather than levels below CEO, ministers provide inter-sector transition support, senior leaders develop responses to stress, senior leaders reject high formalization, their change processes focus on building capacity, and senior leaders confront dysfunctional organizational relationships directly. Research limitations/implications – The research relies on a relatively small sample. However, access to senior managers at this level can be difficult. Nevertheless, those senior managers who participated were very willing to share their stories. Practical implications – If public sector organizations are to realize the value of successful leaders from other sectors, they need to invest in structured processes that facilitate the transition. A laissez-faire approach is not viable given the cost of such transitions. Originality/value – The paper focuses on a little researched area of leadership experience which has significant implications for the development and change of the public sector.
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Norton-Taylor, Richard. "Forty years’ personal experience." Media, War & Conflict 10, no. 1 (March 17, 2017): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635217698335.
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This article reflects a journalist’s personal experience of reporting on the UK military, analysing the relationship between senior military figures and the Ministry of Defence (their political masters) and the media. Topics covered include manipulation of the media and the popularity of the armed forces, as well as unpopular, ill-planned, military operations, notably Iraq and Afghanistan. The author also examines other operations, notably the wars in the Falklands and Kosovo, the 1991 Gulf War and the Scott Arms-to-Iraq Inquiry. The article goes on to explore leaks by frustrated military; tensions between military commanders and ministers; the 2010 Strategic Defence and Security Review; military chiefs not speaking truth to power; ministers jealous of the military’s close relations with journalists; and the Defence Advisory Notice Committee. The author reveals how official secrecy is honoured more in the breach than in its observance, especially concerning the special forces.
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Heinrich, Anselm. "WILLIAM GLADSTONE AND THE THEATRE." Theatre Survey 52, no. 1 (May 2011): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004055741100007x.
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William Ewart Gladstone, four times prime minister (1868–74, 1880–5, 1886, and 1892–94), the “greatest colossus of the Victorian Age,” the most influential prime minister of the nineteenth century, and the Grand Old Man (G.O.M.) of British politics and statesmanship, seems an unlikely advocate for the theatre. Deeply religious, conservative, and serious, Gladstone is not easily imagined as an avid theatregoer. It is difficult to imagine him supporting the ephemeral, often subversive, and suggestive character of the theatre. And indeed, in his early years Gladstone despised the theatre and called it an “encouragement of sin.” As prime minister, he was almost obsessed by a religious zeal; Richard Foulkes has noted that “Few, if any, prime ministers have carried out their role in making senior Church appointments as assiduously as Gladstone did.” For members of Victorian Britain's Christian majority, the theatre was anathema and regarded as morally suspect. They were intensely suspicious and saw playgoing as a distraction from religion and as a promoter of frivolity, vanity, and female forwardness. They linked theatres to “prostitution, juvenile delinquency, idleness, drunkenness and frivolity.” In fact, theatres were the “antithesis of the Victorian world view which prized respectability, gentility, decency, education and uplift.” Until at least the later decades of the nineteenth century, theatre “was widely regarded as the lowliest of the arts, if one at all.”
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Zamri bin Ahmad, Abdul Mua’ti. "FROM INCULCATING ISLAMIC VALUES TO ‘RAHMATAN-LIL-ALAMIN’: PROMULGATING VARIOUS APPROACHES OF ISLAM IN MALAYSIA." Journal of Malay Islamic Studies 3, no. 1 (November 28, 2019): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/jmis.v3i1.4572.
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The government of Malaysia has introduced ‘Inculcating Islamic Values’ during the reign of Prime Minister Dr Mahathir in the 80s, ‘Civilizational Islam (Islam Hadhari)’ during the reign of Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi in 2004, ‘Wasatiyah’ during the reign of Prime Minister Najib Razak in 2010 and ‘Rahmatan-lil-Alamin’ recently in 2018 under the new government. All the approaches were designed towards developing a modern society in predominantly Malay-Muslim society of Malaysia. The concepts were normally publicized as a part of the manifesto during the political campaigns prior to the general elections. Since then, Malaysians, Muslims and non-Muslims alike were expecting to observe more detail explanations of the concepts and how it could be translated into actions in the multi-religion society. Occasionally the Prime Minister will reiterate the approaches and spell out in detail the methods of implementing the concept or to translate the concepts into policies. The concepts will further be elaborated in a couple more speeches delivered by the Prime Minister and senior ministers including the information minister. The mainstream media has also allotted special columns and programs to outspread the concepts even though at times not in detail and lack of continuity. Today, after about one year since the latest concept (Rahmatan-lil-alamin) has been conceived, what are the peoples’ perceptions towards it? Do the people really made to understand the concept? To what extent has the media been used to disseminate the idea? This paper will discuss the analysis of the dissemination of the concept through the main stream media in Malaysia.
