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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Separatism'
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Klein, Xenia. "Sorgens Separatism." Thesis, Konstfack, Institutionen för Konst (K), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:konstfack:diva-6076.
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Jag söker det vackra i det som gör så jävla ont. tvetydigt vackert Jag kallar det för en sorgens separatism. Att bli utestängd från alla andra på grund av sin sorg, för att sedan börja stänga in alla de som av sorgen inte stängts ut. Zarah var en av många som grät en tår och den föll genom staden bort till mitt öga. De som gråter över sorgen, sorgen som är. De gråter i mina ögon. Men när jag väl kommer gråtandes, kommer du då tillåta mig att gråta i ditt? Min konst kanske kan få vara mellanrummet mellan våra tårar, som de kvävda andetagen mitt där i. Det är en sorgens separatisms och jag är osäker på om varken vi sorgsna eller vi sorgliga förstår mer om vad det innebär än om hur det faktiskt känns.
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Kelly, Matthew. "Irish separatism, 1882-1914." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270539.
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Urge, Kajsa. "Separatism : En fallstudie av Quebec." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-6290.
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This essay is focusing on separatism and nationalism in the Canadian province Quebec. The study has been conducted by using theories concerning nationalism and separatism and later on applying them to this specific case. The aim was to investigate the reasons why separatism has emerged in Quebec and to find out the relationship between Quebec and the rest of Canada. This is to be done both through a historic as well as current perspective in which both literary resources as well as the internet has been used to find reliable information. The essay is also investigating whether Quebec has any real basis for their will to succeed by taking a closer look at international law and relations.
The conclusion of the essay showed that language and resentment are two of the most important reasons to why separatism has arisen in Quebec. Nationalism has been strong since Canada was a colony and this shows a deep historical abutment. The study conducted also shows that international laws available are extremely hard to interpret making it hard to ponder upon the question whether Quebec has the right to succeed or not.
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Neves, Maricélia Cardoso Matos. "Estado de Santa Cruz: o separatismo no mosaico baiano, (1930-1980)." Programa de Pós- Graduação em História da UFBA, 2006. http://www.repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/10474.
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O objetivo específico desta pesquisa foi analisar historicamente as manifestações separatistas ocorridas dentro da sociedade cacaueira da Bahia, entre 1930 e 1980, bem como, investigar quais as origens desse sentimento separatista. Buscou - se perceber em que momento e de que forma as lideranças da região cacaueira passaram a elaborar um projeto de desmembramento do Estado da Bahia, concretizado no projeto de criação do Estado de Santa Cruz. Coube perceber, também, a gama de interesses dos grupos políticos adeptos ou não do ideal separatista, bem como, as relações políticas e econômicas que essa região manteve com o Governo do Estado da Bahia.
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McKinney, Evan W. "China's Muslims separatism and prospects for ethnic peace." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Sep%5FMcKinney.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Alice Lyman Miller, Tuong Vu. "September 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 73-78). Also available in print.
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Marston, Christopher C. "Constructing national identity a qualitative analysis of separatism /." Full text available online (restricted access), 2002. http://images.lib.monash.edu.au/ts/theses/Marston.pdf.
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Pycroft, Dave. "Separatism in Asia: Xinjiang, Aceh and East Timor." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2003. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B26858319.
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Freire, Eduardo Maganha. "Bolívia: crise de coesão territorial no coração da América do Sul." Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8136/tde-13022009-123304/.
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O estudo leva em consideração acontecimentos históricos da conformação territorial da Bolívia, sua estruturação, dinâmica, bem como a atual situação de sua coesão interna, implicando no aprofundamento dos estudos relativos à intergovernabilidade, territorialidade, nacionalismo e identidade. Também abarca a questão relativa aos grupos dentro do arranjo democrático liberal, e da ativação política de clivagens de cunhos étnico, regional e econômico, tratando a questão separatista da porção Oriental boliviana.The study considers the historical events of Bolivia\'s territorial arrangement, structure, dynamics and the current situation of its internal cohesion, resulting in the analysis of major studies on intergovernability, territoriality, nationalism and identity. This research also takes into account the demands made by groups inside the liberal democratic arrangement, and the activation of political, ethnic, regional and economic divisions, addressing the issue of Bolivias Eastern portion breakaway.
