Journal articles on the topic 'Separate School boards'

During the 1978–88 period the public and the Catholic separate boards closed seventeen schools in Saskatoon and twenty-two in Windsor. The repertories of involvements and interactions between the community representatives and the school board officials during the reviews of the closure of these schools are theorized. The empirical analysis utilizes archival data for two episodes of school closures in each city, after which the school boards might have amended their procedures for the closures. The findings illustrate the real and instantiated powers, and the agency skills of the involved community representatives versus those of the school board officials.

Career understanding is interpreted as an individual effort to understand themselves both attitudes, abilities, and interests. The importance of understanding career and workplace information is a separate task for individuals. In elementary schools (ES), career understanding is a problem that is often experienced by students. This occurs when students feel unsure about what career path to choose in the future and how to formulate strategies so that their abilities and goals can be realized. Students also have not been able to determine the abilities, talents and interests that have caused confusion and certainly need guidance. The researcher considers it is necessary to implement information services using guidance boards as an effort to help students improve their career understanding. This research’s method of research is Quasi-Experimental Design which uses the equivalent time-series design. On the basis of the results of the study, it can be concluded that information services using a guidance board can affect the career understanding of elementary school students. Group analysis is done by tabulating and illustrating the pretest and posttest score charts. Visually, the results of the study indicate there is an increase in career understanding which includes self-understanding and knowledge of the workforce. Implications for further research that can be obtained is the theoretical findings in this study can be used as information in the field of guidance regarding career understanding in elementary school students, this is seen from the increasing test results.

Abstract In Quebec, as elsewhere in Canada, the depression of the 1930s highlighted the inadequacies of existing welfare arrangements and ultimately compelled a shift towards greater state intervention and rationalization of philanthropy. Historians have so far devoted little attention to the situation of children and the evolution of child welfare services during this crucial period. This paper seeks to examine the effects of the depression on the origins, the nature and the impact of aid policies in a particular urban school system. The analysis centres on the Montreal Catholic School Commis- sion (MCSC), the largest of Quebec's local public school boards, during the period 1929 to 1940. In 1930, the Commission s primary and secondary schools boasted an enrolment of nearly one hundred thousand students. These mainly French-speaking children of working-class origin were particularly hard hit by the economic crisis. The author argues that the severe physical want experienced by schoolchildren in the depression years constituted a formidable obstacle to regular school attendance and to learning. Faced with this situation, MCSC officials were obliged to abandon a conception enshrining education, health and welfare as separate categories. The economic crisis thus compelled the commission to assume an enlarged, systematized and diversified role in student welfare. School authorities rationalized and expanded the long-standing policy of free schooling for indigents and, in 1934, created a social service agency to provide free milk and clothing to needy children. To this end, they allied a continuing reliance on private charity with the adoption of modern social work practices. However, lacking sufficient funding, MCSC assistance programmes proved hopelessly unequal to the enormous student need. The MCSC s depression-era ini- tiatives were, despite their inadequacies, developments of long-term significance, providing the springboard for social work's entry into the school system.

One of the animating beliefs of British health service reformers in the first half of the twentieth century was that delivery would improve if greater co-ordination was imposed over disparate providers. The fundamental divisions were between the voluntary, public and private sectors. Voluntary provision predominantly meant acute care hospitals, but also included a range of other therapeutic and clinical services. The public sector delivered general practitioner (GP) services to insured workers through the state national health insurance (NHI) scheme, while the remit of local government covered environmental health, isolation and general hospitals and a wide range of personal services addressing tuberculosis, venereal diseases, mental illness, and maternity and child welfare. Finally, the private sector provided nursing homes and GP attendance at commercial rates. Within each area there were tendencies towards independent rather than co-operative working. Voluntary hospitals often lacked any mechanism for conferring with neighbouring institutions and the competitive logic of fund-raising enforced an individualistic ethic. In the public sector health responsibilities were dispersed across various agencies: local authority health committees, advised by the county or borough Medical Officer of Health (MOH), oversaw sanitation, hospitals and personal health services; education committees were responsible for the School Medical Service (SMS), whose remit was the compulsory medical inspection and treatment of elementary schoolchildren; the Poor Law provided institutional care either in workhouses or separate infirmaries, although after the 1929 Local Government Act the boards of guardians were broken up; their powers were then transferred to the public assistance committees of local authorities, however these remained distinct from health committees. GP services accessed through the state NHI system were overseen by local insurance committees separate from local government. Private practice co-existed with NHI and doctors tended to prioritize fee-paying rather than panel patients.

School an society are two environmenst that can`t be separated. School is the place for learning an society is the place where the out-put of learning can be implemented. The society is expected to support and participate in developing the educational proses at schools. In this case, it needs strategy or management to involve the society in educational activities at schools. The attempt to make it real is by building up good relationship between school manager and the society so that both boards cloud cooperate simultaneously and comprehensively.

This paper documents an educational artist-in-residence program that was particularly active in some Ottawa Roman Catholic Separate School Board primary schools during the period 1970 to 1988. In schools where space was available, professional artists were assigned studio space as a means to encourage their participation in the day-to-day life of the schools. In exchange, the visual and performing artists offered non-teaching services that included mentoring and participation in stage plays, mural creation and art exhibitions. These activities mainly took place within the framework of the artists' everyday ongoing professional practice.

IntroductionFacial hygiene promotion and environmental improvements are central components of the global trachoma elimination strategy despite a lack of experimental evidence supporting the effectiveness of water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) measures for reducing trachoma transmission. The objective of the WUHA (WASH Upgrades for Health in Amhara) trial is to evaluate if a comprehensive water improvement and hygiene education programme reduces the prevalence of ocular chlamydia infection in rural Africa.Methods and analysisForty study clusters, each of which had received at least annual mass azithromycin distributions for the 7 years prior to the start of the study, are randomised in a 1:1 ratio to the WASH intervention arm or a delayed WASH arm. The WASH package includes a community water point, community-based hygiene promotion workers, household wash stations, household WASH education books, household soap distribution and a primary school hygiene curriculum. Educational activities emphasise face-washing and latrine use. Mass antibiotic distributions are not provided during the first 3 years but are provided annually over the final 4 years of the trial. Annual monitoring visits are conducted in each community. The primary outcome is PCR evidence of ocular chlamydia infection among children aged 0–5 years, measured in a separate random sample of children annually over 7 years. A secondary outcome is improvement of the clinical signs of trachoma between the baseline and final study visits as assessed by conjunctival photography. Laboratory workers and photo-graders are masked to treatment allocation.Ethics and disseminationStudy protocols have been approved by human subjects review boards at the University of California, San Francisco, Emory University, the Ethiopian Food and Drug Authority, and the Ethiopian Ministry of Innovation and Technology. A data safety and monitoring committee oversees the trial. Results will be disseminated through peer-reviewed publications and presentations.Trial registration number(http://www.clinicaltrials.gov): NCT02754583; Pre-results.

Two separate school districts—a city one and a county one—operated independently in Durham, North Carolina, until the early 1990s. The two districts merged relatively late compared to other North Carolina cities, such as Raleigh and Charlotte. In Durham, residents in both the county and city systems vehemently opposed the merger until the county commissioners ultimately bypassed a popular vote. African American advocates in the city school district, in particular, faced an impossible trade-off: city schools increasingly struggled financially because of an inequitable funding structure, but a merger would significantly threaten fair racial representation on the consolidated school board. This article explores this core tension in historical context by looking at several failed merger attempts from 1958 to 1988, as well as the 1991 merger implementation, against the backdrop of desegregation, economic transition, profound metropolitan changes, and protracted political battles in Durham.

<p>Schools as formal educational institutions that have separate management in the management of education, have thus become increasingly necessary. Therefore collaboration between public agencies should be developed in synergy, given the interests and ideals alike that saves and brighten the future of our nation. Forms of community participation in education in MTs Muhammadiyah 3 Al Furqan Banjarmasin quite diverse, namely 1) participation as a board member school committee, 2) participation in various activities at the school, and 3) community participation in maintaining security madrasah. Strategies and approaches that have been done in order to foster and develop community participation in education in MTs Muhammadiyah 3 Al Furqan Banjarmasin covers three areas: 1) Identify the Problem; 2) The treatment and approach; and 3) Guidance.</p>

In the late 1950s and early 1960s, during the height of protests and actions by civil rights activists around de facto school segregation in the Los Angeles area, the residents of a group of small cities just southeast of the City of Los Angeles fought to break away from the Los Angeles City Schools and create a new, independent school district—one that would help preserve racially segregated schools in the area. The “Four Cities” coalition was comprised of residents of the majority white, working-class cities of Vernon, Maywood, Huntington Park, and Bell—all of which had joined the Los Angeles City Schools in the 1920s and 1930s rather than continue to operate local districts. The coalition later expanded to include residents of the cities of South Gate, Cudahy, and some unincorporated areas of Los Angeles County, although Vernon was eventually excluded. The Four Cities coalition petitioned for the new district in response to a planned merger of the Los Angeles City Schools—until this time comprised of separate elementary and high school districts—into the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD). The coalition's strategy was to utilize a provision of the district unification process that allowed citizens to petition for reconfiguration or redrawing of boundaries. Unification was encouraged by the California State Board of Education and legislature in order to combine the administrative functions of separate primary and secondary school districts—the dominant model up to this time—to better serve the state's rapidly growing population of children and their educational needs, and was being deliberated in communities across the state and throughout Los Angeles County. The debates at the time over school district unification in the Greater Los Angeles area, like the one over the Four Cities proposal, were inextricably tied to larger issues, such as taxation, control of community institutions, the size and role of state and county government, and racial segregation. At the same time that civil rights activists in the area and the state government alike were articulating a vision of public schools that was more inclusive and demanded larger-scale, consolidated administration, the unification process reveals an often-overlooked grassroots activism among residents of the majority white, working-class cities surrounding Los Angeles that put forward a vision of exclusionary, smaller-scale school districts based on notions of local control and what they termed “community identity.”

Sixty-two years after the Brown decision, American schools are collapsing under the weight of an antiquated system of school finance, pockets of poverty, and a ‘Black and Browning’ urban core. This article focuses on the march backwards to the de facto re-segregation of our nation’s public schools. In 2016, the racial and ethnic divides that plagued previous generations persist, but we have become less willing to talk earnestly about them and less equipped with responses that reach their core. Education is where we must start. The first step in producing quality schooling for all is to have candid discussions that link the inequalities of the past to the conditions of the present. Until we do that, we will continue to spin our wheels in a deliberately slow manner, wondering why, over 62 years after Brown v. Board of Education, we can still point to schools that are separate and unequal.

This article examines the emergence of Mexican American school segregation from 1915 to 1935 in Kansas, the state that gave rise to Brown v. Board of Education in 1954. Even though Mexicans were not referenced in Kansas’s school segregation laws, they were seen and treated as a racially distinct group. White parents and civic organizations pushed school officials to establish separate facilities for Mexican children. We argue that the contradictory and enigmatic responses to school segregation from high-ranking U.S. and Mexican government officials pointed to a degree of uncertainty about whether Mexican children could be segregated. That ambiguity, however, did not prevent local school officials from placing Mexican children in separate facilities. As the American Educational Research Association continues to pursue education research that promotes the public good, the segregation and resegregation of Mexican children in the United States must be framed as a critical issue moving forward into the “next 100 years.”

This article draws on a reanalysis of findings from two separate qualitative studies that examined a possible relationship between school board members’ and curriculum directors’ conceptions of power and the way they made decisions (Mountford, 2001; Ylimaki, 2001, respectively). The findings from both studies were then compared to the extant literature on collaborative decision making and inherent obstacles of power to sustained collaboration. The findings reveal a pattern among school board members’ and curriculum directors’ conceptions and enactments of power. This pattern of behavior can be used by educational leaders to increase their understanding about the role of power during collaborative decision making, minimize some of the obstacles of power to collaborative decision making, and build and sustain collaborative efforts of all kinds.

A circular garden, divided into eight sections or “slices,” was established for the purpose of demonstrating agriculture to youth. Each section of the garden represents a form of agriculture associated with the consumption of pizza. Soybeans were planted to represent oil, wheat to represent flour, vegetables to represent tomato sauce and vegetable toppings, herbs to represent spices, and pine trees to represent paper and cardboard products. A dairy cow, beef cow, and pig were fenced within separate sections to represent cheese, beef, and pork, respectively. The idea originated in Madera, Calif., from Thank-a-farmer, Inc. and was used with permission. The garden is an ongoing cooperative effort between research and extension personnel of Mississippi State University, local county officials, and area schools. The project has garnered support from the Mississippi Cattle Industry Board (start-up and maintenance funds), Heritage Vinyl Products (fencing), D.P. Fence Co. (construction), and Dominoe's Pizza (pizza lunches for the youth). We anticipate at least 1000 school children to visit the “Pizza Farm” each year, and we expect the community to continue to support and take pride in this project.

The present study investigated the needs of adult education staff pertaining to adult students’ mental health issues within a local school board. The study utilized mixed-methods design and was divided into progression of three separate studies. An initial focus group was conducted to identify the 12 participants’ concerns and provide a direction for the needs assessment survey that was administered to the entire population of adult education teachers in the board. Two 2-hr workshops were designed for the 114 members of the staff based on the needs identified by the surveys. An evaluation of the workshops indicated that the workshops were valuable and further training was desired. By educating teachers about students who are learning in the context of mental health challenges, we will be able to provide them with the necessary tools to do their jobs more successfully and comfortably.

In 1927, the biennial report of the State Board of Charities and Corrections of the Commonwealth of Kentucky warned that “the feeble-minded of the colored race present a greater menace than do the white.…We do desire to point out the utter lack of any provision for colored feeble-minded.” In spite of this admonition, southern states took little notice of their black feebleminded population. Nineteen years after the Kentucky report, the South Carolina Director of Public Welfare admitted that “the care of mentally deficient and mentally ill persons in the same institution is distinctly undesirable, but…the Hospital's efforts to secure provision of a separate training school for mentally deficient negroes have to date been unsuccessful.”

