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Books on the topic 'Sentiment Indicator'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 April 2022

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1

Baker, Malcolm. Market liquidity as a sentiment indicator. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2002.

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2

Cofnas, Abe, ed. Sentiment Indicators. Hoboken, NJ, USA: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781119204398.

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3

Sentiment in the Forex market: Indicators and strategies to profit from crowd behavior and market extremes. Hoboken, N.J: John Wiley & Sons, 2008.

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4

Cofnas, Abe. Sentiment indicators: Renko, price break, Kagi, point and figure : what they are and how to use them to trade. New York: Bloomberg Press, 2010.

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5

Sentiment indicators: Renko, price break, Kagi, point and figure : what they are and how to use them to trade. New York: Bloomberg Press, 2010.

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6

Tripkovic, Bosko. Common Sentiment. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198808084.003.0003.

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The chapter analyses the metaethical foundations of the argument from common sentiment. This argument holds that moral emotions of the people in a community indicate the solution to moral problems. Drawing on comparative constitutional practice, the chapter contends that the argument from common sentiment consists of two elements: the emotivist element makes moral judgment dependent on moral feelings, and the relativist element ties these feelings to a specific community. The chapter argues that these elements are incompatible and fail to account for the role of reasoning and reflection in moral judgments. The chapter concludes that the argument from common sentiment is inadequate as an exclusive approach to judicial moral judgment.

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7

Guidelines on Producing Leading, Composite and Sentiment Indicators. UN, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/3b565260-en.

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8

Saettele, Jamie. Sentiment in the Forex Market: Indicators and Strategies to Profit from Crowd Behavior and Market Extremes. Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, John, 2012.

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9

Saettele, Jamie. Sentiment in the Forex Market: Indicators and Strategies to Profit from Crowd Behavior and Market Extremes. Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, John, 2009.

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10

Weir, Deborah J. Timing the Market: How To Profit in Stock Market Using The Yield Curve, Market Sentiment, And Cultural Indicators. Penton Overseas, 2006.

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11

Cofnas, Abe. Sentiment Indicators: Renko, Price Break, Kagi, Point and Figure - What They Are and How to Use Them to Trade. Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, John, 2010.

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12

Cofnas, Abe. Sentiment Indicators: Renko, Price Break, Kagi, Point and Figure - What They Are and How to Use Them to Trade. Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, John, 2010.

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13

Cofnas, Abe. Sentiment Indicators: Renko, Price Break, Kagi, Point and Figure - What They Are and How to Use Them to Trade. Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, John, 2010.

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14

Hitlin, Steven, and Sarah K. Harkness. Morality as a Measure of Society. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190465407.003.0005.

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This chapter theorizes what it means to say a person is a member of a particular society, thus carrying the “typical” moral worldview as a member of that society. Much sociological work explores variation within a particular society, but people also colloquially understand what it means to say that somebody is emblematically “French” or “American.” The chapter defends the proposition that a national “habitus” or “background” can be measured and is a way of quantifying the collective understanding and sentiments held by members of a society. It explains how this understanding captures a sense of national identity that we can use to compare countries. It also introduces a typology of moral emotions that is used in both psychology and sociology as a theoretical indicator of how individuals fit themselves into societal moral codes.

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15

Spies, Dennis C. The Alignment and Representation of European Voters. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198812906.003.0006.

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The chapter shows how anti-immigrant sentiment and welfare support influence the voting behavior of natives and foreign-born citizens in Europe. The results indicate that both sets of attitudes are strongly related to party support, and that, in combination, they do not lead to very welfare-critical political coalitions. On the one hand, parts of the US setup are present in many European countries: anti-immigrant votes go nearly exclusively to the Extreme Right and the mainstream-right, whereas foreign-born voters predominantly support left-wing parties. On the other hand, the political landscape with regard to welfare that emerges from these alignments is far less likely to foster retrenchment than the political landscape we find in the US. Extreme Right Parties (ERPs) especially, as the party family benefitting most from the anti-immigrant vote, are deeply divided by the heterogeneous welfare stance of their supporters.

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16

Spies, Dennis C. Immigration, Immigration-Related Concerns, and Welfare Support in Europe. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198812906.003.0005.

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The chapter analyzes the effect of immigration on program-specific welfare support among ten European countries. The findings indicate that as far as individual attitudes are concerned the pattern found in the US recurs in Europe. In line with the New Progressive Dilemma (NPD) literature, there is indeed much evidence that immigration has lowered support for at least some welfare programs—and especially for those that disproportionally benefit foreign-born citizens. There is also considerable evidence of anti-immigrant sentiments among Europeans, who would be willing to support policies of welfare chauvinism. Furthermore, the impact of immigration on general welfare support appears to be dependent on the program’s degree of middle-class involvement with universal programs generating far less conflict than targeted ones.

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17

Cameron, James. The Double Game. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190459925.001.0001.

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This book tracks the development of the United States’ first antiballistic missile system from the beginning of the John F. Kennedy administration through its almost total prohibition with the Antiballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty, which the United States and Soviet Union signed in May 1972. Historians generally interpret the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks that led to the ABM Treaty as signaling the United States’ acceptance of strategic stability based on mutual assured destruction (MAD) and approximate nuclear parity between the superpowers. The book argues that this is mistaken, because declassified records indicate that Richard Nixon believed that the United States required nuclear superiority to maintain its national security commitments. Kennedy, Lyndon Baines Johnson, and Nixon all engaged in a double game, in which they attempted to reconcile their personal feelings about the utility of nuclear weapons with the demands of maintaining a façade of strategic coherence to the American public and Congress. Kennedy and Johnson, who were personally far more skeptical than Nixon regarding the merits of nuclear superiority, were forced to adopt a public posture that emphasized its importance, because that was the prevailing public and congressional sentiment at the time. This only changed when the Vietnam War precipitated a collapse in the American domestic consensus behind superiority in 1969, forcing President Nixon to sign strategic arms limitation agreements, the philosophy behind which he profoundly opposed. The book thereby places domestic politics at the center of the formulation of US nuclear strategy.

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