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Faye, Wagane. "The Casamance Separatism from independence claim to resource logic." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FFaye.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Letitia Lawson and Jessica Piombo. "June 2006." AD-A451 368. Includes bibliographical references. Also available via the World Wide Web.
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Owen, Joy Natalie. "Surviving separatism : persistent divisions among South African university students." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3621.
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Hatira, Hichem, and Kevin Johansson. "KATALANSK SEPARATISM -Med fokus på politiska organisationers förhållningsätt och argument." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-90150.
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Separatism movements are widespread across the world; however, the European continentcontains several regions who wish to become independent sovereign states. The autonomousregion of Catalonia is one of Europe's many separatist regions, where a separatism movementis present. This study analyses the active separatism of Catalonia, with an emphasis onregional Catalan as well as national Spanish political organization’s attitude towards aCatalan independent state, and also which argument they have regarding an independentCatalonia. The purpose is to describe the regional Catalan as well as the national Spanishpolitical organization’s position within the debate regarding a Catalan separation from Spain.The utilized method for this study is a describing analysis of ideas, in order to analyze andunderstand the empirical material.This essay implements, based on the essay's theoretical framework, two analytical tools inorder to analyze the empirical material of the political organization’s which are two idealtypes of the phenomena nationalism and separatism.The study concludes that the regional Catalan political organizations, CiU and ERC, havemore tendencies of separatism in their pro-independence rhetoric’s, and they have movedaway from their former nationalistic political platforms because of failed dialogs with theSpanish national government. Regarding the national Spanish political organizations, on theother hand, the study concludes that both PSOE and PP have strong tendencies of nationalismin their rhetoric against Catalan independence, much in due to their alignment to the Spanishconstitution and their political goal of a more united Spain.
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Souček, Martin. "Nezávislost Quebeku: je z politického a ekonomického hlediska stále možná?" Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-205061.
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The aim of this thesis is to answer the question, whether Québec still has a chance to become independent one day? Firt part of the thesis shows theoretical definitions of nationalism, minorities, conflicts and possible solutions. Then there are historical relationships and conflict between anglophone and francophone people. Second part analysis québec´s separatism and his political support. Last part is dedicated to possible economical consequences if Québec separates from Canada.
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Widmalm, Sten. "Democracy and violent separatism in India : Kashmir in a comparative perspective /." [Uppsala] : Uppsala university, 1997. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38923195z.
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Tarbert, Hanna M. "Self-Determination in the People’s Republic of China: Elite Responses, 1949-2012." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1439813669.
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Jones, Sara A. "Framing the Violence in Southern Thailand: Three Waves of Malay-Muslim Separatism." Ohio : Ohio University, 2007. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1179351296.
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Mahrs, Petter. "When Languages Divide. : A Qualitative Study On Linguistic Minorities and Separatism Movements." Thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Avdelningen för samhällsvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-19300.
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Ghini, Anna Lisa. "Barbarians from without : the role of external forces in Xinjiang Uyghur separatism." Thesis, University of Hull, 2011. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:12644.
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Khan, G. "Politics of nationalism, federalism, and separatism : the case of Balochistan in Pakistan." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2014. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/967w9/politics-of-nationalism-federalism-and-separatism-the-case-of-balochistan-in-pakistan.
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This thesis is concerned with the principles of federalism and practice of federation in Pakistan, Baloch nation/nationalism and the politics of separatism. Since its inception, Pakistan adopted federalism as a system of government to manage a new country consisting of various ethno-national and linguistics groups. The purpose was to acknowledge diversity but discourage separatism. However, the history of Pakistan, including the creation of Bangladesh out of East Pakistan in 1971, shows its failure to fulfil this purpose of avoiding separatism. A key challenge faced by Pakistani federation for many years has been the conflict in its largest province of Balochistan. The conflict has multiple dimensions including a strong movement for separation of Baloch lands from Pakistan. This thesis investigates various phases of the Baloch conflict with Pakistani federation and analyses different strands of Baloch nationalism. It also explores the shifting power and relation of these strands – federalist and separatist - with the crises of federalism in Pakistan. It argues that the primary driver affecting Baloch nationalism is the failure of Pakistani federation to be genuinely federal. This thesis suggests that the Pakistan federation needs to revisit its constitution to make it more federal in a way wherein each ethno-national group feels the ownership of the country and can be convinced that its identity and language is protected and its land and resources utilised for welfare of the local inhabitants.