Boarding schools can provide quality secondary education for Aboriginal students from remote Aboriginal Australian communities. However, transition into boarding school is commonly challenging for Aboriginal students as they need to negotiate unfamiliar cultural, social and learning environments whilst being separated from family and community support. Accordingly, it is critical for boarding schools to provide programs that enhance the social and emotional skills needed to meet the challenges. This study evaluated a 10-session social and emotional learning (SEL) program for Aboriginal boarders and identified contextual factors influencing its effectiveness. The study combined a pre-post quantitative evaluation using diverse social and emotional wellbeing measures with 28 students between 13–15 years (10 female, 11 male, 7 unidentified) and qualitative post focus groups with 10 students and episodic interviews with four staff delivering the program. Students’ social and emotional skills significantly improved. The qualitative findings revealed improvements in students seeking and giving help, working in groups, managing conflict, being assertive and discussing cultural issues. The focus groups and interviews also identified program elements that worked best and that need improvement. Secure relationships with staff delivering the program and participation in single sex groups stood out as critical enablers. The findings lend evidence to the critical importance of collaborative design, provision and evaluation of SEL programs with Aboriginal peoples.

This research is an error analysis sudy that aims to describe the primary formsof error in writing Arabic following the rules of the 'imla' and the factors thatinfluence it on the guidance participants of the Amtsilati Darussalam Council ofthe Islamic Boarding School in Blokagung Banyuwangi. This research is feldresearch, where the approach uses qualitative methods descriptive analytics fordata processing. In this sudy the authors used several methods namely methods ofdata collection and data analysis which use several ways including observations,tess, interviews, and documentation so that it can describe learning activities,forms of fundamental errors in writing Arabic such as writing errors hamzahqatha', reduction harf, addition harf, writing harf toothed, writing harf continuedand separate, replacement harf and the factors that influence it on the participantsof the Amtsilati Darussalam Assisance Board of Darussalam Boarding SchoolBlokagung, Banyuwangi.

Previous studies on the points of the Likert-scale format have not addressed the question of the effect on the score resulting from the use of “neutral” or “undecided” as the midpoint of a five-point scale. The present study addressed this topic with a scale on attitude toward the school board, using 389 undergraduate and 190 graduate students in education, the latter having at least one year of teaching experience, in seven geographically separated universities in the United States. The two formats of the scale were identical (strongly agree to strongly disagree) except that one scale midpoint was designated “undecided” and the midpoint of the other scale was designated as “neutral” with “undecided” as a no-answer alternative. Analysis showed differences were negligible and little if any erosion of score appears to result.

IntroductionA cohort of 12 000 children in the Philippines who had enrolled in a 2000–2004 (current ages 16 to 20 years) Phase 3 11-valent pneumococcal conjugate vaccine for the prevention of radiographically confirmed pneumonia are now being asked to participate in a separate study (expected completion date September 2021) to assess the cohort’s current long-term audiometric and otologic status. This new study would allow assessments of the utility of the pneumococcal vaccine in conferring its protective effects on the long-term sequelae of otitis media (OM), if any. Lack of trained local healthcare providers in otolaryngology/audiology and testing equipment in Bohol, Philippines, necessitates the development of a distinct methodology that would lead to meaningful data analysis.Methods and analysisReliable data collection and transfer are achieved by a US otolaryngologist/audiologist team training local nurses on all procedures in a didactic and hands-on process. An assortment of portable otolaryngologic and audiologic equipment suitable for field testing has been acquired, including an operating otoscope (Welch-Allyn), a video-otoscope (JedMed), a tympanometer with distortion product otoacoustic emission measurements (Path Sentiero) and a screening audiometer (HearScreen). Data will then be uploaded to a Research Electronic Data Capture database in the USA.Tympanometric and audiologic data will be codified through separate conventional algorithms. A team of paediatric otolaryngology advanced practice providers (APPs) have been trained and validated in interpreting video otoscopy. The protocol for classification of diagnostic outcome variables based on video otoscopy and tympanometry has been developed and is being used by APPs to evaluate all otoscopy data.Ethics and disseminationThe study was approved by the Research Institute of Tropical Medicine, Alabang, Manila, Philippines, and the institutional review board and the Colorado Multiple Institutional Review Board of the University of Colorado School of Medicine, Aurora, Colorado, USA.Research results will be made available to children and their caregivers with abnormal audiologic outcomes, the funders and other researchers.Trial registration numberISRCTN 62323832; Post-results.

The significance of character education has becoming an appealing issue to be discussed. Its significance has been brought to school through a number of practices. In fact, character education is not merely the result of schooling but this is a widespread from integration of character education in local culture. This present study attempts to explore character values contained within a local genius called subak pancoran. Further, this study is a qualitative study by utilizing ethnographic design. It was conducted in Buleleng regency, Bali. There are three ways that the researcher uses to collect the data, namely interview, observation sheet, and field notes. The subjects are selected purposefully. Accordingly, the collected data are analysed qualitatively. This study reveals that subak pancoran tradition emphasis on the following characters; tolerance, religious, democratic, communicative, hard work, responsible, mutual help, and environmental awareness. The children character development cannot be separated from the culture where children live and grow. The contribution of this study to the board of knowledge will also be added.

The Schools Information Program (SIP), a joint venture of the Petroleum Club of Western Australia and APPEA, has operated as a successful model of the petroleum industry engaging with the Western Australian education community since 1991.Targetted at Year 10 students (15-year-olds) in mainly metropolitan Perth Government and private high schools, the SIP involves the delivery of a short-term (about six weeks) education program—in six parts. The program, together with its course materials and student assessment instruments, is designed to integrate with components of WA’s curriculum for Science, Social Science, Technology and Enterprise, and English. Operating in 22 Perth schools, the SIP framework is structured according to six core areas of the hydrocarbon industry sector:exploration;drilling;production;transportation;refining; andsustainable development.The program’s mode of delivery is largely via a series of classroom presentations by volunteer professionals drawn from the WA petroleum industry, together with field trips to relevant sites near Perth. The SIP is managed by a part-time co-ordinator (0.6) and the entire program is overseen by a ‘steering committee’, drawn from APPEA, the Board of Governors of the Petroleum Club of WA, along with some of the industry presenters.Individual companies in the industry are involved at a number of levels: co-ordinating presenters; preparing presentation materials; providing on-going support for students during the program; providing prizes as an incentive to the students; and also providing cash donations to assist with the costs of the Co-ordinator. The course materials consist of standard slide presentations (available in both electronic or OHP format), and are complemented by written worksheets, and a website integrated with the Petroleum Club of WA’s site. During the program, the students, working in groups, compete for substantial industry-related prizes, by completing a research project related to the SIP course content. A separate Board of Review assesses projects formally according to a set of established criteria.That the SIP is a success is confirmed quantitatively using formal ongoing program evaluation by the students, their teachers, and the industry presenters, and is evidenced by the number of schools seeking the limited places in the program. Other education initiatives (e.g. Speaking of Oil and Gas, and The Introduction to the Petroleum Industry seminars) are also discussed in this paper as they have links to the SIP.

In its larger contexts the topic of this issue of Ethnic Studies Review, “Fair Access,” has many referents. In 2004 we are marking the fiftieth anniversary of Brown v Board of Education which stated unequivocally that separate but equal systems of education did not and could not exist, and yet equal education for all our children still does not exist. Recent reports detail that in many urban areas school systems are at least as segregated as prior to the Brown decision, and all levels of government seem satisfied with that status quo. We watch with astonishment as over six hundred people are being detained by the United States Government without charges against them or access to lawyers at Guantanamo. We witness at the moment of Haiti's celebration of its 200th anniversary of independence not only the mysterious removal of the democratically elected President of Haiti but also the continual refusal to grant refugee status to fleeing Haitians while it is granted to Cubans almost automatically, thus creating great inequities in immigrant access. We decry the Patriots Act passed by the Congress of the United States at the instigation of the Bush Administration that whittles away at the freedoms guaranteed by our Constitution. We know that many do not have access to health care in the United States. These and other issues of fair access must be our daily concern.

Emotional restraint was the norm for the bereaved during and after the Second World War. Displays of individual grief were discouraged, and overshadowed by a wider concern for mass bereavement. There is limited archival evidence of the suffering that fathers of sons killed in action endured. This article draws upon and analyses a powerful memoir written by my grandfather, lamenting the death of his only son killed in action near the end of the War. While most men contained their emotions in such circumstances, this extended lament expresses a range of deep feelings: Love and care for the departed son, tenderness towards other family members, guilt at sending his son away to boarding school, loss of faith in (Christian) religion, and a sense of worthlessness and personal failure. Of particular interest is the impact of geographical distance over which this narrative is played out, and what it reveals about the experience of one white British middle-class family living overseas, but strongly interconnected with ‘home’ (and specifically Scotland). It also documents the pain of prolonged absence as a result of war; often boys sent ‘home’ to board were separated from their parents for much of their childhood, and were forced to ‘become men’—but not as their parents had envisaged. The article concludes by exploring the implications of this private memoir and what it reveals about memoir, masculinity, and subjectivity; gender and grieving; connections with ‘home’; and constructing meaning after trauma.

This paper will examine the collaborative teaching process undertaken at College of the North Atlantic- Qatar (CNA-Q) by Engineering and the Communication faculties to improve the overall quality of engineering students’ capstone projects known as the Technical Thesis. The Technical Thesis is divided into two separate components: a proposal stage (Tech Thesis 1- investigative) and a technical/presentation stage (Tech Thesis 2 - final written and oral communicative report). It involves a complex blending of experimentation, technical information and data with competent formal technical report writing skills. In an EFL (English as a Foreign Language) environment, this challenge is formidable for students as it involves high technical as well as linguistic competencies. In an effort to gain accreditation from the Canadian Technology Accreditation Board (CTAB), a standing committee of The Canadian Council of Technicians and Technologists (CCTT) which provides national accreditation for over 240 post-secondary engineering technology and applied technology programs in Canada, the School of Engineering realized student results on the Technical Thesis at CNA-Q needed marked improvement. A pilot project, started during the 2008- 2009 academic year, brought engineering faculty from various fields (Chemical Processing, Electrical, Mechanical, Process Automation and Telecommunications) together with writing faculty from the Communications Department to take on the task of improving final Tech Thesis results through co-delivery. Specifically, this paper will examine: the process of developing the collaborative teaching approach at CNA-Q; its perceived value by the stakeholders (faculty and students); the ongoing challenges associated with its delivery; and the overall level of improvement in student performance on the Technical Thesis as a result of the collaboration.

Background: Young age and contact sports have been postulated as risk factors for anterior shoulder instability. Management after shoulder instability is controversial, with studies suggesting that nonoperative management increases the risk of recurrence. Several studies examined return to play after an in-season instability episode, and few followed these patients to determine if they were able to successfully compete in a subsequent season. No study has evaluated this question in a high school athlete population. Purpose: To compare the likelihood of return to scholastic sport and complete the next full season without an additional time-loss injury among athletes with anterior shoulder instability in terms of treatment, instability type, and sport classification. Study Design: Cohort study; Level of evidence, 2 Methods: Athletes were included in this study as identified by a scholastic athletic trainer as experiencing a traumatic time-loss anterior shoulder instability injury related to school-sponsored participation. The cohort was predominantly male (n = 108, 84%) and consisted mostly of contact athletes (n = 101, 78%). All athletes had dislocation or subluxation diagnosed by a board-certified physician who determined the athlete’s course of care (nonoperative vs operative). Successful treatment was defined as completion of care and return to the athlete’s index sport, with full participation for the following season. Chi-square and relative risk analyses were completed to compare success of treatment (nonoperative vs operative care) and instability type. Separate logistic regressions were used to compare the effect of sex and sport classification on the athletes’ ability to return to sport. Statistical significance was set a priori as α = .05. Results: Scholastic athletes (N = 129) received nonoperative (n = 97) or operative (n = 32) care. Nonoperatively treated (85%) and operatively treated (72%) athletes successfully returned to the same sport without injury for at least 1 full season ( P = .11). Players sustaining a dislocation were significantly more likely to fail to return when compared with those sustaining a subluxation (26% vs 89%, P = .013). Sex ( P = .85) and sport classification ( P = .74) did not influence the athlete’s ability to return to sport, regardless of treatment type. Conclusion: A high percentage of athletes with shoulder instability achieved successful return to sport without missing any additional time for shoulder injury. Those with subluxations were at almost 3 times the odds of a successful return compared with those sustaining a dislocation.

Abstract Introduction Many medical schools in the United States are introducing leader and leadership curricula. However, there is a large gap regarding how to assess leader performance during undergraduate medical education. With the guidance of a conceptual framework, leadership assessment measures can be developed, learners can make expected improvements in performance over time, and assessment measures can be used in relevant, applied, medical teaching settings. Uniformed Services University (USU) medical students are educated to become healthcare leaders who can perform effectively in various settings. Medical students are assessed on multiple occasions for elements of leader performance during “Operation Bushmaster” – the capstone military medical field practicum event for fourth year medical students – by experienced faculty. A conceptual framework guides the assessment approach for leader performance during Bushmaster. The USU Leader and Leadership Education and Development program developed an assessment tool to measure student leader performance used in a military medical field practicum. The present paper examines whether: (1) leader performance can be measured at Bushmaster; (2) leader performance changed during Bushmaster; (3) leader performance elements are related to each other; and (4) overall leader performance is related to other medical academic performance. Materials and Methods Trained faculty assessed students’ leader performance. Data from three cohorts of USU medical students (N = 509) were collected. All data were collected, compiled, deidentified, and analyzed with approval from the USU Institutional Review Board (Protocol number: KM83XV). Descriptive statistics, repeated measures t-tests, trend analyses, and correlation analyses were performed. Results Data were available from 483/509 [95%] students. Results revealed that: (1) average leader performance was satisfactory; (2) overall leader performance and performance on each of the major elements of leader performance significantly improved over the course of Bushmaster; (3) major elements of leader performance were significantly correlated with each other and with overall leader performance; (4) leader performance was not correlated with students’ performance on the MCAT total score or USMLE Step exam scores. Conclusion With the guidance of a conceptual framework, the assessment tool was used to assess leader performance in a relevant, applied, medical teaching setting. The findings of this study indicate that leader performance can be measured. Additionally, leader performance appears to be a separate skillset from medical academic performance and both types of performance can be taught and developed. This was a retrospective correlation study and was conducted during a military medical field practicum at a single institution. Gathering additional validity evidence of the assessment tool is needed. With additional validity evidence, the assessment tool could be applied to other medical exercises in different settings and help with the assessment of leader performance beyond medical school.