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de Visscher, Christian, and Heidi Houlberg Salomonsen. "Explaining differences in ministerial ménages à trois: multiple bargains in Belgium and Denmark." International Review of Administrative Sciences 79, no. 1 (March 2013): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852312467615.
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While special advisers play an important role in most Western governments, the research on the subject is limited. This article aims to explain variations in the ménage à trois relationships between ministers, senior civil servants and special advisers in two different politico-administrative systems. The theoretical starting point is to conceptualize and explain such trilateral relationships as multiple Public Service Bargains. We find that the differences in Public Service Bargains generate differences in these ménages à trois relationships, resulting in different types of functional differentiation as well as differences in the degree of cooperation vis-à-vis conflict. These differences are primarily the result of differences in the interests as well as formal, institutional rules and the competencies of the actors involved. The empirical data include documents as well as interviews with and questionnaires completed by senior civil servants. The countries compared are Belgium and Denmark. Points for practitioners Our study confirms that it is important for a ‘ménage à trois’ (ministers, special advisers, SCSs) ‘… to spell out the terms of the bargain applying to political advisers (…)’ ( Hood and Lodge, 2006 : 128) in order to regulate the relationship between special advisers and SCSs and avoid potential conflicts among them. In addition, the study shows that the number of political appointments plays a role in the relationship. Finally, the study shows that clear differences in the competencies brought to the bargain by the two types of agent may ensure cooperation and mutual respect, whereas an overlapping of competencies may cause rivalry.
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Seat, Jeff T., James T. Trent, and Jwa K. Kim. "The Prevalence and Contributing Factors of Sexual Misconduct among Southern Baptist Pastors in Six Southern States." Journal of Pastoral Care 47, no. 4 (December 1993): 363–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002234099304700404.
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Reports the results of a questionnaire survey designed to identify factors contributing to sexual misconduct of a sample of senior Southern Baptist pastors. Concludes that stress and sexual misconduct are significantly correlated and that pastors less confident in their training are more likely to engage in sexual misconduct than those confident in their training. Offers a list of guidelines for individual ministers to follow to reduce the likelihood of sexual misconduct taking place. Notes implications for pastoral care and for theological seminaries and judicatories in their efforts to confront the problem of sexual misconduct among clergy.
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Lees-Marshment, Jennifer, and Owain Smolović Jones. "Being more with less: Exploring the flexible political leadership identities of government ministers." Leadership 14, no. 4 (January 12, 2018): 460–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742715016687815.
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The paper focuses on the identity work of government ministers, exploring how they experience themselves in relation to contemporary demands and discourses of leadership and democracy. We note a substantial number of studies seeking to develop theories of political and public leadership, particularly in more collaborative directions, but no studies that seek to explore how such demands are experienced by the political leaders who occupy leadership roles. We adopt a poststructuralist approach to identity as a means of empirically exploring how government ministers construct their identities. Drawing on 51 interviews with senior politicians, we propose a model of flexible political leadership identity, which argues that just as public agencies in these austere times are asked to do more with less, so political leaders seem to need to be more but with less perceived discretionary power. We propose four identities that answer quite different leadership demands: ‘the consultor’, ‘the traveller,’ ‘the adjudicator’ and ‘the master.’ These are semi-occupied identities, partial fulfilments of contemporary but contradictory leadership discourses. We conclude the paper with a reflection on how our findings might inform future research and leadership development interventions.
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Fleay, Caroline, Anita Lumbus, and Lisa Hartley. "People Seeking Asylum in Australia and their Access to Employment: Just What Do We Know?" Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 8, no. 2 (July 26, 2016): 63–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v8i2.4969.
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Public and political claims about the employment of people from a refugee background in Australia do not always reflect the research findings in this area. For example, recent claims by a senior Coalition Government Minister about people seeking asylum who arrived to Australia by boat during the previous Labor Government’s terms in office (2007-13) posit that many have limited employment prospects. However, given there is little research or government reporting on the experiences of asylum seekers who arrived during this time, and none that focuses specifically on their employment, there is no evidence to support this. A review of research on the employment experiences of people from a refugee background, and Australian policies, suggests a more nuanced picture. This includes research that found while initially people from a refugee background are more likely to be unemployed, have temporary jobs and lower incomes than other newly arrived immigrants, over the longer term second-generation refugees have higher levels of labour market participation than the general population and refugees and their families make significant economic and community contributions to Australia. Research also highlights that refugees may experience a range of barriers to accessing employment, including discrimination, and a review of Australian policies indicates these are likely to have exacerbated some of these barriers for asylum seekers who arrived to Australia by boat. In addition, given previous findings that public attitudes can be influenced by representations made in public and political discourses, the public statements of senior Ministers may be further deepening barriers to accessing employment faced by asylum seekers who arrived by boat.