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Terracciano, Alda. "Crossing lines: an analysis of integration and separatism within black theatre in Britain." Thesis, Middlesex University, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.509341.
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Rundström, Beatrice. "Jämlikt deltagande - Om ensamkommande och nyanlända tjejers väg in i föreningsliv genom separatism." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för hälsa och samhälle (HS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-26919.
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This study examines unaccompanied and newly arrived refugee girls’ possibilities to join collective activities. A lot of organizations in Sweden struggle to include unaccompanied and newly arrived refugee girls in activities such as sports and culture. Some of the causes to this problem derive from excluding mechanisms within the organizations, but also from the girls’ families or relatives who have certain rules regarding participation in activities. To increase the number of female participants, a number of organizations working with the target group are now developing projects using separatism as a method for inclusion. Separatism increases participation amongst girls, but it can be used as an alibi to compensate for inequalities within organizations. In order to receive good results from separatist work, the ideas from which separatism has evolved, such as feminism and equality, must be implemented throughout the entire work of the organizations using separatism as a method.
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Bajalan, Djene Rhys. "Between accommodationism and separatism : Kurds, Ottomans and the politics of nationality (1839-1914)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:19df6c44-b55c-4807-8d8b-bf202184bcda.
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This dissertation examines the origins and development of ethno-national mobilisation amongst the Kurds of the Ottoman Empire in the decades leading up to the outbreak of the First World War in 1914. It argues that, like other elements of Ottoman community, over the course of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century the idea that the Kurds constituted a 'nation' gradually proliferated amongst Kurdish intellectual and political leaders. This nascent 'national consciousness' found concrete expression in the establishment of a series of newspapers, journals and organisations claiming to represent the views and interests of the Ottoman Kurdish community. However, while a growing number of Kurds began to see themselves as part of a 'Kurdish nation', the political implications of Kurdish 'nationhood' remained controversial. Indeed, from its inception the Kurdish movement contained within it a number of factions which held very different opinions on what precisely constituted the Kurds' national interests. This included some who attempted to secure the advancement and development of their people within the framework of the empire (accommodationists) and others who sought national independence (separatists). This study seeks to highlight the diversity within the Kurdish movement and, more importantly, shed light on the reasons behind it. In doing so, it will become possible to create a more nuanced historical narrative of the origins and nature of the Kurdish question, a question which remained a major political issue facing Middle Eastern leaders and statesmen today.
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Тітаренко, А. О. "Актуальні питання кримінальної відповідальності за сепаратизм: порівняльно правове дослідження." Master's thesis, Сумський державний університет, 2018. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/72470.
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Актуальність теми дослідження проявляється перш за все у тому, що в останні роки сепаратизм почав активно себе проявляти не лише в Українській державі, а й в інших країнах, особливо в пострадянських державах.
Сепаратизм несе актуальну загрозу цілісності держави. Майже в кожній великій країні існує хоча б дві, три етнічні групи, від імені яких з більшою або меншою інтенсивністю проголошуються вимоги про надання їм тієї чи іншої міри самостійності аж до суверенітету.Актуальность темы исследования проявляется прежде всего в том, что в последние годы сепаратизм начал активно себя проявлять не только в украинском государстве, но и в других странах, особенно в постсоветских государствах. Сепаратизм несет актуальную угрозу целостности государства. Почти в каждой крупной стране существует хотя бы две, три этнические группы, от имени которых с большей или меньшей интенсивностью провозглашаются требования о предоставлении им той или иной степени самостоятельности до суверенитета.
The urgency of the topic of research is manifested primarily in the fact that in recent years separatism has begun to actively manifest itself not only in the Ukrainian state, but also in other countries, especially in post-Soviet states. Separatism is an actual threat to the integrity of the state. In almost every major country, there are at least two, three ethnic groups, on whose behalf, with greater or lesser intensity, proclaimed demands to give them a degree of independence to sovereignty.