Abstract Introduction: Introductory pharmacy practice experiences (IPPEs) are 1 requirement schools and colleges of pharmacy must fulfill to meet accreditation standards. The purpose of this manuscript is to report existing IPPEs in psychiatry and neurology across the United States. Methods: Two separate electronic surveys were administered to individual College of Psychiatric and Neurologic Pharmacists members with board certification in psychiatric pharmacy with an academic affiliation and academic institutions in the 2014-15 academic year to assess the neuropsychiatric curriculum in pharmacy programs. Results focusing on IPPEs were summarized using descriptive statistics. Results: Academic institutional data reveal only 37.3% offered IPPEs in psychiatry, and 6.7% offered neurology. The number of available IPPEs is low even if a program offered an available rotation. The majority of College of Psychiatric and Neurologic Pharmacists member respondents (69.9%) did not offer IPPEs in psychiatry in the 2014-15 academic year, and none offered an IPPE in neurology. More than half of individual respondents feel their institution should increase IPPEs in psychiatry and neurology in order to enhance their curriculum. Discussion: To expand IPPE availability, pharmacy programs should increase early exposure of pharmacy students to patients with psychiatric and neurologic conditions. Longitudinal experiences may allow students to engage in hands-on experiences, which may impact future career aspirations and reduce stigma. Current example IPPEs at the authors' institutions are included to stimulate discussion and action among readers on how IPPEs in these practice areas may be developed. Implementation of IPPEs in psychiatry and neurology is needed for students to gain experience working with these patients.

C. Vann Woodward, who is ninety on 13 November 1998, is the author of perhaps the most famous work of history every to have rocked the Southern United States. The Strange Career of Jim Crow, first presented as the James W. Richard lectures at the University of Virginia, appeared in 1955: only one year after the Supreme Court's celebrated decision in Brown v. Board of Education, that racially segregated schools violated the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment because separate facilities were “inherently unequal.” White Southern publicists and politicians stormed and raged that racial separation was in the order of nature, the segregation laws were from time immemorial, and that Chief Justice Warren ought to be impeached; and now came a soft-spoken, professionally respected historian, himself from Arkansas, to tell them, and, worse, to tell the world, that the South's universal segregation or “Jim Crow” laws in fact dated at most only from the 1890s – well within the lifetime of many who were still expressing their opinions.The controversy was intense and prolonged. And it came to involve less politically motivated questions of historical interpretation because Woodward was often taken to have been referring more generally to the substance of race relations as well as the segregation laws. He accepted that some of his formulations required reconsideration, and the book, in constant demand, went through several revisions and four editions, the last appearing in 1974. But the core of the argument has survived to leave an enduring legacy in Southern historiography.

IntroductionHIV epidemic is increasing among men who have sex with men (MSM) in China, yet HIV testing uptake remains low. As an emerging approach, HIV self-testing (HIVST) has the potential to promote HIV testing coverage and frequency in this population. However, evidence of the effectiveness on implementation of HIVST among Chinese MSM and their sexual partners is scarce.Methods and analysisThe randomised controlled trial will be performed in Changsha, Changde, Shaoyang and Yiyang, Hunan province, China, recruiting 184 recent testers (men who had at least one HIV test within the past 2 years) and 26 non-recent testers (men who did not have HIV tests within 2 years or never had an HIV test). Eligible men will be randomly divided 1:1 into two groups: intervention (with free HIVST kits plus site-based HIV testing services) and control (site-based HIV testing services only). Participants in the intervention group will be provided with two free finger-prick-based HIVST kits, and can apply for two to four kits every 3 months for 1 year.Participants in both groups will complete questionnaires via WeChat at five separate times: baseline, third, sixth, ninth and twelfth month. The primary outcome is the mean number of HIV tests for MSM over the 12-month study period. The secondary outcome is the mean number of HIV tests for sexual partners of MSM over the 12-month study period. The tertiary outcomes are the self-reported proportion of consistent condom usage for anal sex, and the numbers of sexual partners during the 12-month study period.Ethics and disseminationThe study has been approved by the Institutional Review Board of Behavioural and Nursing Research in Xiangya School of Nursing of Central South University, China (2018002). Study results will be disseminated through conferences and academic journals.Trial registration numberChiCTR1800015584; Pre-results.

To obtain reliable fish biomass estimates by acoustic methods, it is essential to filter out the signals from unwanted scatterers (e.g. zooplankton). When acoustic data are collected at more than one frequency, methods that exploit the differences in reflectivity of scatterers can be used to achieve the separation of targets. These methods cannot be applied with historical data nor recent data collected on board fishing vessels employed as scientific platforms, where only one transducer is available. Instead, a volume backscattering strength (Sv) threshold is set to separate fish from plankton, both for echogram visualisation or, more importantly, during echo-integration. While empirical methods exist for selecting a threshold, it often depends on the subjective decision of the user. A−47 dB threshold was empirically established in 2008 at the beginning of a series of surveys conducted by Mexico's National Fisheries Institute to assess the biomass of Pacific sardine in the Gulf of California. Until 2012, when a 120 kHz transducer was installed, only data collected at 38 kHz are available. Here, we propose a probabilistic procedure to estimate an optimal Sv threshold using the Expectation-Maximisation algorithm for fitting a mixture of Gaussian distributions to Sv data sampled from schools associated with small pelagic fish and their surrounding echoes. The optimal threshold is given by the Bayes decision function for classifying an Sv value in one of the two groups. The procedure was implemented in the R language environment. The optimal threshold found for 38 kHz data was −59.4 dB, more than 12 dB lower than the currently used value. This difference prompts the need to revise the acoustic biomass estimates of small pelagics in the Gulf of California.

Critical decisions are made daily about whether to bench athletes who might have suffered a concussion or mild traumatic brain injury (mTBI). The low-level damage underlying mTBI has been difficult to measure, especially during competition when assessments are made quickly utilizing primarily subjective symptoms. The ideal instrument would be (1) sensitive to low-level diffuse damage, (2) easily and rapidly administered on the sidelines, and (3) unaffected by human bias or sandbagged baselines. Based on a body of research documenting the sensitivity of oculomotor movements (e.g., saccades and smooth pursuits) to mTBI damage, we have constructed 5 Sideline Eye Trackers and are evaluating their clinical use for quick, objective and accurate assessment of mTBI. Current enrollment of athletes is over 1,200, including the entire IU athletic department and several local schools. All enrollees complete a 6-minute, pre-season, baseline oculomotor exam consisting of 2 saccade, 2 pursuit, and 1 ocular following task. Balance is simultaneously measured using a portable balance board. Anyone suspected by the team physician of having a concussion during the season repeats this exam 3 additional times: (1) immediately post-injury (minutes), (2) at the time of being cleared for return-to-play, and (3) as far post-injury as possible (months). To provide 2 separate measures of test-retest variability, 2 control groups are also being studied: (1) within-sport non-concussed matched control group, and (2) non-concussion prone cross-country athletes. Athletes with mTBI show significant deficits in both saccadic and pursuit function compared to their baseline (p = 0.0001). Drift in the center of pressure measure (balance) is also significantly affected in many subjects. Signal detection theory yields a specificity & sensitivity of greater than 85% of 69 concussed athletes. Measuring oculomotor dysfunction in athletes with a 6-minute task may be a promising tool for the diagnosis and management of mTBI.

ABSTRACT IMPACT: The UTMB Institute for Translational Sciences (ITS) seeks to advance the field of community engagement and facilitate competency in community-engaged and community-based participatory research as a means of expanding team science to integrate community involvement and to assist investigators in building relationships that enable them to contribute to community initiatives. OBJECTIVES/GOALS: The UTMB ITS recently implemented a new Community Health Small Grants program to promote and enhance community-campus partnerships. Our goal is to better translate science from discovery to clinical practice and public health through community-engaged research, education, and dissemination. METHODS/STUDY POPULATION: Applications were solicited from community and academic research partners. Community partners may include existing collaborative groups, community health centers, health departments, nonprofits, schools, social services agencies, practice-based research networks, or Community Advisory Boards. Academic partners may include faculty and/or students. The PI may be a community or academic partner. While this Grants Program will transition to the ITS Pilot Project Program, it will utilize a separate review process and scoring rubric focused on immediate and future community benefit, project feasibility, organizational fit, and other factors unique to community-based partnership projects. RESULTS/ANTICIPATED RESULTS: We received an enthusiastic response to our RFA, based upon a long-standing program of a sister CTSA hub. Proposals received include target populations representative of our most vulnerable’‘ children, the elderly, those lacking access to health care, and those for whom language is a barrier. One addresses the Institution’s and the CEC’s need to conduct community needs assessments to enable the implementation of evidence-based programs driven by data and metrics identified and developed by our communities. Each awarded proposal demonstrates a significant and sometimes critical need for the project. Partnerships are anticipated to have significant impacts on the community and its population. DISCUSSION/SIGNIFICANCE OF FINDINGS: We generate, test, and disseminate team science, education and best practices through stakeholder involvement. Our Community Health Small Grants program aims to involve community in our scientific teams and to involve academics in community-derived projects as well as foster relationships and trust.

Introduction: Whether adults aged ≥60 years with AML benefit from multiagent (or intensive) chemotherapy is a matter of controversy. Prior studies have demonstrated conflicting results. We performed analysis of a large National Cancer Data Base (NCDB) to determine the value of multiagent vs. single agent chemotherapy. Methods: NCDB captures approximately 70% of all cancer diagnoses in US, and undergoes rigorous quality monitoring. We utilized NCDB to identify patients aged 60-79 years, who were newly diagnosed with AML (other than APL) between the years 2004-2014. Logistic regression model was used to determine factors associated with the use of multiagent chemotherapy. Kaplan-Meier curves were generated and compared using the log rank test. Logistic regression model and Cox Proportional Hazard model were used for one-month mortality and OS analyses, respectively. In a separate analysis, patients who received single agent (n=6743) vs. multiagent chemotherapy (n=6743) were matched based on the variables age, Charlson comorbidity score, and AML subtypes (good-risk AML, therapy-related AML/AML with myelodysplasia related changes, and other intermediate/high-risk AML). A Cox Proportional Hazard model was used for OS analysis of the matched cohort. Results: Of a total of 25,621 patients, 70% received multiagent chemotherapy. The receipt of multiagent chemotherapy declined with increasing age, Charlson comorbidity score, AML subtypes other than good-risk, female, non-academic center, shorter distance traveled to receive care, lower rate of high school graduation, and more recent year of diagnosis. Patients treated with multiagent chemotherapy had higher likelihood of receiving hematopoietic cell transplant (HCT) (9% vs. 1%); lower one-month mortality (11% vs. 19%); and greater 1-year OS (43% vs. 28%) (Figure 1). The use of multiagent chemotherapy had particularly higher 1-year OS in patients aged 60-64 and 65-69 years, in good-risk AML, patients with Charlson comorbidity score of 0-1 and those who did not receive upfront HCT consolidation (Table 1). One-month mortality (odds ratio 1.64, 95% confidence interval, CI 1.51-1.78) and OS (hazard ratio, HR 1.32, 95% CI 1.28-1.36) remained more favorable for multiagent chemotherapy group in multivariable analyses. Other factors that affected OS included age, comorbidity, AML subtypes, median household income, insurance, use of HCT, academic status of facility, distance traveled to receive care, sex and year of diagnosis. In a matched analysis of 13,486 patients, the use of single agent vs. multiagent chemotherapy resulted in a higher risk of mortality (HR 1.28, 95% CI 1.23-1.32). Conclusions: In one of the largest real-world studies, we demonstrate an association between factors such as age, comorbidity and AML subtypes and the use of multiagent chemotherapy. After adjusting for covariates, the use of multiagent chemotherapy among older adults was associated with higher receipt of HCT, and improved one-month mortality and OS. Improved OS was confirmed in a matched analysis. Certain groups such as patients younger than 70 years, good-risk AML and those with low Charlson comorbidity score had the greater OS benefit with the use of multiagent chemotherapy. Further studies to determine the role of multiagent or intensive chemotherapy are particularly important with approvals of several new drugs in the recent years and integration of many novel drugs in both low-intensity and intensive chemotherapy regimens. Disclosures Bhatt: Tolero Pharmaceuticals: Research Funding; Incyte: Consultancy, Research Funding; Partner therapeutics: Consultancy; Abbvie: Consultancy; Agios: Consultancy; CSL Behring: Consultancy; National Marrow Donor Program: Consultancy; Pfizer: Consultancy. Holstein:Celgene: Consultancy; Adaptive Biotechnologies: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; GSK: Consultancy; Genentech: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Takeda: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Sorrento: Consultancy. Al-Kadhimi:Celldex Biotech: Other: Stocks; Seattle Genetics: Other: Stocks. Armitage:Union Pacific: Consultancy; Tesaro bio: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Ascentage: Consultancy; Samus Therapeutics: Consultancy; Oncology Analytics: Consultancy; Partner Therapeutics: Consultancy. Gundabolu:Pfizer: Consultancy; Novartis: Consultancy; Jazz pharmaceuticals: Consultancy; Samus Therapeutics: Research Funding.

Context Researchers have shown that rehabilitation programs incorporating resistance-band and balance-board exercises are effective for improving clinical measures of function and patient-reported outcomes in individuals with chronic ankle instability (CAI). However, whether combining the 2 exercises increases improvement is unknown. Objective To determine the effectiveness of 3 rehabilitation programs on clinical measures of balance and self-reported function in adolescent patients with CAI. Design Randomized controlled clinical trial (Trail Registration Number: ClinicalTrails.gov: NCT03447652). Setting High school athletic training facilities. Patients or Other Participants Forty-three patients with CAI (age = 16.37 ± 1.00 years, height = 171.75 ± 12.05 cm, mass = 69.38 ± 18.36 kg) were block randomized into 4 rehabilitation groups. Intervention(s) Protocols were completed 3 times per week for 4 weeks. The resistance-band group performed 3 sets of 10 repetitions of ankle plantar flexion, dorsiflexion, inversion, and eversion with a resistance band. The Biomechanical Ankle Platform System group performed 5 trials of clockwise and counterclockwise rotations, changing direction every 10 seconds during each 40-second trial. The combination group completed resistance-band and Biomechanical Ankle Platform System programs during each session. The control group did not perform any exercises. Main Outcome Measure(s) Variables were assessed before and after the intervention: time-in-balance test, foot-lift test, Star Excursion Balance Test, side-hop test, figure-8 hop test, Foot and Ankle Ability Measure, and Cumberland Ankle Instability Tool. We conducted 4 separate multivariate repeated-measures analyses of variance, followed by univariate analyses for any findings that were different. Results Using the time-in-balance test, foot-lift test, Star Excursion Balance Test (medial, posteromedial, and posterolateral directions), and figure-8 hop test, we detected improvement for each rehabilitation group compared with the control group (P &lt; .05). However, no intervention group was superior. Conclusions All 3 rehabilitation groups demonstrated improvement compared with the control group, yet the evidence was too limited to support a superior intervention. Over a 4-week period, either of the single-task interventions or the combination intervention can be used to combat the residual deficits associated with CAI in an adolescent patient population.