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Murray, Cathy. "Children's Rights in Rwanda: A Hierarchical or Parallel Model of Implementation?" International Journal of Children's Rights 18, no. 3 (2010): 387–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181810x487036.
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AbstractThe paper reports on a qualitative study, entitled Children's Rights in Rwanda, which was conducted in Kigali, Rwanda in 2007. Qualitative interviews were conducted with government ministers, senior staff in non-governmental organisations, Human Rights Commissioners, a Senior Prosecutor and the Ombudsman. Two focus groups were held with teenage pupils. The study explores the key children's rights – provision, protection and participation – enshrined in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. The research question is whether children's participation rights feature in Rwanda, a country in which children's rights to provision and to protection are still being addressed. A parallel model and a hierarchical model of implementing children's rights are proposed and the use of elite interviews discussed. A key finding is that a parallel model of implementation of children's rights is evident, with children's right to participation (at least in the public sphere) being addressed alongside children's right to provision and protection. In the private sphere, children's participation rights lag behind.
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Vaea, Albert. "The dismissal and re-positioning of government ministers and senior administrators in Tonga: leadership and performance challenges." Asia Pacific Journal of Public Administration 41, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 42–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23276665.2019.1592844.
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Ellul, Lauren, and Ron Hodges. "Reforming the government budgeting system in Malta." Journal of Public Budgeting, Accounting & Financial Management 31, no. 4 (November 14, 2019): 518–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jpbafm-10-2018-0108.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyse the pre-adoption phase of budgetary reform. Perspectives on the introduction and use of performance information in budgeting are obtained through interviews with current and former senior politicians and civil servants in Malta. Institutional theories are used to analyse the pressures that are perceived as promoting or inhibiting reforms. Design/methodology/approach The research followed a qualitative approach, using data gathered from documentary sources and empirical evidence collected from semi-structured interviews. Documentary sources were used to provide knowledge, obtaining an understanding of budgeting processes in the Maltese central government. Two categories of interviewee are identified in the analysis: political interviewees, consisting of 7 politicians; and administrative interviewees consisting of 13 senior civil servants. Findings The authors find that the current line-item budgeting system is deeply embedded into government practices. Malta’s membership of the European Union and its adoption of the Euro support coercive pressures for reductions in fiscal deficits. Normative pressures appear to be significant and may have a longer-term impact in promoting budgeting reform. Originality/value This paper contributes to existing performance-based budgeting literature by studying the pre-adoption phase which has rarely been the focus of previous studies. The study delves into the interaction between institutional and economic forces, an aspect which has been inadequately studied. The access to current and former Prime Ministers and other Ministers of State in this study is unusual. As such, the researchers have been able to obtain the perceptions of political decision makers in a way that might be more difficult to do in larger countries.
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Dierickx, Guido. "De Euro-Belgische ambtenaren : Een paradoxale prestatie." Res Publica 40, no. 2 (June 30, 1998): 219–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v40i2.18558.
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The Belgian civil servants who are involved in the working groups of the European Council of Ministers on a full-time basis are a small elite corps which is hardly typical for the Belgian civil service as a whole. Most of its members belong to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or to other ministries as these have delegates in the Permanent Representation. Their responsibilities too are rather different from those of the normal Belgian civil servant. The latter are typically engaged in the implementation of the policies designed by their political masters, the farmer are largely autonomous policy makers and negotiators, though mostly in matters of minor political importance. In one regard though, these Euro-Belgians are still recognizable as typically Belgian. Their political culture is characterized, tough to a lesser degree than that of the other senior civil servants in Belgium, by a technocratism which is very distrustful of political actors and by a remarkable level of distrust of their organisational infrastructure. Such a culture should lead to a poor performance in the working groups of the Council of Ministers. But it does not. That is the paradox this contribution intends to examine.
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Seng, Cheaseth. "Relationships between capabilities-strategy alignment and accountability-emphasis in government business enterprises." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 1, no. 1 (July 8, 2011): 252. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v1i1.769.
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This study introduces a new research perspective to the investigation of factors affecting management’s attention to the rendering of their organisation’s managerial and public accountabilities. It draws on management studies of the fit between organisational strategy-types and capabilities and extends this literature to a new organisational context of government-owned business enterprises (GBEs) that act as fully competitive profit-making enterprises, but are made strongly accountable to the government minister, the parliament and the public. Sets of capabilities-strategy alignments are modelled, including prospecting GBEs with technology strengths, defender GBEs with market-linking capabilities and analyser GBEs with a balance of capabilities. These sets are then assessed in terms of their consequences for the emphasis given by management to processes and systems for discharging the GBE’s accountability outcomes. Data is collected through a questionnaire to senior managers of 141 GBEs in Australia. The findings are mostly consistent with prior studies conducted in private sector companies, even though strategy-capabilities alignments are related to accountability rather than financial performance. The findings provide insights to GBEs’ management and relevant government ministers concerning the continuing need to appropriately align strategies and capabilities of GBEs and the consequences of such alignment for the rendering of accountability.