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Lindberg, Jenny, and Wilma Jonsson. "”Hejdå killar, låt oss va!” : En kvalitativ studie om varför kvinnor går med i kvinnoseparatistiska feministiska Facebook-grupper." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-174549.
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The purpose of this essay is to look into why women decide to join women-only feminist groups on Facebook. Specifically, we want to explore how women view their own and others’ safety in feminist Facebook groups that allow men to participate and those that do not. Another aspect of why women join separatist groups is the possibilities that surface when men are not allowed to join or partake in discussion. We took a qualitative approach to these questions of issue and interviewed eight women who are or have been members of both mixed and separatist Facebook groups focused on feminist discussion. By using a thematic analysis, we found that the women we interviewed seek separatist spaces to avoid sexism, threats and digital violence by men. In mixed groups, actions like derailing, mansplaining, threats and silencing were common and the women wanted to find women-only groups to protect themselves from this oppressive behaviour. In addition to that, we found that separatist groups often create the possibility for women to speak freely about their oppression, share private experiences and organize themselves against the patriarchal system.
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Kotasová, Martina. "Separatistické tendence v Evropě - případová studie Katalánsko." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193401.
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This thesis describes history of Catalan nationalism and analyzes the motives that lead to separatist tendencies in Catalonia. It also focuses on the impact of devolution and separation on Catalonia and Spain. Catalans are a historic nation with their own language and traditions. Since the establishment of the Kingdom of Spain they have sought a greater autonomy within pluralistic Spain until now. In the history, they experienced numerous efforts of assimilation and suppression, mostly during the dictatorship of General Franco. But the Catalans defended their uniqueness and during the transition to democracy and with the new Constitution of 1978, they gained considerable portion of autonomy. In the history, Catalans did not demand independence, they wanted to be part of the federal Spain. However, due to the economic crisis and the rejection of the greater autonomy, Catalan nationalism converted to separatism.
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Rego, Marina Chaves de Macedo. "Paulistanidade e racialização - o caso nordestino." Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8132/tde-25022019-121511/.
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Apresento nesta dissertação a pesquisa que realizei sobre as relações entre a paulistanidade e o preconceito contra nordestinos. Exponho como o ideal de superioridade paulista foi historicamente acompanhado por uma narrativa racial, econômica e política que aponta a racionalidade, a branquidade e o mérito como virtudes diferenciais desta população. Apresento, da mesma maneira, a estigmatização dos nordestinos como um fenômeno social de grande alcance, associado à ideia de inaptidão econômica, política e racial imputada a este grupo regional, que aparece com frequência como contraponto da moralidade paulista. Analiso como noções de progresso e civilização, restritivas e racializadas, se adequam e se relacionam de formas distintas a identidades regionais variadas. Trato os regionalismos brasileiros de modo que seja possível investigar a ascensão da questão regional como um processo de racialização e demarcação econômica das populações brasileiras, notadamente simbolizadas por uma gama de marcadores sociais da diferença. Interessa-me entender tanto o caráter homogeneizador das narrativas regionalistas quanto as mobilizações em torno de raça e classe que estas possam abarcar. Focando no caso paulista, apresento o histórico da paulistanidade em torno de uma superioridade que frequentemente se apresentou como questão racial. Da mesma maneira, empreendo uma análise comprometida em averiguar as continuidades e descontinuidades deste regionalismo. A ascensão do discurso da democracia racial com seu consequente padrão de preconceito e discriminação que se estabelece de forma velada é, portanto, um marco importante para esta análise. Para destrinchar estas questões, focalizo a corrente crise política brasileira e os grupos separatistas paulistas que surgiram nesta década (2010). A tese que orienta esta pesquisa é de que a paulistanidade não somente recrudesce em momentos de disputa política, como aparece enquanto perpetradora de uma hierarquia nacional marcada por assimetrias raciais, regionais e de classe. Defendo, deste modo, que a contraposição histórica entre paulistas e nordestinos pode se apresentar como uma narrativa eficaz do conservadorismo nacional. Esta narrativa seria capaz de extrapolar o plano discursivo, possuindo materialidade política