Background: Novel drug discoveries have shifted the treatment paradigms of most hematological malignancies including multiple myeloma (MM), but minimal residual disease and drug resistance underlie relapses in MM. Although many genetic and epigenetic alterations regulate MM progression, MM cells are not autonomous. Dynamic interactions between MM cells and cells of the bone marrow (BM) microenvironment have been reported by our group and others. MM plasma cells (PCs) depend on interactions with bone marrow stromal cells (BMSCs) for their survival and growth, but little is known about the specific genetic events taking place in the MM BM microenvironment. Methods: Here we report a detailed analysis of the genetic and epigenetic events that are characteristic of MM BMSC as compared to HD-BMSC interacting with BM PCs. To evaluate genetic and epigenetic landscapes, RNA was extracted from bulk sorted populations of 16 MM-BMSC, 3 HD-BMSC, and 10 autologous MM cells. We prepared libraries for 32 samples using the NEBNext Ultra II Stranded Poly A kit, and then sequenced on the NextSeq 500, PE150. Sequencing data were analyzed using a custom computational and statistical pipeline at the Department of Biostatistics, School of Public Health and Partek software. Results: Unsupervised clustering showed that MM-BMSC samples clustered as a distinct and completely separate cluster from HD-BMSC and autologous MM cells. Gene level analyses of these three groups identified 990 genes differentially expressed (upregulated or downregulated, P< 0.005). Sequential filtration analyses of the differentially expressed genes in MM-BMSC identified significant deregulation of : transcripts in the Jak-STAT signaling pathway (JAK3, PIM1, IL6, CSF2R, AKT1/2, BCL2L1, CDKN1A and range of IL transcripts); genes encoding extracellular matrix interacting proteins (CD36, CD49, LAMA3, CD44, CD47); and various plasma membrane proteins that define different subpopulations of hematopoietic cells. These genes were deregulated in >24% of MM-BMSC samples analyzed as compared to HD-BMSC samples. These transcripts were downregulated in autologous tumor cells. Next, we interrogated the epigenomic landscape and identified the splicing signature of MM-BMSC as compared to HD-BMSC, and autologous MM cells. Comparison of the splicing patterns (exon skipping, intron retention, novel splice acceptor and/or donor activation) of these three distinct groups showed that a total of 2,100 genes were differentially expressed and 566 were alternatively spliced among the three groups (P < 0.01). These analyses identified a limited number of the transcripts with ~3% significantly spliced in MM-BMSC compared to HD-BMSC. However, comparing MM-BMSC splicing events to MM cells splicing events, we identified >30% of genes which were alternatively spliced in MM cells but not in MM-BMSC. Further, gene enrichment and pathway analyses identified a selective set of transcripts that were alternatively and differentially spliced in MM-BMSC including genes involved in MAPK and Ras signaling pathways, homologous recombination, mismatch repair, and adherens junction. Conclusions: Taken together, our studies identified marked differences between important stromal elements in MM- and HD-BM. We identified genes that were specifically upregulated/suppressed in MM-BMSC compared to MM-cells and HD-BMSC. Within MM BMSCs, we identified several splicing events on genes of signaling pathways implicated in development and progression of MM. Furthermore, altered splicing events identified on these transcripts represent potential new immunotherapeutic targets. Disclosures Chu: Gilead: Honoraria; Celgene: Honoraria; Teva: Consultancy; Amgen Inc.: Honoraria; AstraZeneca: Honoraria. Anderson:C4 Therapeutics: Other: Scientific founder ; Gilead Sciences: Other: Advisory Board; OncoPep: Other: Scientific founder ; Sanofi-Aventis: Other: Advisory Board; Janssen: Other: Advisory Board.

During its long Byzantine and Post-Byzantine history Constantinople was the center for church art in general, but especially for music. This old city on the Bosporus maintained its prime position until the beginning of the 20th century when, because of new political and social conditions, the Greek people started to acquire their independence and freedom, and Athens became the new capital in the cultural as well as the political sense. During the first decades of the 20th century the Athenian music scene was marked by an intensive dispute between those musicians who leaned towards the European musical heritage and its methods in musical pedagogy, and those who called themselves traditionalists and were engaged in the preservation of traditional values of church and folk music. The best insight into the circumstances in which Greek musical life was getting a new direction are offered by the numerous musical journals published in Athens before the First World War. Among them, The Formigs is of the special interest, firstly because of the long period during which it was published (1901-1912), and secondly because of its main orientation. The editor Ioannes Tsoklis, a church chanter, and his main collaborator, the famous Constantinopolitan musician and theorist and later Principal of the Department for Byzantine music at Athens musical school Konstantinos Psahos, with other associates firmly represented the traditional position. That is why most of the published articles and the orientation of the journal generally were dedicated to the controversial problems and current musical events that were attracting public attention. The editorial board believed that there was a connection between the preservation of musical traditions and their development on one side, and foreign musical influences that were evident in the promotion of polyphonic church music, which had been totally foreign to the Greek Orthodox church until the end of the 19th century, on the other. Tsoklis and Psahos were resolved to provide enough reliable documented articles and theoretical and historical studies on church and folk music to pull up the church chanters and in such a way contribute to their better musical education. They assured that this would be the best way to attract and recruit church chanters struggling to maintain their own musical heredity. The Formigs thus served primarily in the so-called Greek music question, actuated with the aim of eliminating polyphonic music from liturgical practice. However, it also assisted in national endeavors to ensure that church and folk music would obtain separate status in official Greek musical education, which had been significantly changed by non-traditional, European methodology.

Abstract Introduction Recently a number of clinical trials have reported on a comparison between autologous stem cell transplantation (ASCT) for multiple myeloma (MM) versus conventional dose therapies. These studies have shown that even in the era of "novel agents", early ASCT is associated with significant improvements in progression free survival (PFS). Further a recent population based study has suggested that having received ASCT is one of the most important prognostic factors governing long-term outcomes for patients with MM. These observations prompted us to examine the long-term outcomes achievable in a series of ASCT patients where novel agents were incorporated into patient management and how these outcomes have changed over time. Methods To investigate long-term survival, we followed patients with newly diagnosed MM who received an ASCT at the University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences (UAMS) Myeloma Institute, from 1989 to 2018. Patients with smoldering myeloma, and those who did not receive an ASCT were excluded from the study. In addition to ASCT, patients who were enrolled on a clinical trial received experimental chemotherapeutic regimens determined by the clinical trials protocol being implemented at the time. All other patients received standard therapies appropriate at the time of diagnosis. Based on the year of their first ASCT, patients were separated into time periods that roughly corresponded to the dates of different protocols when novel agents were being tested at UAMS (1997 or earlier [reference group], 1998-2003, 2004-2008, 2009-2013, and 2014 or later). Kaplan-Meier curves with log-rank tests, and Cox proportional hazards models adjusting for age, sex and race/ethnicity were used to evaluate survival during the different time periods. Because the demographics of the UAMS patients have changed over time (with older and non-White patients becoming more common in more recent years), we also explored approaches to correct for temporal changes in both MM patients at UAMS and within the general US population, including a Fine-Gray competing risk analysis, and a relative survival analysis using SEER life tables to account for population differences in mortality by age, year, sex, and race/ethnicity. Results A total of 4,326 MM patients met the eligibility criteria for this study, with 2,465 patients enrolled on a clinical trial. The median follow-up time was 10.4 years, with median overall survival of 6.9 years. In the adjusted Cox proportional hazards model, patients who had their first ASCT in 2014 or later had significantly improved survival compared to those who had their first ASCT in 1997 or earlier (HR, 0.32; 95% CI, 0.25-0.41). Among patients who had a valid cause of death (n=2961), Fine-Gray competing risk analyses confirmed this finding (HR, 0.10; 95%CI, 0.05-0.19). After using SEER life tables to correct for differences in normal mortality, we find less relative excess risk (RER) for MM death with each successive time period compared to the "1997 or earlier" reference group: 1998-2003 (RER, 0.67; 95%CI, 0.57-0.78), 2004-2008 (RER, 0.56; 95% CI, 0.48-0.66), 2009-2013 (RER, 0.56; 95% CI, 0.47-0.66), 2014 or later (RER, 0.31; 95% CI, 0.22-0.42). These results suggest that as chemotherapeutics and patient management strategies have changed over time, the MM survival has steadily and consistently improved at UAMS. Conclusions Our results suggest that after correcting for population differences in mortality by age, sex, year, and race/ethnicity, MM survival in UAMS patients has improved over time. These trends could be due to a number of factors, including improvements in MM therapies, risk stratification models, management of older patients, and increased understanding of MM biology and meaningful prognostic factors. Additional analyses to examine these traits, and Cure-Rate survival models to determine the likelihood of achieving long-term disease-free survivorship, are currently ongoing. Disclosures Davies: MMRF: Honoraria; ASH: Honoraria; Abbvie: Consultancy; Amgen: Consultancy, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Celgene: Consultancy, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Janssen: Consultancy, Honoraria; Takeda: Consultancy, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; TRM Oncology: Honoraria. Barlogie:European School of Haematology- International Conference on Multiple Myeloma: Other: travel stipend; ComtecMed- World Congress on Controversies in Hematology: Other: travel stipend; Myeloma Health, LLC: Patents & Royalties: : Co-inventor of patents and patent applications related to use of GEP in cancer medicine licensed to Myeloma Health, LLC; Multiple Myeloma Research Foundation: Other: travel stipend; Dana Farber Cancer Institute: Other: travel stipend; Millenium: Consultancy, Research Funding; International Workshop on Waldenström's Macroglobulinemia: Other: travel stipend; Celgene: Consultancy, Research Funding. Morgan:Celgene: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Takeda: Consultancy, Honoraria; Bristol-Myers Squibb: Consultancy, Honoraria; Janssen: Research Funding.

Anatoliy Haidenko’s creative path lasts for about sixty years, during which this outstanding musician has been working fruitfully as a composer, performer, teacher, scientist, methodologist, music and public figure. The versatility of his personality, the diversity of talents, the relentless search for new ideas or means of expression, interest in a wide range of current issues of today are fully manifested in each of these areas. The desire to keep up, not to miss any opportunity to do something for people and at the same time to find time to «create» music in the silence of the cabinet led to a fair recognition of the achievements of Anatoliy Haidenko, currently an honored artist of Ukraine, professor, winner of numerous prestigious awards, permanent member of the jury of national and international festivals and competitions. Background. The figure and work of Anatoly Haidenko often attracts the attention of music scholars. In the field of view of researchers there were, above all, the issues of biographical and aesthetic nature, which are the necessary foundation for a thorough study of the artist’s work. Genre searches and stylistic principles of creativity are another important vector of research, based on analytical observations of Anatoliy Haidenko’s music. However, unfortunately, there are few special works dedicated to the creative work of the Kharkiv composer. Separate pieces of information about some of his opuses, as a rule, are contained in works aimed at highlighting certain trends in modern Ukrainian, especially accordion music. Thus, in order to establish the worldview of the composer, his creative and aesthetic principles, it is necessary to review the available in domestic musicology knowledge about Anatoliy Haidenko and his music. The purpose of the article is to highlight the figure of the artist and his contribution to the Ukrainian academic music art. The material of this research. Analyzing the scientific sources that cover the figure of the outstanding artist A. Haidenko, it is necessary to single out the meaningful work of the monographic type by A. Semeshko (2010) from the series “Portraits of modern Ukrainian composers” about the life and career of A. Haidenko. T. Bolshakova’s textbook (2007) “Concert works for accordion by A. Haidenko” is, in fact, a detailed preface to the publication of musical texts of accordion works of the composer, which had not been published before. The scholar focuses on the artist’s inherent synthesis of modern compositional writing and Ukrainian folk music tradition, emphasizing their subordination to the symphonic thinking of the master. T. Bolshakova’s opinion is also important regarding the “neo-pantheistic concept of existence”, the manifestos of which in A. Haidenko’s works are “the figurative content and semantics of the musical language of his works” (Bolshakova, 2007). The author of the candidate’s dissertation on the topic: “Bayan creativity of Anatoliy Haidenko: aesthetic and genre-style aspects” (Yeromenko, 2019) of Sumy, defended in 2019, thoroughly researches the creative way and accordion work of A. Haidenko. Tracing the evolution of the artist’s compositional path, the researcher A. Stashevsky (2013) identifies the most significant works from his point of view, briefly characterizing them. This opinion is asserted by A. Stashevsky in fundamental work “Modern Ukrainian music for accordion: means of expression, compositional technologies, instrumental style” (2013). In this work, the composer’s work is considered in the section devoted to one of the main vectors of development of modern accordion music – folklore and neo-folklore. Conclusions. During the sixty years of his creative path A. Haidenko has been fruitfully working in various spheres of activity: composition, performance, pedagogical, scientific, methodical, musical and public ones. Performing activities began with a trip as part of a student concert. The activity, which began with travels as part of concert student brigades and continued during the work in Sumy, demonstrated the talent of A. Haidenko as a bayan soloist and ensemble player. However, later the leading role was played by the compositional and pedagogical areas of activity. As a composer, A. Haidenko went through a difficult path from the status of “amateur author” to a recognized master of large forms and exquisite miniatures. Four works, submitted by him before joining the Union of Composers of Ukraine, identified the main directions of his further creative activity: symphonic music, music for folk instruments, choral and chamber and vocal music. A. Haidenko’s teaching activity – ten years of work at the Sumy Music School, four years at the Kharkiv Institute of Culture and more than forty years of hard work at the Department of Folk Instruments at the Kotlyarevsky Kharkiv National University of Arts – contributed to the formation of their own pedagogical principles, proved by the students of A. Haidenko: Y. Alzhnev, V. Geiko, A. Zhukov, E. Ivanov, S. Kolodyazhny. A. Haidenko’s research interests are connected with the history of the Kharkiv school of composition and instrument science. The textbook “Instrumentology and Fundamentals of Instrumentation Theory”, published in 2010 and addressed to teachers and students of folk instruments departments of higher musical educational institutions, is the result of many years of experience teaching the relevant course at KhNUA named after I. P. Kotlyarevsky. A significant place in the life of A. Haidenko is occupied by musical and public activities. In the National Union of Composers of Ukraine, he has served as Deputy Chairman and Executive Secretary of the Kharkiv Organization, a member of the UWC Board and Audit Committee, and Chairman of the Music Fund. Anatoliy Pavlovych Haidenko is also a member of the National All-Ukrainian Music Union, the Supervisory Board of the Ukrainian Cultural Foundation, and regularly participates in the jury of various competitions and festivals.