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Murphy, Sean D. "Immunity Ratione Personae of Foreign Government Officials and Other Topics: The Sixty-Fifth Session of the International Law Commission." American Journal of International Law 108, no. 1 (January 2014): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.108.1.0041.
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The International Law Commission held its sixty-fifth session in Geneva from May 6 to June 7, and from July 8 to August 9, 2013, under the chairmanship of Bernd H. Niehaus (Costa Rica). The Commission devoted most of the sixty-fifth session to discussing three topics: immunity of state officials from foreign criminal jurisdiction, subsequent agreements and subsequent practice in relation to the interpretation of treaties, and protection of persons in the event of disasters. Notably, the Commission provisionally adopted three draft articles and commentaries identifying three categories of senior governmental officials—heads of state, heads of government, and foreign ministers—as entitled to immunity ratione personae from foreign criminal jurisdiction for their public or private acts, an immunity that ceases once they leave office.
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Halligan, John. "The evolution of Public Service Bargains of Australian senior public servants." International Review of Administrative Sciences 79, no. 1 (March 2013): 111–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852312464935.
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The agreements between the Australian senior public service and the political executive have undergone several shifts during the reform era of the last thirty years. These have involved fundamental redefinitions of the role, responsibilities, identity and autonomy of the senior public servant.There has been a succession of challenges to the relationship focusing on the role and status of the public service on the one hand and the behaviour and resources of the political executive on the other. Over time the trend has been towards strengthening the political executive, but punctuated by debates about issues that slowed the rate of change and contained political pressures on the public service. This process has produced clarifications of central aspects of the relationship and a clearer articulation of the range of roles provided by departmental secretaries. The article examines the evolution of public service bargains centred on the changing roles of the secretaries of departments of state, and analyses the implications of the changing relationship for the role and functioning of the public service in governance and public policy. Points for practitioners The article addresses how the roles of departmental secretaries in Australia have varied in significance during the reform era. A new arrangement has now emerged which clearly articulates the roles and codifies them. One of the roles, stewardship, recognizes that secretaries have a part to play independently of ministers.
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BOURGAULT, JACQUES, and STEPHANE DION. "Governments Come and Go, But What of Senior Civil Servants? Canadian Deputy Ministers and Transitions in Power (1867-1987)." Governance 2, no. 2 (April 1989): 124–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0491.1989.tb00086.x.
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Ribbins, Peter, and Brian Sherratt. "Permanent Secretaries, Consensus and Centrism in National Policymaking in Education – Sir David Hancock and the Reform Act 1988." Educational Management Administration & Leadership 40, no. 5 (September 2012): 544–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1741143212451170.
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This article seeks to clarify the place of policy studies in education in the meta-field that it terms LAMPS. It is argued that this canon of work has undervalued the merits of a humanistic approach and in doing so has tended to minimize the part played by people. To illustrate what might be possible, it reports on aspects of a longitudinal study, the first of its kind, that set out to examine, evaluate and categorize to what extent, and how, permanent secretaries influence policy. Based on recorded interviews with those who held this office at the DES between 1976 and 2002 and others (senior cabinet members, secretaries of state, junior ministers, special advisers) it argues that while the role of such senior civil servants can be described as ‘meta-political’ they do nevertheless influence policy in significant ways. As such it suggests that their praxis may be located on a continuum of ‘centrism’, five forms of which are identified. From this standpoint, much of the text represents a search for the architect/s of the Education Reform Act 1988 and in doing so focuses on the thinking and contribution of Sir David Hancock – its ‘principal project manager’.
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Knight, Frances. "Ministering to the Ministers: The Discipline of Recalcitrant Clergy in the Diocese of Lincoln 1830–1845." Studies in Church History 26 (1989): 357–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400011049.
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By 1830, the effectiveness of the Church of England’s ministry was believed to have become seriously compromised, because it still possessed no adequate means for disciplining its clergy. It had long been recognized that the Church’s structure, and in particular the strength of the parson’s freehold, made it impossible for it to exercise the same sort of authority over its ministers as the dissenting bodies, or even the Church of Scotland. The view that the inadequacy of disciplinary measures was detrimental to the standing of the Established Church was in fact shared both by those hostile to and those supportive of it. On the one hand, John Wade’s Extraordinary Black Book, published in 1831 and intended as an indictment of corruption, rapacity, and jobbery within the Establishment, made the exposure of abuses in Church discipline one of its principal objectives. Not unnaturally, loyal churchmen also expressed considerable anxiety at the spectacle of bishops almost powerless in the face of clerical malefactors within their dioceses. Throughout the 1830s, the correspondence of clergy and the speeches of senior Anglicans in Parliament reflect an urgent desire that appropriate measures be swiftly introduced in order to combat cases of clerical irregularity.