notável. Torna-se importante salientar que o regionalismo paulista é pensado de forma relacional aos outros regionalismos brasileiros.Here, I present a research on the relationship between the paulistanity (ideology which states the existence of a superiority of the people from the Brazilian State of São Paulo i.e. Paulistas) and the discrimination against people from the Northeast region of Brazil. I show that the idea of a Paulista superiority was historically accompanied by a racial, economic, and political narrative that points the rationality, the whiteness, and merit as sources of this alleged superiority. In the same way, I present the Northeastern stigma as a pervasive social phenomenon, constantly associated with the imposed idea of an economic, political, and racial incapacity of this regional population which is often shown as an opposite to the Paulista morality. I analyze how narrow and racial-based notions of progress and civilization differently conform and relate to a variety of geographic regional identities. I analyze the Brazilian regionalisms in a way that allows me to investigate the rise of the regional matter as a process characterized by a wide racialization and an economic delimitation of Brazilian populations, notably characterized by a range of social markers of difference. I try to understand the racial and class aspects of regionalist narratives and I try to understand how regionalist narratives homogenize human groups. Regarding Paulistas case, I present the history of the paulistanity and the associated sense of superiority that has been frequently presented as a racial matter. In the same way, I analyze the permanence and the discontinuity of this regionalism. Accordingly, an important issue for this analysis is the rise of the mythical racial democracy, accompanied by its pattern of prejudice and discrimination, which are stablished in a veiled way. In order to disentangle these questions, I incorporate to my analyses perspectives on the current Brazilian political crisis and perspectives on the Paulista separatists groups that were founded in the 2010s. This research is based on the thesis that the expression of paulistanity would not only enhance during instances of political dispute, but it would also promote a national hierarchy characterized by racial, regional, and class asymmetries. Therefore, I propose that the historical contrast between Paulistas and Northeastern Brazilians can be presented as an efficient narrative of national conservatism. This conservative narrative is not restricted to a speech level, but can also reach notable political materiality. Additionally, it is important to highlight that, in this study, I relate Paulista regionalism to other forms of regionalism found in Brazil.
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Färlin, Johanna. "Rasistisk uppdelning eller rättvist utrymme? : En pragmadialektisk argumentationsanalys av debatter om separatism ur ett intersektionellt perspektiv." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Litteraturvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-339009.
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I den här uppsatsen analyseras debattartiklar om separatism, i dessa fall om uppdelning av människor baserat på kön eller "ras", med hjälp av en pragmadialektisk argumentationsanalys. Artiklarna – tre för och tre emot separatism– analyseras i enlighet med den metod som presenteras av Mika Hietanen i antologin Retorisk kritik. Argumenten har ställts upp i argumentationsstrukturer för att konkretisera vilka ståndpunkter som förs och hur respektive debattör argumenterar för att ta sig dit. Av analysen kan dras slutsatsen att separatismens förespråkare driver teserna att separatistiska rum är nödvändiga och viktiga, och att de argumenterar för detta genom att hävda att det är viktigt för marginaliserade – i dessa fall kvinnor och rasifierade – att ibland få en fristad bortom sina förtryckares närvaro. Separatismens motståndare argumenterade för att separatisters sätt att dela upp människor är rasistiskt och kontraproduktivt. De utmärkande skillnaderna sidorna emellan är att förespråkarna framstår som i underläge i och med att de främst fokuserar på att problematisera den dominerande gruppens beteende och ge historiska exempel på tidigare separatistiska framgångar. Dessutom förekommer falska auktoritetsargument, som om de övriga argumenten inte upplevs starka nog. Motståndarna går hårdare fram och kostar på sig personangrepp och anklagelser, eftersom de tycks säkra på att de har en majoritet av den allmänna opinionen på sin sida. Detta förklaras med hjälp av tidigare exempel på kritik mot så kallad identitetspolitik som omöjliggörande solidaritet och gemensam kamp. Dessutom dras en parallell mellan separatisternas perspektiv och idén om white privilege och ”förblindade” motståndare. Ambitionen för tolkningen av analysens resultat var att tillämpa ett intersektionellt perspektiv. Insikten om olika faktorers inverkan gjorde det angeläget att även blottlägga min egen position. Den här uppsatsen presenteras därför som en tolkning av debatten om separatism utifrån min position som bland annat vit, kvinnlig student.