Abstract Understanding lineage specific markers contributes to investigation into lineage commitment processes in hematopoiesis. Particularly in the human study, information about hematopoietic lineage divergence is essential to refine hematopoietic lineage tree. Lineage markers are also potentially useful for therapeutic target, such as CD20 in B-cell lymphoma, and CD33 in acute myeloid leukemia. We have recently reported that special AT-rich sequence-binding protein 1 (SATB1), a global chromatin organizer, promotes lymphocyte production from hematopoietic stem cells (HSCs) (Immunity 38;1105, 2013). Expression level of SATB1 increases with early lymphoid differentiation, whereas it is shut off in committed myeloid progenitors. To search a novel cell surface molecule that marks the point of branching lineage along early myeloid and lymphoid differentiation, we performed microarray analyses comparing SATB1-overexpressed HSCs with mock-transduced HSCs. The results drew our attention to membrane-spanning 4-domains, subfamily A, member 3 (MS4A3). MS4A3, also called hematopoietic cell-specific transmembrane 4 (HTm4), is a member of the MS4A family. CD20, encoded by MS4A1 gene, belongs to the same family. We observed that expression level of MS4A3 in SATB1-overexpressed HSCs was decreased almost one tenth of that of mock HSCs. To confirm the relationship of SATB1 and MS4A3 in human hematopoietic cells, we first used chronic myeloid leukemia cell line K562, which was found to clearly express MS4A3 on their cell surface. While SATB1 expression was undetectable in original K562 cells, the exogenous expression of SATB1 significantly reduced their MS4A3 expression level, suggesting that SATB1 negatively regulates MS4A3 expression in human cells. Next, we analyzed MS4A3 expression pattern in primary human hematopoietic stem/progenitor cells. Bone marrow (BM) cells were obtained from healthy donors or patients with acute myeloid leukemia. The Institutional Review Board of Osaka University School of Medicine approved all of protocols, and written informed consents were obtained from all participants. Mononuclear cells were separated from the BM samples by density gradient centrifugation, and subsequently applied to cell sorting for Lineage marker-negative (Lin-) CD34+ CD38- HSCs, Lin- CD34+ CD38+ IL-3 receptor α (IL-3Rα)+ CD45RA- common myeloid progenitors (CMPs), Lin- CD34+ CD38+ IL3-Rα+ CD45RA+ granulocyte-macrophage progenitors (GMPs) and Lin- CD34+ CD38+ IL-3Rα- CD45RA-megakaryocyte-erythroid progenitors (MEPs). MS4A3 expression levels of the sorted cells were analyzed with real-time RT-PCR. We detected more than 10-fold amount of MS4A3 transcripts in CMPs than HSCs. Furthermore, its expression level continuously increased along myeloid lineage differentiation to GMP. On the other hand, megakaryocyte-erythroid lineage differentiation was not accompanied by MS4A3 expression and the amount of MS4A3 transcripts in MEPs was minimum as in HSCs. Flow cytometry analyses confirmed that HSCs and MEPs do not express MS4A3 on their cell surface whereas the MS4A3 expression on CMPs and GMPs is detectable. Further, the Lin- CD34+ CD38+ CD33+ cells could be fractionated according to the intensity of cell surface MS4A3 expression. To investigate the significance of cell surface MS4A3 expression for functional analyses of myeloid progenitor cells, we performed methylcellulose colony-forming assays. We found that MS4A3+ cells in Lin- CD34+ CD38+ CD33+ fraction only produced granulocyte/macrophage colonies, losing erythroid colony- and mixed colony-forming capacity. These results suggest that cell surface expression of MS4A3 is useful to distinguish granulocyte/macrophage lineage-committed progenitors from other lineage-related ones in early human hematopoiesis. We also analyzed MS4A3 expression in BM cells obtained from patients with acute leukemia. Flow cytometry analyses revealed that leukemia cells of some patients expressed substantial amount of cell surface MS4A3. In conclusion, MS4A3 is useful to monitor early stage of myeloid differentiation in human hematopoiesis. In addition, our findings of MS4A3 expression on myeloid leukemia cells, while no expression on normal HSCs, imply that MS4A3 might be a therapeutic target molecule in myelogenous leukemia. Further studies would clarify the application of MS4A3 to anti-leukemia therapy. Disclosures No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.

Abstract Abstract 4187 Introduction: Prophylaxis with anti-inhibitor complex concentrate (AICC; FEIBA NF, Baxter Healthcare Corporation, Westlake Village, CA) has been shown to safely and significantly decrease the frequency of joint and other bleeding events in patients with severe hemophilia A and inhibitors. Nonetheless, AICC prophylaxis is an expensive therapeutic intervention, and evidence of its cost-effectiveness is needed to guide healthcare decision-making in this era of global economic downturn. Methods: Hemophilia A patients >2 years of age with inhibitors and using bypassing therapy to treat bleeding were enrolled in a prospective, randomized, crossover study comparing 6 months of AICC infused prophylactically at a dose of 85U/kg ± 15% on 3 nonconsecutive days per week with 6 months of AICC used on-demand for bleeding episodes at a dose of 85 U/kg ± 15%. The 2 treatment periods were separated by a 3-month washout during which patients used on-demand therapy for bleeding. Clotting factor costs were quantitated in 2011 US dollars using the US price for US patients ($1.56 per unit) and the average price in Europe for European patients ($1.13 per unit). Results: Twenty-six subjects (median age 28.7 years; range, 2.8–62.8) completed both treatment periods and were evaluable per protocol for the cost-effectiveness analysis. The per-patient cost of 6 months of AICC prophylaxis was $493,633 compared with $205,549 for on-demand therapy. These totals were calculated by adding the per-patient cost of all clotting factors used during the prophylaxis period (AICC – $489,473 and recombinant activated factor VII [rFVIIa] – $4,160) and the on-demand period (AICC – $198,862473, rFVIIa – $6,272, and FVIII – $415). The incremental cost of AICC per bleed avoided during the prophylaxis period was $35,565, or $585/kg body weight for our somewhat older study population (mean body weight 60.8 kg). Sixteen of 26 subjects (62%) experienced a ≥50% reduction in bleeding events (“good responders”). For these subjects, the per-patient cost of 6 months of AICC prophylaxis was $499,453 as compared with $202,757 for on-demand therapy. The incremental cost-effectiveness ratio for the prophylaxis versus the on-demand period was $27,282 per bleeding event avoided ($449/kg body weight). In subjects with a <50% reduction in bleeding events, the per-patient cost of 6 months of AICC prophylaxis was $484,320 compared with $210,015 for on-demand therapy. The incremental cost-effectiveness ratio for the prophylaxis versus the on-demand period was $76,196 per bleeding event avoided. Discussion: The magnitude of the difference in factor costs during the prophylaxis and on-demand treatment periods was proportional to the corresponding difference in bleeding rate. During the on-demand period, factor cost was reduced by 58% compared with the prophylaxis period, whereas during the prophylaxis period, bleeding events were reduced by 62% compared with the on-demand period. The incremental cost effectiveness ratio was more favorable in good responders and is attributable to the marked difference in prophylactic efficacy. These costs do not reflect the potential benefits of prophylaxis, including fewer hospitalizations and days lost from work or school and prevention of long term complications, such as worsening joint disease and disability. After taking into consideration the bleeding rate, the cost of on-demand therapy is consistent with those previously reported in hemophilia A patients without inhibitors. The incremental cost of AICC per bleed avoided during the prophylaxis period suggests that prophylaxis may will be most cost-effective in those who experience a good response in bleed reduction and in children, who may also derive additional benefit through the prevention of joint disease and long-term disability. Disclosures: Gringeri: Baxter: Speakers Bureau. Leissinger:Baxter: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding.

Abstract Identification of novel markers associated with hematopoietic stem cells (HSCs) is important to progress basic and clinical research regarding the HSC biology. We previously reported that endothelial cell-selective adhesion molecule (ESAM) marks HSCs throughout life in mice (Yokota et al. Blood, 2009). We also demonstrated that ESAM can be a useful indicator of activated HSCs after bone marrow (BM) injury and that ESAM is functionally important for recovering hematopoiesis by using ESAM knockout mice (Sudo et al. J Immunol, 2012). However, the discrepancy between species has been a long-standing obstacle to apply findings in mice to human. For example, established murine HSC markers such as Sca-1 or CD150 are not expressed on human HSCs. Thus, it is important to know if ESAM marks HSCs beyond species and serves as a functional molecule for the HSC property, but information regarding ESAM expression in human HSCs has been quite limited. In this study, we have examined the ESAM expression pattern on human HSCs derived from diverse sources. In addition, we have performed functional assessment of the ESAM-expressing cells. Cord blood (CB), aspirated BM, and granulocyte-colony stimulating factor-mobilized peripheral blood (GMPB) were obtained from healthy donors. BM was also obtained from head of femora of patients who received the hip replacement surgery. All of the protocols were approved by the Institutional Review Board of Osaka University School of Medicine, and we obtained the written agreement form with informed consent from all participants. Mononuclear cells were separated using Ficoll centrifugation from CB, aspirated BM and GMPB. For preparation of BM cells adjacent to bone tissues, trabecular tissues of femora were treated with 2 mg/ml collagenase IV and DNase and gently agitated for 1 hour at 37 °C. Collected cells were analyzed using flow cytometry for cell surface expression of ESAM and other markers. Further, the CD34+ CD38−cells were fractionated according to the intensity of ESAM expression and evaluated in vivo and in vitro functional assays. Flow cytometry analyses revealed that the majority of CB CD34+ CD38− cells expressed ESAM. According to the expression level, CB CD34+ CD38− cells could be subdivided into three populations, namely ESAM−/Low, ESAMHigh, and ESAMBright. While all CB contained a robust ESAMHigh population in CD34+ CD38− cells, the percentage of ESAMBright cells varied widely among CB samples. The ESAMHigh CD34+ CD38− cells also expressed CD90 and CD133, which are known as HSC markers. Methylcellulose colony-forming assays and limiting dilution assays revealed that ESAMHigh fraction enriches primitive hematopoietic progenitors. Further, ESAMHigh cells also reconstituted the long-term human hematopoiesis in NOD/Shi-scid, IL-2Rγnull (NOG) mice. Therefore, as in mice, ESAMHighmarks authentic HSCs in human. On the other hand, ESAMBright CD34+ CD38− cells showed low colony-forming activities and no reconstitution of human hematopoiesis in NOG mice. These ESAMBright CD34+ CD38− cells expressed CD118/leukemia inhibitor factor receptor and endothelial markers such as VE-Cadherin, Flk-1, and CD146, but not CD45. These results suggested that ESAMBright cells in the CB CD34+ CD38− fraction are non-hematopoietic cells. With respect to the other HSC sources such as aspirated BM and GMPB, almost all CD34+ CD38− cells were ESAMHigh and ESAMBright cells were not found in this fraction. Interestingly, however, ESAMBright cells were found in the CD34+ CD38− fraction isolated from collagenase-treated femora. These BM-derived ESAMBright CD34+ CD38− cells expressed endothelial markers as did the CB-derived cells. They could generate CD31+endothelial cells, but not hematopoietic cells in coculture with MS5 stromal cells with vascular endothelial growth factor, stromal-cell-derived factor, and interleukin 16. In conclusion, ESAM expression serves as a marker to enrich HSCs in human regardless of the HSC sources. In addition, the very high intensity of this marker might be useful to isolate non-hematopoietic progenitors from CD34+ CD38− cells, which has been conventionally used as human HSCs. The common feature of ESAM expression of murine and human HSCs suggests a possibility that functional significance of ESAM expression obtained from mouse studies could be applicable to human. Disclosures: No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.