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Deo, Sunny. "Survey of senior frontline clinicians regarding the quality of information technology across the UK." British Journal of Healthcare Management 26, no. 9 (September 2, 2020): 220–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/bjhc.2017.0075.
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Background/Aims The quality of information technology (IT) services is key to effective healthcare delivery. However, the high aspirations of health ministers for IT services in hospitals may not be aligned with clinicians' perceptions. This study aimed to assess frontline clinicians' perceptions of the quality of IT services in their institutions. Methods The British Orthopaedics Directors Society online forum was used to invite a group of trauma and orthopaedic clinical leads from a range of hospitals to complete a short questionnaire regarding their perceptions of IT service quality in their practice. Results Negative perceptions of IT service quality were found to be common, with 45% of respondents rating their trusts' overall IT quality as poor or very poor. Of these, 13% deemed their trust's IT service quality to be so poor as to put patients at increased risk. Wide disparities were also reported between respondents' ratings of IT infrastructure quality and institutional responsiveness to concerns. Conclusions This small initial evaluation highlights concerning variations in clinicians' perceptions of IT service quality across different trusts. It also suggests the need for further, more detailed assessment and monitoring of IT quality improvement, for which the same questionnaire method may be useful.
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Aksarin, V. V. "Directorate for Trade and Consumer Cooperation in 1946-1950: Interaction of Central and Local Authorities (Tyumen region)." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 3 (March 30, 2020): 284–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-3-284-297.
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The article is devoted to the historical experience of interaction between the Main Directorate for Trade and Consumer Cooperation under the Council of Ministers of the USSR (Glavukoop) and subordinate bodies, in particular, as an example of a senior inspector of the Main Directorate for Trade and Consumer Cooperation of the Tyumen Region. On the basis of archival materials introduced into scientific circulation for the first time, organizational and legal issues of creating both central and local governing and control bodies over the activities of cooperative organizations, their structure and composition are considered. The documents used in the work reveal the specifics of the activities of various types of cooperative associations in the Tyumen region, as well as their cooperation with representatives of the controlling authorities of the central government, reflect the psychological and social mood of the workers of these associations. It is noted that the peculiarities of the interaction between the cooperative workers of the region and the staff of the senior inspector were the latent rejection of the former by the state apparatus because of their passivity in work and the open hostility of the cooperative workers in relation to the new state structure. The analysis of the main directions of state regulation in the activities of cooperation is given in the article. The interaction of the senior inspector’s apparatus with control bodies is presented, their activities are summarized, and the effectiveness of state policy in relation to cooperative organizations of the Tyumen region and the extent of “shadow” operations in cooperation is assessed.
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Jacques, Olivier, and Benjamin Ferland. "Distributive Politics in Canada: The Case of Infrastructure Spending in Rural and Suburban Districts." Canadian Journal of Political Science 54, no. 1 (January 22, 2021): 96–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423920000955.
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AbstractThis article examines the presence of geographically targeted spending in the allocation of infrastructure projects in Canada. Building on formal models of distributive politics, we expect government districts, core government districts and swing districts to be advantaged in terms of infrastructure projects. We also investigate whether characteristics of Members of Parliament (MPs), such as seniority or holding a cabinet position, influence the distribution of infrastructure projects. Empirically, we analyze the amount of funding allocated by Infrastructure Canada across non-urban federal electoral districts between 2006 and 2018. Our results indicate that non-urban governmental districts receive, on average, more money than opposition districts, and that this is even more the case for core government districts. In contrast, we found little evidence that cabinet ministers or senior MPs are able to attract more funding to their constituencies compared to other representatives.
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Ehrich, Lisa Catherine, Neil Cranston, and Megan Kimber. "Public Sector Managers and Ethical Dilemmas." Journal of Management & Organization 10, no. 1 (January 2004): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1833367200004594.
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ABSTRACTControversies surrounding the behaviour of ministers and high profile leaders seem to be commonplace in public life. That there has been a resurgence of interest in the study of ethics is not surprising. The spotlight on ethics in the public domain has been due in part to the crisis in confidence about government and a lack of public trust in organisations. Furthermore, a complex organisational environment where managers are being required to juggle a ‘multitude of competing obligations and interests’ (Cooper 1998, p. 244) has provided fertile ground for the emergence of ethical dilemmas. In this paper we put forward a tentative model that reveals important inputs that bear upon an individual, such as a public sector manager, who is confronted with an ethical dilemma. In the final part of the paper we illustrate the model's efficacy with an ethical dilemma described by a retired senior public servant to determine whether the model works in practice.
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Le Sueur, Andrew. "The Judicial Review Debate: From Partnership to Friction." Government and Opposition 31, no. 1 (January 1996): 8–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1996.tb00146.x.
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DURING AUTUMN 1995 JUDICIAL REVIEW BECAME NEWS IN THE United Kingdom. Tabloid and broadsheet newspapers, radio, television and Parliament provided fora for ministers, Conservative backbench MPs and journalists to debate the apparent growing willingness of the judiciary to intervene in politically contentious government decisions. The tone of the debate was often hostile; sometimes vitriolic. We were told that there was a crisis. According to an editorial in The Times, ‘it is tempting to observe a pattern emerging, a potentially alarming hostility between an overmighty executive and an ambitious judiciary’. Radio and television journalists described a situation of ‘mutual resentment and suspicion’ and ‘unprecedented conflict between a Conservative government and the judiciary’. The Daily Express denounced ‘the sickness sweeping through the senior judiciary – galloping arrogance’ and the Daily Mail accused judges of giving ‘the impression – perhaps a false impression, but nevertheless a real one – of acting on a political agenda of their own’.
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Hendriks, Carolyn M., and Jennifer Lees-Marshment. "Political Leaders and Public Engagement: The Hidden World of Informal Elite–Citizen Interaction." Political Studies 67, no. 3 (August 14, 2018): 597–617. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321718791370.
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To date, practical and scholarly work on participatory and deliberative governance has focused on supply-side issues such as how to engage citizens in public policy. Yet little is known about the demand for public engagement, particularly from those authorised to make collective decisions. This article empirically examines how political leaders view and value public input. It draws on 51 in-depth interviews with senior national ministers from the United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the United States. The interviews reveal that leaders value public input because it informs their decisions, connects them to everyday people and ‘tests’ advice from other sources. Their support for participatory governing is, however, qualified; they find formal consultation processes too staged and antagonistic to produce constructive interactions. Instead leaders prefer informal, spontaneous conversations with individual citizens. This hidden world of informal elite–citizen interaction has implications for the design and democratic aspirations of public engagement.
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Ehrich, Lisa Catherine, Neil Cranston, and Megan Kimber. "Public Sector Managers and Ethical Dilemmas." Journal of the Australian and New Zealand Academy of Management 10, no. 1 (January 2004): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5172/jmo.2004.10.1.25.
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ABSTRACTControversies surrounding the behaviour of ministers and high profile leaders seem to be commonplace in public life. That there has been a resurgence of interest in the study of ethics is not surprising. The spotlight on ethics in the public domain has been due in part to the crisis in confidence about government and a lack of public trust in organisations. Furthermore, a complex organisational environment where managers are being required to juggle a ‘multitude of competing obligations and interests’ (Cooper 1998, p. 244) has provided fertile ground for the emergence of ethical dilemmas. In this paper we put forward a tentative model that reveals important inputs that bear upon an individual, such as a public sector manager, who is confronted with an ethical dilemma. In the final part of the paper we illustrate the model's efficacy with an ethical dilemma described by a retired senior public servant to determine whether the model works in practice.
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Good, Kenneth. "Corruption and Mismanagement in Botswana: a Best-Case Example?" Journal of Modern African Studies 32, no. 3 (September 1994): 499–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00015202.
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Independent Botswana has developed on three main pillars: rapid and sustained economic growth (over the decade to 1992, for example, at 8.4 per cent a year, third-highest among all developing countries, and far in excess of any other in Africa); multi-party or liberal democracy; and an efficient central state, the main features of which have been identified and praised by observers. With growth, an accompanying build-up of a relatively strong governmental system took place, with activities especially focused on finance and planning. The civil service was maintained at a high level, according to Ravi Gulhati, by avoiding rapid localisation, by providing high compensation for officials, and by keeping well-defined lines of authority and accountability. Able people were placed in key positions and kept there for extended periods. The political elite fairly consistently sought expert advice from leading bureaucrats, and the two groups have displayed a closeness and mutuality of interest built upon their common involvement in cattle and commerce, and the not uncommon tendency for cabinet ministers to arise from the ranks of the senior bureaucracy.
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Exton, Rosemary. "The entrepreneur: a new breed of health service leader?" Journal of Health Organization and Management 22, no. 3 (June 20, 2008): 208–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/14777260810883503.