OBJECTIVES/SPECIFIC AIMS: Stigma has been recognized as a major impediment to accessing mental health care among Vietnamese and Asian Americans (Leong and Lau, 2001; Sadavoy et al., 2004; Wynaden et al., 2005; Fong and Tsuang, 2007). The underutilization of mental health care, and disparities in both access and outcomes have been attributed to a large extent to stigma and cultural characteristics of this population (Wynaden et al., 2005; Jang et al., 2009; Leung et al., 2010; Spencer et al., 2010; Jimenez et al., 2013; Augsberger et al., 2015). People with neurotic or behavioral disorders may be considered “bad” as many Vietnamese people believe it is a consequence of one’s improper behavior in a previous life, for which the person is now being punished (Nguyen, 2003). Mental disorders can also been seen as a sign of weakness, which contributes to ambivalence and avoidance of help-seeking (Fong and Tsuang, 2007). Equally important is the need to protect family reputation; having emotional problems often implies that the person has “bad blood” or is being punished for the sins of his/her ancestors (Herrick and Brown, 1998; Leong and Lau, 2001), which disgraces the entire family (Wynaden et al., 2005). In these cases, public stigma (as opposed to internal stigma) is the primary reason for delays in seeking help (Leong and Lau, 2001). Other research has also highlighted the influences of culture on how a disorder may be labeled in different settings, although the presentation of symptoms might be identical (see Angel and Thoits, 1987). In Vietnamese culture, mental disorders are often labeled điên (literally translated as “madness”). A điên person and his or her family are often severely disgraced; consequently the individuals and their family become reluctant to disclose and seek help for mental health problems for fear of rejection (Sadavoy et al., 2004). Despite the critical role of stigma in accessing mental health care, there has been little work in trying to understand how stigmatizing attitudes towards mental illness among Vietnamese Americans manifest themselves and the influences of acculturation on these attitudes. Some previous work indicated a significant level of mental illness stigma among Vietnamese Americans, and experiences of living in the United States might interact with the way stigma manifests among this population (Do et al., 2014). Stigma is a complex construct that warrants a deeper and more nuanced understanding (Castro et al., 2005). Much of the development of stigma-related concepts was based on the classic work by Goffman (1963); he defined stigma as a process by which an individual internalizes stigmatizing characteristics and develops fears and anxiety about being treated differently from others. Public stigma (defined by Corrigan, 2004) includes the general public’s negative beliefs about specific groups, in this case individuals and families with mental illness concerns, that contribute to discrimination. Public stigma toward mental illness acts not only as a major barrier to care, but can also exacerbate anxiety, depression, and adherence to treatment (Link et al., 1999; Sirey et al., 2001; Britt et al., 2008; Keyes et al., 2010). Link and Phelan (2001) conceptualized public stigma through four major components. The first component, labeling, occurs when people distinguish and label human differences that are socially relevant, for example, skin color. In the second component, stereotyping, cultural beliefs link the labeled persons to undesirable characteristics either in the mind or the body of such persons, for example people who are mentally ill are violent. The third component is separating “us” (the normal people) from “them” (the mentally ill) by the public. Finally, labeled persons experience status loss and discrimination, where they are devalued, rejected and excluded. Link and Phelan (2001) emphasized that stigmatization also depends on access to social, economic, and political power that allows these components to unfold. This study aims to answer the following research questions: (1) how does public stigma related to mental illness manifest among Vietnamese Americans? and (2) in what ways does acculturation influence stigma among this population? We investigate how the 4 components of stigma according to Link and Phelan (2001) operationalized and how they depend on the level of acculturation to the host society. Vietnamese Americans is the key ethnic minority group for this study for several reasons. Vietnamese immigration, which did not start in large numbers until the 1970s, has features that allow for a natural laboratory for comparisons of degree of acculturation. Previous research has shown significant intergenerational differences in the level of acculturation and mental health outcomes (e.g., Shapiro et al., 1999; Chung et al., 2000; Ying and Han, 2007). In this study, we used age group as a proxy indicator of acculturation, assuming that those who were born and raised in the United States (the 18–35 year olds) would be more Americanized than those who were born in Vietnam but spent a significant part of their younger years in the United States (the 36–55 year olds), and those who were born and grew up in Vietnam (the 56–75 year olds) would be most traditional Vietnamese. The language used in focus group discussions (FGDs) reflected some of the acculturation, where all FGDs with the youngest groups were done in English, and all FGDs with the oldest groups were done in Vietnamese. METHODS/STUDY POPULATION: Data were collected through a set of FGDs and key informant interviews (KIIs) with experts to explore the conceptualization and manifestation of mental illness public stigma among Vietnamese Americans in New Orleans. Six FGDs with a total of 51 participants were conducted. Participants were Vietnamese American men and women ages 18–75. Stratification was used to ensure representation in the following age/immigration pattern categories: (1) individuals age 56–75 who were born and grew up in Vietnam and immigrated to the United States after age 35; (2) individuals age 36–55 who were born in Vietnam but spent a significant part of their youth in the United States; and (3) individuals age 18–35 who were born and grew up in the United States. These groups likely represent different levels of acculturation, assuming that people who migrate at a younger age are more likely to assimilate to the host society than those who do at a later age. Separate FGDs were conducted with men and women. Eleven KIIS were conducted with 6 service providers and 5 community and religious leaders. In this analysis, we focused on mental illness public stigma from the FGD participants’ perspectives. FGDs were conducted in either English or Vietnamese, whichever participants felt more comfortable with, using semistructured interview guides. All interviews were audio recorded, transcribed and translated into English if conducted in Vietnamese. Data coding and analysis was done using NVivo version 11 (QSR International, 2015). The analysis process utilized a Consensual Qualitative Research (CQR) approach, a validated and well-established approach to collecting and analyzing qualitative data. CQR involves gathering textual data through semistructured interviews or focus groups, utilizing a data analysis process that fosters multiple perspectives, a consensus process to arrive at judgments about the meaning of data, an auditor to check the work of the research team, and the development of domains, core-ideas, and cross-analysis (Hill et al., 2005). The study was reviewed and approved by Tulane University’s Internal Review Board. RESULTS/ANTICIPATED RESULTS: Components of public stigma related to mental illness. The 4 components of public stigma manifest to different extents within the Vietnamese Americans in New Orleans. Labeling was among the strongest stigma components, while the evidence of the other components was mixed. Across groups of participants, Vietnamese Americans agreed that it was a common belief that people with mental disorders were “crazy,” “acting crazy,” or “madness.” “Not normal,” “sad,” and “depressed” were among other words used to describe the mentally ill. However, there were clear differences between younger and older Vietnamese on how they viewed these conditions. The youngest groups of participants tended to recognize the “craziness” and “madness” as a health condition that one would need to seek help for, whereas the oldest groups often stated that these conditions were short term and likely caused by family or economic problems, such as a divorce, or a bankruptcy. The middle-aged groups were somewhere in between. The evidence supporting the second component, stereotyping, was not strong among Vietnamese Americans. Most FGD participants agreed that although those with mental disorders may act differently, they were not distinguishable. In a few extreme cases, mentally ill individuals were described as petty thefts or being violent towards their family members. Similarly to the lack of strong evidence of stereotyping, there was also no evidence of the public separating the mentally ill (“them”) from “us”. It was nearly uniformly reported that they felt sympathetic to those with mental disorders and their family, and that they all recognized that they needed help, although the type of help was perceived differently across groups. The older participants often saw that emotional and financial support was needed to help individuals and families to pass through a temporary phase, whereas younger participants often reported that professional help was necessary. The last component, status loss and discrimination, had mixed evidence. While nearly no participants reported any explicit discriminatory behaviors observed and practiced towards individuals with mental disorders and their families, words like “discrimination” and “stigma” were used in all FGDs to describe direct social consequences of having a mental disorder. Social exclusion was common. Our older participants said: “They see less of you, when they see a flaw in you they don’t talk to you or care about you. That’s one thing the Vietnamese people are bad at, spreading false rumors and discrimination” (Older women FGD). One’s loss of status seemed certain if their or their loved one’s mental health status was disclosed. Shame, embarrassment, and being “frowned upon” were direct consequences of one’s mental health status disclosure and subsequently gossiped about. Anyone with mental disorders was certain to experience this, and virtually everyone in the community would reportedly do this to such a family. “You get frowned upon. In the Vietnamese culture, that’s [a family identified as one with mental health problems] the big no-no right there. When everybody frowns upon your family and your family name, that’s when it becomes a problem” (Young men FGD). This is tied directly to what our participants described as Vietnamese culture, where pride and family reputation were such a high priority that those with mental disorders needed to go to a great extent to protect—“We all know what saving face means” as reported by our young participants. Even among young participants, despite their awareness of mental illness and the need for professional help, the desire to avoid embarrassment and save face was so strong that one would think twice about seeking help. “No, you just don’t want to get embarrassed. I don’t want to go to the damn doctor and be like ‘Oh yeah, my brother got an issue. You can help him?’ Why would I do that? That’s embarrassing to myself…” (Young men FGD). Our middle-aged participants also reported: “If I go to that clinic [mental health or counseling clinic], I am hoping and praying that I won’t bump into somebody that I know from the community” (Middle-aged women FGD). Vietnamese people were also described as being very competitive among themselves, which led to the fact that if a family was known for having any problem, gossips would start and spread quickly wherever they go, and pretty soon, the family would be looked down by the entire community. “I think for Vietnamese people, they don’t help those that are in need. They know of your situation and laugh about it, see less of you, and distant themselves from you” (Older women FGD). Culture and mental illness stigma, much of the described stigma and discrimination expressed, and consequently the reluctance to seek help, was attributed to the lack of awareness of mental health and of mental health disorders. Many study participants across groups also emphasized a belief that Vietnamese Americans were often known for their perseverance and resilience, overcoming wars and natural disasters on their own. Mental disorders were reportedly seen as conditions that individuals and families needed to overcome on their own, rather than asking for help from outsiders. This aspect of Vietnamese culture is intertwined with the need to protect one’s family’s reputation, being passed on from one generation to the next, reinforcing the beliefs that help for mental disorders should come from within oneself and one’s family only. Consequently persons with mental health problems would be “Keeping it to themselves. Holding it in and believing in the power of their friends” (Middle-aged FGD) instead of seeking help. Another dimension of culture that was apparent from FGDs (as well as KIIs) was the mistrust in Western medicine. Not understanding how counseling or medicines work made one worry about approaching service providers or staying in treatment. The habit of Vietnamese people to only go see a doctor if they are sick with physical symptoms was also a hindrance to acknowledging mental illness and seeking care for it. Challenges, including the lack of vocabulary to express mental illness and symptoms, in the Vietnamese language, exaggerated the problem, even among those who had some understanding of mental disorders. It was said in the young men FGD that: “when you classify depression as an illness, no one wants to be sick,… if you call it an illness, no one wants to have that sort of illness, and it’s not an illness that you can physically see…” (Young men FGD). Another young man summarized so well the influence of culture on mental illness stigma: “Us Southeast Asian, like, from my parents specifically has Vietnam War refugees. I think the reason why they don’t talk about it is because it’s a barrier that they have to overcome themselves, right? As refugees, as people who have been through the war… [omitted]They don’t want to believe that they need help, and so the trauma that they carry when they give birth to us is carried on us as well. But due to the language barrier and also the, like, they say with the whole health care, in Vietnam I know that they don’t really believe in Western and Eurocentric medicine. So, from their understanding of how, like from their experience with colonization or French people, and how medicine works, they don’t believe in it” (Young men FGD). One characteristic of the Vietnamese culture that was also often mentioned by our FGD participants (as well as KIIs) was the lack of sharing and openness between generations, even within a family. Grandparents, parents, and children do not usually share and discuss each other’s problems. Parents and grandparents do not talk about problems because they need to appear strong and good in front of their children; children do not talk about problems because they are supposed to do well in all aspects, particularly in school. The competitiveness of Vietnamese and high expectations of younger generations again come into play here and create a vicious cycle. Young people are expected to do well in school, which put pressure on them and may result in mental health problems, yet, they cannot talk about it with their parents because they are not supposed to feel bad about school, and sharing is not encouraged. The Asian model minority myth and the expectations of parents that their children would do well in school and become doctors and lawyers were cited by many as a cause of mental health problems among young people. “Our parents are refugees, they had nothing and our parents want us to achieve this American Dream…. [omitted] It set expectations and images for us…. It was expected for all the Asians to be in the top 10, and for, like a little quick minute I thought I wasn’t going to make it, I was crying” (Yong men FGD). As a result, the mental health problems get worse. “If you’re feeling bad about something, you don’t feel like you can talk about it with anyone else, especially your family, because it is not something that is encouraged to be talked about anyway, so if you are feeling poorly and you don’t feel like you could talk to anybody, I think that just perpetuates the bad feelings” (Middle-aged women FGD). Acculturation and mental illness stigma Acculturation, the degree of assimilation to the host society, has changed some of the understanding of mental illness and stigmatizing attitudes. Differences across generations expressed in different FGDs indicated differences in perceptions towards mental illness that could be attributed to acculturation. For example, the young generation understood that mental illness was a health problem that was prevalent but less recognized in the Vietnamese community, whereas a prominent theme among the older participants was that mental illness was a temporary condition due to psychological stress, that it was a condition that only Caucasians had. Some of the components of public stigma related to mental illness seemed to vary between generations, for example the youngest participants were less likely to put a label on a person with mental health problems, or to stereotype them, compared to the oldest and middle-aged participants. This was attributed to their education, exposure to the media and information, and to them “being more Americanized.” However, there was no evidence that acculturation played an important role in changing the other components of public stigma, including stereotyping, separating, and status loss and discrimination. For example, the need to protect the family reputation was so important that our young participants shared: “If you damage their image, they will disown you before you damage that image” (Young men FGD). Young people, more likely to recognize mental health problems, were also more likely to share within the family and to seek help, but no more likely than their older counterparts to share outside of the family—“maybe you would go to counseling or go to therapy, but you wouldn’t tell people you’re doing that” (Young women FGD). The youngest participants in our study were facing a dilemma, in which they recognized mental health problems and the need for care, yet were still reluctant to seek care or talk about it publicly because of fears of damaging the family reputation and not living up to the parents’ expectations. Many young participants reported that it actually made it very difficult for them to navigate mental health issues between the 2 cultures, despite the awareness of the resources available. “I think it actually makes it harder. Only because you know to your parents and the culture, and your own people, it’s taboo, and it’s something that you don’t talk about. Just knowing that you have the resources to go seek it… You want advice from your family also, but you can’t connect the appointment to your family because you’re afraid to express that to your parents, you know? So I think that plays a big part, and knowing that you are up and coming, but you don’t want to do something to disappoint your family because they are so traditional” (Young men FGD). Some participants felt more comfortable talking about mental health problems, like depression, if it was their friend who experienced it and confided in them, but they would not necessarily felt open if it was their problem. Subtle cultural differences like this are likely overlooked by Western service providers. One older participant summarized it well “They [the young generation] are more Americanized. They are more open to other things [but] I think that mental health is still a barrier.” DISCUSSION/SIGNIFICANCE OF IMPACT: This study investigated how different components of public stigma related to mental illness manifest among Vietnamese Americans, a major ethnic group in the United States, and how acculturation may influence such stigma. The findings highlighted important components of public stigma, including labeling and status loss, but did not provide strong evidence of the other components within our study population. Strong cultural beliefs underlined the understanding of mental health and mental illness in general, and how people viewed people with mental illness. Several findings have been highlighted in previous studies with Asian immigrants elsewhere; for example, a study from the perspectives of health care providers in Canada found that the unfamiliarity with Western biomedicine and spiritual beliefs and practices of immigrant women interacted with social stigma in preventing immigrants from accessing care (O’Mahony and Donnelly, 2007). Fancher et al. (2010) reported similar findings regarding stigma, traditional beliefs about medicine, and culture among Vietnamese Americans. Acculturation played a role in changing stigmatizing attitudes as evidenced in intergenerational differences. However, being more Americanized did not equate to being more open, having less stigmatizing attitudes, or being more willing to seek care for mental health issues. Consistent with previous studies (Pedersen and Paves, 2014), we still found some level of stigma among young people aged 18–35, although some components were lessened with an increased level of acculturation. There was also a conflict among the younger generation, in which the need for mental health care was recognized but accessing care was no easier for them than for their parent and grandparent generations. The study’s findings are useful to adapt existing instruments to measure stigma to this population. The findings also have important program implications. One, they can be directly translated into basic supports for local primary and behavioral health care providers. Two, they can also be used to guide and inform the development and evaluation of an intervention and an additional study to validate the findings in other immigrant ethnic groups in the United States. Finally, based on results of the study, we can develop a conceptual framework that describes pathways through which social, cultural, and ecological factors can influence stigma and the ways in which stigma acts as a barrier to accessing mental health care among Vietnamese Americans. The guiding framework then can be validated and applied in future programs aimed to improve mental health care utilization among ethnic minorities.

In general, Jews were outsiders with regard to Quebec’s public school system until the 1960s. Few were hired as teachers before the mid-twentieth century, and they could not be elected to school boards. For some years at the beginning of the century, even the very right to schooling was in question for Jewish children. An exception to this outsider status was the rural community of Ste-Sophie. There Jews, who comprised the majority of the non-Catholic residents, succeeded in forming the separate (“Protestant”) school board which maintained just one two-room school that catered to the special needs of Jewish children. The board also looked after other aspects of Jewish life in the community. This paper outlines the history of the school and analyzes the developments that led to its establishment.