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PurposeThis paper aims to critically examine the notion of entrepreneurship in the UK National Health Service (NHS), promoted by government ministers and senior civil servants as part of the rhetoric of the modernisation agenda.Design/methodology/approachThe paper explores literature on entrepreneurship in the private and public sector and qualitative case study evidence on the emergence (and non‐emergence) of “entrepreneurs” who led the improving working lives (IWL) initiative in the UK National Health Service and discusses the issues involved.FindingsThe rhetoric serves an essentially ideological function, obscuring the real difficulty of securing effective and sustainable change, in organisations with deeply engrained power structures and as complex and intransient as the NHS in particular and health services more generally.Practical implicationsA “new breed of entrepreneurial leaders” may eventually appear but they face the challenge of surviving in the hierarchical NHS culture and in a climate of turbulent change created by the volatility of government policy.Originality/valueThe paper shows that efforts to pursue entrepreneurship in the UK NHS have to overcome obstacles involving the interplay of power, gender and language.
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Gibson, W. T. "“Unreasonable and Unbecoming”: Self-Recommendation and Place-Seeking in the Church of England, 1700–1900." Albion 27, no. 1 (1995): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000018524.
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Ecclesiastical patrons used a broad range of criteria to select clergy for preferment to livings and dignities in the Church of England in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The qualifications of nobility, of academic standing, of services to the Church and State, of a patron's influence and strong churchmanship were among those that were most common. But a further factor affected advancement: that of self-recommendation. Ecclesiastical historians, particularly those of the Victorian era, have tended to see this as a morally questionable, if not corrupt, method of gaining advancement—and one which was primarily a feature of the Hanoverian Church. Indeed the traditional view of ecclesiastical history, though increasingly under challenge, regarded the Hanoverian and Victorian Churches as standing in strong contrast to each other. This contrast has tended to include the quality and recruitment of the clergy. Yet, there was no fundamental difference in the methods used by patrons in distributing livings and offices in the Church in these two centuries. Crown livings and senior posts in the Church were distributed by ministers and patrons who were prone to favor, influence, and persuasion. It was to this system that self-recommendation was directed, in the hope of securing preferment. Because of the success of personal solicitation, self-recommendation remained a factor in nominations to places in the Church throughout the nineteenth century. Even when it was declared unacceptable for the appointment to senior Church offices by Gladstone in 1881, self-recommendation remained in existence in a covert form.
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Hertner, Isabelle, and Alister Miskimmon. "Germany's Strategic Narrative of the Eurozone Crisis." German Politics and Society 33, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 42–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2015.330104.
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This article outlines how Germany has sought to project a strategic narrative of the Eurozone crisis. Germany has been placed center stage in the Eurozone crisis, and as a consequence, the German government's crisis narrative matters for the future of the common currency. We highlight how the German government has sought to narrate a story of the cause of the Eurozone crisis and present policy solutions to influence policy decisions within the EU and maintain domestic political support. This focus on the public communication of the crisis is central to understanding the development of Germany's policy as it was negotiated with EU partners, the U.S. and international financial institutions. We draw on speeches and interviews by Chancellor Angela Merkel and two of her senior cabinet ministers delivered at key moments of the Eurozone crisis between May 2010 and June 2012. The article argues that while Merkel and her governments have been able to shore up domestic support for her Eurozone policies, she has struggled to find a coherent strategic narrative that is both consistent with German domestic preferences and historical memory, and with those of other Eurozone members.
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Marleau, Justin N., and Kimberly D. Girling. "Keeping science’s seat at the decision-making table: Mechanisms to motivate policy-makers to keep using scientific information in the age of disinformation." FACETS 2, no. 2 (September 1, 2017): 1045–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/facets-2017-0087.
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Policy-makers are confronted with complex problems that require evaluating multiple streams of evidence and weighing competing interests to develop and implement solutions. However, the policy interventions available to resolve these problems have different levels of supporting scientific evidence. Decision-makers, who are not necessarily scientifically trained, may favour policies with limited scientific backing to obtain public support. We illustrate these tensions with two case studies where the scientific consensus went up against the governing parties’ chosen policy. What mechanisms exist to keep the weight of scientific evidence at the forefront of decision-making at the highest levels of government? In this paper, we propose that Canada create “Departmental Chief Science Advisors” (DCSAs), based on a program in the UK, to help complement and extend the reach of the newly created Chief Science Advisor position. DCSAs would provide advice to ministers and senior civil servants, critically evaluate scientific work in their host department, and provide public outreach for the department’s science. We show how the DCSAs could be integrated into their departments and illustrate their potential benefits to the policy making process and the scientific community.
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Matheson, Don, Kunhee Park, and Taniela Sunia Soakai. "Pacific island health inequities forecast to grow unless profound changes are made to health systems in the region." Australian Health Review 41, no. 5 (2017): 590. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah16065.
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Objective Twenty years ago the Pacific’s health ministers developed a ‘Healthy Islands’ vision to lead health development in the subregion. This paper reports on a review of health development over this period and discusses the implications for the attainment of the health related Sustainable Development Goals. Methods The review used qualitative and quantitative methods. The qualitative review included conducting semi-structured interviews with Pacific Island Government Ministers and officials, regional agencies, health workers and community members. A document review was also conducted. The quantitative review consisted of examining secondary data from regional and global data collections. Results The review found improvement in health indicators, but increasing health inequality between the Pacific and the rest of the world. Many of the larger island populations were unable to reach the health Millennium Development Goals. The ‘Healthy Islands’ vision remained an inspiration to health ministers and senior officials in the region. However, implementation of the ‘Healthy Islands’ approach was patchy, under-resourced and un-sustained. Communicable and Maternal and Child Health challenges persist alongside unprecedented levels of non-communicable diseases, inadequate levels of health finance and few skilled health workers as the major impediments to health development for many of the Pacific’s countries. Conclusions The current trajectory for health in the Pacific will lead to increasing health inequity with the rest of the world. The challenges to health in the region include persisting communicable disease and maternal and child health threats, unprecedented levels of NCDs, climate change and instability, as well as low economic growth. In order to change the fortunes of this region in the age of the SDGs, a substantial investment in health is required, including in the health workforce, by countries and donors alike. That investment requires a nuanced response that takes into account the contextual differences between and within Pacific islands, adherence to aid effectiveness principles and interventions designed to strengthen local health systems. What is known about the topic? It is well established that the Pacific island countries are experiencing the double disease burden, and that the non-communicable disease epidemic is more advanced. What does this paper add? This paper discusses the review of 20 years of health development in the Pacific. It reveals that although progress is being made, health development in the region is falling behind that of the rest of the world. It also describes the progress made by the Pacific countries in pursuit of the ‘Healthy Islands’ concept. What are the implications for practitioners? This paper has significant implications for Pacific countries, donor partners and development partners operating across and within Pacific countries. It calls for a substantial increase in health resourcing and the way development assistance is organised to arrest the increasing inequities in health outcomes between Pacific people and those of the rest of the world.
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Wear, Rae. "‘Never-ending Story’: Public Accountability and Public Administration Reform in Queensland Since 1989." Queensland Review 18, no. 2 (2011): 175–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/qr.18.2.175.
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Soon after Johannes Bjelke-Petersen became Premier of Queensland in 1968, companies in which he held shares were given six-year leases to explore for oil on the Great Barrier Reef. The following year, ministers in his government accepted parcels of Comalco shares. So did senior bureaucrats and the Premier's wife. Criticism at the time was muted because Labor politicians and some journalists had also taken shares (Whitton 1989, p. 19). Bjelke-Petersen was adamant that he had done nothing wrong — a feeling that presumably was shared by other beneficiaries of Comalco's largesse (Wear 2002, p. 93). Because it is inconceivable that a saga of such blatant conflict of interest would be played out in today's Queensland, there is a temptation to tell a simple ‘before and after Fitzgerald’ story of public accountability and administrative reform. Considered analysis suggests, however, that the reality is much more complex. There was progress, but there was also backsliding. Some reforms — such as those to the electoral system — were significant and enduring. Others — such as whistleblower and FOI legislation — were fairly quickly watered down. There was a lack of long-term interest in public administration, parliament retained its usual place on the margins of Queensland's political institutions and executive power remained relatively unconstrained. Cases of corruption continued to emerge.
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Krichevtsev, Mikhail Vladimirovich. "Life sentence as a type of criminal punishment in France of the late XVIII – early XIX centuries." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 12 (December 2020): 96–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.12.34714.
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This article questions the opinion established in modern French historiography on implementation of life sentence as a criminal punishment under the rule of Napoleon Bonaparte (in accordance with the Criminal Code of 1810). Leaning on examination of legislative, policy drafting, and court materials, the author traces the evolution of the system of criminal penalties associated with incarceration. and determines the role of life sentence therein – since the adoption of first criminal laws in the era Great Revolution until the revision Napoleonic Criminal Code in 1832, and the court of Peers under Louis-Philippe I. The acquires materials demonstrate that after long absence of the Consulate and Early Empire in the time of Revolution, life sentence was envisaged by the Criminal Code of 1810 as an alternative measure to penal servitude for life or deportation (for criminals of senior age), rather than an separate type of criminal punishment. Reference to the practice of the court of Peers during the Restoration and the July Monarchy suggests that life sentence became a separate type of criminal punishment only with the advent of verdict passed by Peers with regards to 1830 case of former ministers. This sentence was based on the combination of legislative and court functions in actions of the Chamber of Peers as higher justice authority, and thus was of constitutive nature. The conclusion is made that the implementation of life sentence in French criminal law should be attributed to the time of the July Monarchy rather than the ruling of Napoleon Bonaparte.