Although cross-national evidence suggests that decentralization of educational governance is positively related to student achievement, related research often fails to recognize the separate roles and influences of governments, school boards, principals, and teachers. We use data from the 2015 Programme for International Student Assessment to examine school leaders’ perceptions of governance arrangements across 68 countries and to assess whether differences in perceived governance patterns are significantly related to differences in student achievement. We find that although school governance arrangements vary substantially across countries, increases in teacher decision-making responsibilities are consistently and positively related to student achievement in math, reading, and science, all else equal. Furthermore, controlling for school principals’ leadership style does not fundamentally change the positive and significant relationships between teacher decision making and student achievement, suggesting that the impact of teachers may be independent of school principals’ attitudes and actions.

ObjectiveTo assess the correlations between weekly rates of elementaryschool absenteeism due to illness (SAi) and percent positivity forinfluenza A from laboratory testing (PPFluA) when conducted at acity level from September to December over multiple years.IntroductionRates of student absenteeism in schools have been mainly used todetect outbreaks in schools and prompt public health action to stoplocal transmission1,2. A report by Mogto et al.3stated that aggregatedcounts of school absenteeism (SAi) were correlated with PPFluA, butthe sample may have been biased. The purpose of this study was toassess the correlation between aggregated rates of SAi and PPFluAfor two cities, Calgary and Edmonton, in Alberta. In such situations,SAi could potentially be used as a proxy for PPFluA when there arenot enough samples for stable laboratory estimates.MethodsThe Alberta Real-Time Syndromic Surveillance Net (ARTSSN)4collects elementary SA data from the two major school boards intwo cities in Alberta with populations >800,000. Since reasons forSA are stated, rates of SAi can be calculated. Data were obtained forthree years, 2012 to 2014, for each city. Laboratory data on tests ofrespiratory agents using a standardized protocol were obtained fromAlberta’s Provincial Laboratory for Public Health for the same timeperiod and locations. The dates of the specimens being received bythe laboratory were used in this analysis. For each data source, therelative proportions (SAi and PPFluA) were calculated. Data forthe first week of school in September and for the last two weeks ofDecember were removed for each year due to the SAi rates beingunstable. Linear regression models were constructed, with rates ofSAi predicted by PPFluA. Separate models were run for each cityand for each year, resulting in a total of 6 models. Percent positivityfor entero-rhinoviruses (PPERV) was added to see if it improved themodel. The regression models were created using Excel and checkedin the statistical programs, SAS and R. An analysis to assess theinfluence of a lag period was assessed using R.ResultsFor each city, the provincial lab tested between 4,000 and 6,000specimens each fall and SAi rates were based on denominators ofbetween 20,000 and 36,000 children. The R2, betas, and p-valuesfor all 6 regression models are shown in Table 1. The minimumcorrelation value was 0.693 and the maximum was 0.935. Dueto the strong negative correlations between PPERV and PPFluA,PPERV was not retained in the models. Looking at the lag periods,the maximum correlations occurred at a zero week lag in two years(2012 and 2014) and at a -1 week lag in 2013. The two years with azero lag were both dominated by a H3N2 strain while the year withmainly a H1N1 strain showed a lag of -1. Only one year of H1N1 datawas available for analysis.ConclusionsWe observed strong correlations between the weekly rates ofelementary SAi and PPFluA at the city level over three years, fromSeptember to December. The reasons for the difference in lag timesbetween the H1N1 and H3N2 seasons are being investigated.

Special Care Notice This paper discusses trauma and violence inflicted upon the Indigenous peoples of Tasmania through the process of colonisation. Content within this paper may be distressing to some readers. Introduction The decimation of the First Peoples of Van Diemen’s Land (now Tasmania) was systematic and swift. First Contact was an emotionally, intellectually, physically, and spiritually confronting series of encounters for the Indigenous inhabitants. There were, according to some early records, a few examples of peaceful interactions (Morris 84). Yet, the inevitable competition over resources, and the intensity with which colonists pursued their “claims” for food, land, and water, quickly transformed amicable relationships into hostile rivalries. Jennifer Gall has written that, as “European settlement expanded in the late 1820s, violent exchanges between settlers and Aboriginal people were frequent, brutal and unchecked” (58). Indeed, the near-annihilation of the original custodians of the land was, if viewed through the lens of time, a process that could be described as one that was especially efficient. As John Morris notes: in 1803, when the first settlers arrived in Van Diemen’s Land, the Aborigines had already inhabited the island for some 25,000 years and the population has been estimated at 4,000. Seventy-three years later, Truganinni, [often cited as] the last Tasmanian of full Aboriginal descent, was dead. (84) Against a backdrop of extreme violence, often referred to as the Black War (Clements 1), there were some, admittedly dubious, efforts to contain the bloodshed. One such effort, in the late 1820s, was the production, and subsequent distribution, of a set of Proclamation Boards. Approximately 100 Proclamation Boards (the Board) were introduced by the Lieutenant Governor of the day, George Arthur (after whom Port Arthur on the Tasman Peninsula is named). The purpose of these Boards was to communicate, via a four-strip pictogram, to the Indigenous peoples of the island colony that all people—black and white—were considered equal under the law. “British Justice would protect” everyone (Morris 84). This is reflected in the narrative of the Boards. The first image presents Indigenous peoples and colonists living peacefully together. The second, and central, image shows “a conciliatory handshake between the British governor and an Aboriginal ‘chief’, highly reminiscent of images found in North America on treaty medals and anti-slavery tokens” (Darian-Smith and Edmonds 4). The third and fourth images depict the repercussions for committing murder, with an Indigenous man hanged for spearing a colonist and a European man also hanged for shooting an Aborigine. Both men executed under “gubernatorial supervision” (Turnbull 53). Image 1: Governor Davey's [sic - actually Governor Arthur's] Proclamation to the Aborigines, 1816 [sic - actually c. 1828-30]. Image Credit: Mitchell Library, State Library of NSW (Call Number: SAFE / R 247). The Board is an interesting re-imagining of one of the traditional methods of communication for Indigenous peoples; the leaving of images on the bark of trees. Such trees, often referred to as scarred trees, are rare in modern-day Tasmania as “the expansion of settlements, and the impact of bush fires and other environmental factors” resulted in many of these trees being destroyed (Aboriginal Heritage Tasmania online). Similarly, only a few of the Boards, inspired by these trees, survive today. The Proclamation Board was, in the 1860s, re-imagined as the output of a different Governor: Lieutenant Governor Davey (after whom Port Davey, on the south-west coast of Tasmania is named). This re-imagining of the Board’s creator was so effective that the Board, today, is popularly known as Governor Davey’s Proclamation to the Aborigines. This paper outlines several other re-imaginings of this Board. In addition, this paper offers another, new, re-imagining of the Board, positing that this is an early “pamphlet” on crime, justice and punishment which actually presents as a pre-cursor to the modern Australian true crime tale. In doing so this work connects the Proclamation Board to the larger genre of crime fiction. One Proclamation Board: Two Governors Labelled Van Diemen’s Land and settled as a colony of New South Wales in 1803, this island state would secede from the administration of mainland Australia in 1825. Another change would follow in 1856 when Van Diemen’s Land was, in another process of re-imagining, officially re-named Tasmania. This change in nomenclature was an initiative to, symbolically at least, separate the contemporary state from a criminal and violent past (Newman online). Tasmania’s violent history was, perhaps, inevitable. The island was claimed by Philip Gidley King, the Governor of New South Wales, in the name of His Majesty, not for the purpose of building a community, but to “prevent the French from gaining a footing on the east side of that island” and also to procure “timber and other natural products, as well as to raise grain and to promote the seal industry” (Clark 36). Another rationale for this land claim was to “divide the convicts” (Clark 36) which re-fashioned the island into a gaol. It was this penal element of the British colonisation of Australia that saw the worst of the British Empire forced upon the Aboriginal peoples. As historian Clive Turnbull explains: the brutish state of England was reproduced in the English colonies, and that in many ways its brutishness was increased, for now there came to Australia not the humanitarians or the indifferent, but the men who had vested interests in the systems of restraint; among those who suffered restraint were not only a vast number who were merely unfortunate and poverty-stricken—the victims of a ‘depression’—but brutalised persons, child-slaughterers and even potential cannibals. (Turnbull 25) As noted above the Black War of Tasmania saw unprecedented aggression against the rightful occupants of the land. Yet, the Aboriginal peoples were “promised the white man’s justice, the people [were] exhorted to live in amity with them, the wrongs which they suffer [were] deplored” (Turnbull 23). The administrators purported an egalitarian society, one of integration and peace but Van Diemen’s Land was colonised as a prison and as a place of profit. So, “like many apologists whose material benefit is bound up with the systems which they defend” (Turnbull 23), assertions of care for the health and welfare of the Aboriginal peoples were made but were not supported by sufficient policies, or sufficient will, and the Black War continued. Colonel Thomas Davey (1758-1823) was the second person to serve as Lieutenant Governor of Van Diemen’s Land; a term of office that began in 1813 and concluded in 1817. The fourth Lieutenant Governor of the island was Colonel Sir George Arthur (1784-1854); his term of office, significantly longer than Davey’s, being from 1824 to 1836. The two men were very different but are connected through this intriguing artefact, the Proclamation Board. One of the efforts made to assert the principle of equality under the law in Van Diemen’s Land was an outcome of work undertaken by Surveyor General George Frankland (1800-1838). Frankland wrote to Arthur in early 1829 and suggested the Proclamation Board (Morris 84), sometimes referred to as a Picture Board or the Tasmanian Hieroglyphics, as a tool to support Arthur’s various Proclamations. The Proclamation, signed on 15 April 1828 and promulgated in the The Hobart Town Courier on 19 April 1828 (Arthur 1), was one of several notices attempting to reduce the increasing levels of violence between Indigenous peoples and colonists. The date on Frankland’s correspondence clearly situates the Proclamation Board within Arthur’s tenure as Lieutenant Governor. The Board was, however, in the 1860s, re-imagined as the output of Davey. The Clerk of the Tasmanian House of Assembly, Hugh M. Hull, asserted that the Board was the work of Davey and not Arthur. Hull’s rationale for this, despite archival evidence connecting the Board to Frankland and, by extension, to Arthur, is predominantly anecdotal. In a letter to the editor of The Hobart Mercury, published 26 November 1874, Hull wrote: this curiosity was shown by me to the late Mrs Bateman, neé Pitt, a lady who arrived here in 1804, and with whom I went to school in 1822. She at once recognised it as one of a number prepared in 1816, under Governor Davey’s orders; and said she had seen one hanging on a gum tree at Cottage Green—now Battery Point. (3) Hull went on to assert that “if any old gentleman will look at the picture and remember the style of military and civil dress of 1810-15, he will find that Mrs Bateman was right” (3). Interestingly, Hull relies upon the recollections of a deceased school friend and the dress codes depicted by the artist to date the Proclamation Board as a product of 1816, in lieu of documentary evidence dating the Board as a product of 1828-1830. Curiously, the citation of dress can serve to undermine Hull’s argument. An early 1840s watercolour by Thomas Bock, of Mathinna, an Aboriginal child of Flinders Island adopted by Lieutenant Governor John Franklin (Felton online), features the young girl wearing a brightly coloured, high-waisted dress. This dress is very similar to the dresses worn by the children on the Proclamation Board (the difference being that Mathinna wears a red dress with a contrasting waistband, the children on the Board wear plain yellow dresses) (Bock). Acknowledging the simplicity of children's clothing during the colonial era, it could still be argued that it would have been unlikely the Governor of the day would have placed a child, enjoying at that time a life of privilege, in a situation where she sat for a portrait wearing an old-fashioned garment. So effective was Hull’s re-imagining of the Board’s creator that the Board was, for many years, popularly known as Governor Davey’s Proclamation to the Aborigines with even the date modified, to 1816, to fit Davey’s term of office. Further, it is worth noting that catalogue records acknowledge the error of attribution and list both Davey and Arthur as men connected to the creation of the Proclamation Board. A Surviving Board: Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales One of the surviving Proclamation Boards is held by the Mitchell Library. The Boards, oil on Huon pine, were painted by “convict artists incarcerated in the island penal colony” (Carroll 73). The work was mass produced (by the standards of mass production of the day) by pouncing, “a technique [of the Italian Renaissance] of pricking the contours of a drawing with a pin. Charcoal was then dusted on to the drawing” (Carroll 75-76). The images, once outlined, were painted in oil. Of approximately 100 Boards made, several survive today. There are seven known Boards within public collections (Gall 58): five in Australia (Mitchell Library, State Library of NSW, Sydney; Museum Victoria, Melbourne; National Library of Australia, Canberra; Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery, Hobart; and Queen Victoria Museum and Art Gallery, Launceston); and two overseas (The Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University and the Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, University of Cambridge). The catalogue record, for the Board held by the Mitchell Library, offers the following details:Paintings: 1 oil painting on Huon pine board, rectangular in shape with rounded corners and hole at top centre for suspension ; 35.7 x 22.6 x 1 cm. 4 scenes are depicted:Aborigines and white settlers in European dress mingling harmoniouslyAboriginal men and women, and an Aboriginal child approach Governor Arthur to shake hands while peaceful soldiers look onA hostile Aboriginal man spears a male white settler and is hanged by the military as Governor Arthur looks onA hostile white settler shoots an Aboriginal man and is hanged by the military as Governor Arthur looks on. (SAFE / R 247) The Mitchell Library Board was purchased from J.W. Beattie in May 1919 for £30 (Morris 86), which is approximately $2,200 today. Importantly, the title of the record notes both the popular attribution of the Board and the man who actually instigated the Board’s production: “Governor Davey’s [sic – actually Governor Arthur] Proclamation to the Aborigines, 1816 [sic – actually c. 1828-30].” The date of the Board is still a cause of some speculation. The earlier date, 1828, marks the declaration of martial law (Turnbull 94) and 1830 marks the Black Line (Edmonds 215); the attempt to form a human line of white men to force many Tasmanian Aboriginals, four of the nine nations, onto the Tasman Peninsula (Ryan 3). Frankland’s suggestion for the Board was put forward on 4 February 1829, with Arthur’s official Conciliator to the Aborigines, G.A. Robinson, recording his first sighting of a Board on 24 December 1829 (Morris 84-85). Thus, the conception of the Board may have been in 1828 but the Proclamation project was not fully realised until 1830. Indeed, a news item on the Proclamation Board did appear in the popular press, but not until 5 March 1830: We are informed that the Government have given directions for the painting of a large number of pictures to be placed in the bush for the contemplation of the Aboriginal Inhabitants. […] However […] the causes of their hostility must be more deeply probed, or their taste as connoisseurs in paintings more clearly established, ere we can look for any beneficial result from this measure. (Colonial Times 2) The remark made in relation to becoming a connoisseur of painting, though intended to be derogatory, makes some sense. There was an assumption that the Indigenous peoples could easily translate a European-styled execution by hanging, as a visual metaphor for all forms of punishment. It has long been understood that Indigenous “social organisation and religious and ceremonial life were often as complex as those of the white invaders” (McCulloch 261). However, the Proclamation Board was, in every sense, Eurocentric and made no attempt to acknowledge the complexities of Aboriginal culture. It was, quite simply, never going to be an effective tool of communication, nor achieve its socio-legal aims. The Board Re-imagined: Popular Media The re-imagining of the Proclamation Board as a construct of Governor Davey, instead of Governor Arthur, is just one of many re-imaginings of this curious object. There are, of course, the various imaginings of the purpose of the Board. On the surface these images are a tool for reconciliation but as “the story of these paintings unfolds […] it becomes clear that the proclamations were in effect envoys sent back to Britain to exhibit the ingenious attempts being applied to civilise Australia” (Carroll 76). In this way the Board was re-imagined by the Administration that funded the exercise, even before the project was completed, from a mechanism to assist in the bringing about of peace into an object that would impress colonial superiors. Khadija von Zinnenburg Carroll has recently written about the Boards in the context of their “transnational circulation” and how “objects become subjects and speak of their past through the ventriloquism of contemporary art history” (75). Carroll argues the Board is an item that couples “military strategy with a fine arts propaganda campaign” (Carroll 78). Critically the Boards never achieved their advertised purpose for, as Carroll explains, there were “elaborate rituals Aboriginal Australians had for the dead” and, therefore, “the display of a dead, hanging body is unthinkable. […] being exposed to the sight of a hanged man must have been experienced as an unimaginable act of disrespect” (92). The Proclamation Board would, in sharp contrast to feelings of unimaginable disrespect, inspire feelings of pride across the colonial population. An example of this pride being revealed in the selection of the Board as an object worthy of reproduction, as a lithograph, for an Intercolonial Exhibition, held in Melbourne in 1866 (Morris 84). The lithograph, which identifies the Board as Governor Davey’s Proclamation to the Aborigines and dated 1816, was listed as item 572, of 738 items submitted by Tasmania, for the event (The Commissioners 69-85). This type of reproduction, or re-imagining, of the Board would not be an isolated event. Penelope Edmonds has described the Board as producing a “visual vernacular” through a range of derivatives including lantern slides, lithographs, and postcards. These types of tourist ephemera are in addition to efforts to produce unique re-workings of the Board as seen in Violet Mace’s Proclamation glazed earthernware, which includes a jug (1928) and a pottery cup (1934) (Edmonds online). The Board Re-imagined: A True Crime Tale The Proclamation Board offers numerous narratives. There is the story that the Board was designed and deployed to communicate. There is the story behind the Board. There is also the story of the credit for the initiative which was transferred from Governor Arthur to Governor Davey and subsequently returned to Arthur. There are, too, the provenance stories of individual Boards. There is another story the Proclamation Board offers. The story of true crime in colonial Australia. The Board, as noted, presents through a four-strip pictogram an idea that all are equal under the rule of law (Arthur 1). Advocating for a society of equals was a duplicitous practice, for while Aborigines were hanged for allegedly murdering settlers, “there is no record of whites being charged, let alone punished, for murdering Aborigines” (Morris 84). It would not be until 1838 that white men would be punished for the murder of Aboriginal people (on the mainland) in the wake of the Myall Creek Massacre, in northern New South Wales. There were other examples of attempts to bring about a greater equity under the rule of law but, as Amanda Nettelbeck explains, there was wide-spread resistance to the investigation and charging of colonists for crimes against the Indigenous population with cases regularly not going to trial, or, if making a courtroom, resulting in an acquittal (355-59). That such cases rested on “legally inadmissible Aboriginal testimony” (Reece in Nettelbeck 358) propped up a justice system that was, inherently, unjust in the nineteenth century. It is important to note that commentators at the time did allude to the crime narrative of the Board: when in the most civilized country in the world it has been found ineffective as example to hang murderers in chains, it is not to be expected a savage race will be influenced by the milder exhibition of effigy and caricature. (Colonial Times 2) It is argued here that the Board was much more than an offering of effigy and caricature. The Proclamation Board presents, in striking detail, the formula for the modern true crime tale: a peace disturbed by the act of murder; and the ensuing search for, and delivery of, justice. Reinforcing this point, are the ideas of justice seen within crime fiction, a genre that focuses on the restoration of order out of chaos (James 174), are made visible here as aspirational. The true crime tale does not, consistently, offer the reassurances found within crime fiction. In the real world, particularly one as violent as colonial Australia, we are forced to acknowledge that, below the surface of the official rhetoric on justice and crime, the guilty often go free and the innocent are sometimes hanged. Another point of note is that, if the latter date offered here, of 1830, is taken as the official date of the production of these Boards, then the significance of the Proclamation Board as a true crime tale is even more pronounced through a connection to crime fiction (both genres sharing a common literary heritage). The year 1830 marks the release of Australia’s first novel, Quintus Servinton written by convicted forger Henry Savery, a crime novel (produced in three volumes) published by Henry Melville of Hobart Town. Thus, this paper suggests, 1830 can be posited as a year that witnessed the production of two significant cultural artefacts, the Proclamation Board and the nation’s first full-length literary work, as also being the year that established the, now indomitable, traditions of true crime and crime fiction in Australia. Conclusion During the late 1820s in Van Diemen’s Land (now Tasmania) a set of approximately 100 Proclamation Boards were produced by the Lieutenant Governor of the day, George Arthur. The official purpose of these items was to communicate, to the Indigenous peoples of the island colony, that all—black and white—were equal under the law. Murderers, be they Aboriginal or colonist, would be punished. The Board is a re-imagining of one of the traditional methods of communication for Indigenous peoples; the leaving of drawings on the bark of trees. The Board was, in the 1860s, in time for an Intercolonial Exhibition, re-imagined as the output of Lieutenant Governor Davey. This re-imagining of the Board was so effective that surviving artefacts, today, are popularly known as Governor Davey’s Proclamation to the Aborigines with the date modified, to 1816, to fit the new narrative. The Proclamation Board was also reimagined, by its creators and consumers, in a variety of ways: as peace offering; military propaganda; exhibition object; tourism ephemera; and contemporary art. This paper has also, briefly, offered another re-imagining of the Board, positing that this early “pamphlet” on justice and punishment actually presents a pre-cursor to the modern Australian true crime tale. The Proclamation Board tells many stories but, at the core of this curious object, is a crime story: the story of mass murder. Acknowledgements The author acknowledges the Palawa peoples: the traditional custodians of the lands known today as Tasmania. The author acknowledges, too, the Gadigal people of the Eora nation upon whose lands this paper was researched and written. The author extends thanks to Richard Neville, Margot Riley, Kirsten Thorpe, and Justine Wilson of the State Library of New South Wales for sharing their knowledge and offering their support. The author is also grateful to the reviewers for their careful reading of the manuscript and for making valuable suggestions. ReferencesAboriginal Heritage Tasmania. “Scarred Trees.” Aboriginal Cultural Heritage, 2012. 12 Sep. 2015 ‹http://www.aboriginalheritage.tas.gov.au/aboriginal-cultural-heritage/archaeological-site-types/scarred-trees›.Arthur, George. “Proclamation.” The Hobart Town Courier 19 Apr. 1828: 1.———. Governor Davey’s [sic – actually Governor Arthur’s] Proclamation to the Aborigines, 1816 [sic – actually c. 1828-30]. Graphic Materials. Sydney: Mitchell Library, State Library of NSW, c. 1828-30.Bock, Thomas. Mathinna. Watercolour and Gouache on Paper. 23 x 19 cm (oval), c. 1840.Carroll, Khadija von Zinnenburg. Art in the Time of Colony: Empires and the Making of the Modern World, 1650-2000. Farnham, UK: Ashgate Publishing, 2014.Clark, Manning. History of Australia. Abridged by Michael Cathcart. Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1997 [1993]. Clements, Nicholas. The Black War: Fear, Sex and Resistance in Tasmania. St Lucia, Qld.: U of Queensland P, 2014.Colonial Times. “Hobart Town.” Colonial Times 5 Mar. 1830: 2.The Commissioners. Intercolonial Exhibition Official Catalogue. 2nd ed. Melbourne: Blundell & Ford, 1866.Darian-Smith, Kate, and Penelope Edmonds. “Conciliation on Colonial Frontiers.” Conciliation on Colonial Frontiers: Conflict, Performance and Commemoration in Australia and the Pacific Rim. Eds. Kate Darian-Smith and Penelope Edmonds. New York: Routledge, 2015. 1–14. Edmonds, Penelope. “‘Failing in Every Endeavour to Conciliate’: Governor Arthur’s Proclamation Boards to the Aborigines, Australian Conciliation Narratives and Their Transnational Connections.” Journal of Australian Studies 35.2 (2011): 201–18.———. “The Proclamation Cup: Tasmanian Potter Violet Mace and Colonial Quotations.” reCollections 5.2 (2010). 20 May 2015 ‹http://recollections.nma.gov.au/issues/vol_5_no_2/papers/the_proclamation_cup_›.Felton, Heather. “Mathinna.” Companion to Tasmanian History. Hobart: Centre for Tasmanian Historical Studies, University of Tasmania, 2006. 29 Sep. 2015 ‹http://www.utas.edu.au/library/companion_to_tasmanian_history/M/Mathinna.htm›.Gall, Jennifer. Library of Dreams: Treasures from the National Library of Australia. Canberra: National Library of Australia, 2011.Hull, Hugh M. “Tasmanian Hieroglyphics.” The Hobart Mercury 26 Nov. 1874: 3.James, P.D. Talking about Detective Fiction. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2009.Mace, Violet. Violet Mace’s Proclamation Jug. Glazed Earthernware. Launceston: Queen Victoria Museum and Art Gallery, 1928.———. Violet Mace’s Proclamation Cup. Glazed Earthernware. Canberra: National Museum of Australia, 1934.McCulloch, Samuel Clyde. “Sir George Gipps and Eastern Australia’s Policy toward the Aborigine, 1838-46.” The Journal of Modern History 33.3 (1961): 261–69.Morris, John. “Notes on a Message to the Tasmanian Aborigines in 1829, popularly called ‘Governor Davey’s Proclamation to the Aborigines, 1816’.” Australiana 10.3 (1988): 84–7.Nettelbeck, Amanda. “‘Equals of the White Man’: Prosecution of Settlers for Violence against Aboriginal Subjects of the Crown, Colonial Western Australia.” Law and History Review 31.2 (2013): 355–90.Newman, Terry. “Tasmania, the Name.” Companion to Tasmanian History, 2006. 16 Sep. 2015 ‹http://www.utas.edu.au/library/companion_to_tasmanian_history/T/Tasmania%20name.htm›.Reece, Robert H.W., in Amanda Nettelbeck. “‘Equals of the White Man’: Prosecution of Settlers for Violence against Aboriginal Subjects of the Crown, Colonial Western Australia.” Law and History Review 31.2 (2013): 355–90.Ryan, Lyndall. “The Black Line in Van Diemen’s Land: Success or Failure?” Journal of Australian Studies 37.1 (2013): 3–18.Savery, Henry. Quintus Servinton: A Tale Founded upon Events of Real Occurrence. Hobart Town: Henry Melville, 1830.Turnbull, Clive. Black War: The Extermination of the Tasmanian Aborigines. Melbourne: Sun Books, 1974 [1948].

PurposeSoon after its establishment in 1863, the Board of Education – “the body responsible for administering public education in Victoria – determined that a system of universal mixed (coeducational) schooling would be adopted in the colony. Existing single-sex departments were “encouraged”, or compelled, to amalgamate, and no new separate schools were established. Although administrators and officials endorsed coeducation, primarily on the grounds of efficiency and economy, opposition from some teachers and parents persisted for many decades. Those opposed to the mixing of children within the schools expressed particular concern about the moral well-being of female pupils, and wished to protect them from what they perceived as corrupting influences. Nevertheless, once decided upon, the policy of universal coeducation prevailed, and when Victoria's first state secondary schools were established in the early 20th century, they too were coeducational.Design/methodology/approachDocumentary evidence, primarily the records of the various boards responsible for the administration of the public schools, evidence provided to several royal commissions, and various contemporary sources, have been examined to discover how the policy of universal coeducation was developed and implemented, and to examine what arguments were offered in favour of and against such a system.FindingsThe colony of Victoria implemented a system of universal coeducation within the public education sector well in advance of its adoption by other Australian colonies, and before it was generally accepted by similar societies elsewhere. The purpose of this paper is to examine why, how and by whom the policy of coeducation was formulated and implemented, and what opposition it faced.Originality/valueAlthough reference is often made to coeducational schooling in histories of education in the 19th century, the information provided is usually of a general nature, without providing specific information about the process by which separate schooling was superseded by coeducation – how and when one type of educational provision came to be replaced by another.

A school should follow ‘learning methodology’ (like activity based learning, active learning methodology, etc.), the examination is built within the learning process, which means that there is no separate exam. Students do selfevaluation, projects, etc. while they are learning the content. Here examination is done on the basis of students’ learning. Exams are necessary in schools to find out the real skills, talents and knowledge of the students. But practically this is not done therefore the researcher felt the need to conduct a study to formulate a question paper which measures and values the student’s IQ,EQ,SQ and Skills Developed in the students and researcher wanted to identify the pros and cons of board examination, the understand the psychology of students and various challenges encountered in conducting the board exams. The researcher used SPSS package to analyse the questionnaire and used certain statistical tools such Frequency Analysis, ANOVA , Regression, Factor Analysis etc. to find out that board examination does not inculcate reasoning ability in the minds of the students neither it makes the students to learn with understanding. and it does not test their general knowledge. Board Examination at the same time with few negativity induces problem solving technique and develops social skills though verbal ability and speed of logical reasoning is not tested through questions. Therefore the researcher advises to revise the pattern of exam giving students a stress free environment, carrying general knowledge and logical ability.