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Sjödin, Frida. "”vi kan fucking ta över världen typ” : En intervjustudie om upplevelsen av att delta i den separatistiska festivalen Statement Festival sommaren 2018." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Centrum för genusvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-385754.
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I slutet av sommaren 2018 arrangerades den separatistiska festivalen Statement Festival i Göteborg. Målet var att skapa en trygg festivalupplevelse för kvinnor, icke-binära och transpersoner. Genom intervjuer med tre besökare samt ett fenomenologiskt angreppssätt diskuterar den här texten upplevelsen av att delta i detta separatistiska evenemang. Det för att dels reda ut hur vi kan förstå festivalen som en kollektiv upplevelse. Festivalen präglades av en stark gemenskap och känsla av att alla var där för att de ville åstadkomma förändring. Något som härrörde ur de riktningar i livet som besökarna tagit snarare än att de alla befann sig på samma festival. Dels för att se hur vi kan förstå festivalen som en liminal upplevelse. Det var inte bara människorna där som var avgörande för att festivalen skulle komma att bli den upplevelse den var. Även rummets uppbyggnad och dess gränser var en avgörande komponent. Festivalen var en avgränsad plats separerad från resterande samhället där normer och strukturer ställdes på ända. Slutligen undersöks hur blickar upplevdes på festivalen. Frånvaron av cis-män skapade ett rum där blickar uppfattades som vänliga och uppmuntrande snarare än objektifierande. Ett rum där människor kände sig bekväma med att dansa topless och där alla kände sig trygga. När helgen sedan var över upphörde detta och besökarna återgick till sina vanliga liv.
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Jacobson, Anders. "Separatism and cooperation : Democratic participation, asset-building and narrative representations in The Women’s Cooperative Society Swedish Homes, 1904-1916." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk historia och internationella relationer, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-193834.
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Within the context of economic history, this case study discusses “separatist cooperation” as an organizational and economic strategy for addressing multiple forms of alienation and inequality. Unique in the European cooperative movement at the time, The Women’s Cooperative Society Swedish Homes (Kvinnornas Andelsförening Svenska Hem), active in Stockholm 1905-1916, is a case in point. Using a theoretical framework drawn from social and economic reconstruction as well as critical perspectives inspired by intersectionality, the study analyzes how arguments, practices and choices of Svenska Hem are manifested in terms of three themes/strategies of de-alienation: democratic participation, asset-building and narrative representation. Cutting through each of these themes/strategies, explicit and implicit conceptions of gender, class and group solidarity are critically analyzed. The results show that the separatist strategy in combination with cooperative organizing generated considerable movement energy and capital accumulation e.g. in the face of an organized boycott from competing (male) traders. Further, the women’s cooperative constituted a space for asset-building while negotiating the changing social role of women generally and housewives in particular. The analysis shows that Svenska Hem’s organization and narrative was marked by class bias, while striving to become a cooperative relevant to “women of all classes”, invoking the housewife-as-consumer as a collective with a shared interest.
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Hitchcock, Bradley D. "The fracturing of China? ethnic separatism and political violence in the Xinjiang Uyghur autonomous region." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Sep%5FHitchcock.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2007.Thesis Advisor(s): Croissant, Aurel S. ; Twoney, Christopher P. "September 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on October 22, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p.65-68). Also available in print.
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Ndayambaje, Sandrine. ""Det är aldrig vi som får vara i fokus" : En kvalitativ studie om unga vuxnas deltagande i anti-rasistiska forum för afrosvenskar." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-140009.
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Denna uppsats undersöker varför unga vuxna som vuxit upp i Sverige väljer att delta i anti-rasistiska separatistiska forum för afrosvenskar. Syftet har undersökts genom att ta reda på hur unga vuxna som deltar i forum för afrosvenskar identifierar sig, vilka argument som unga vuxna framhåller till att delta i separatistiska forum specifikt för afrosvenskar samt hur de menar att separatism kan bidra till anti-rasism. Genom kvalitativa semi-strukturerade intervjuer med fem unga vuxna afrosvenskar har datamaterial samlats in. I intervjuerna framgick det att respondenterna utsätts för vardagsrasism såväl som strukturell rasism i samhället. Respondenterna upplever att rasistiska händelser ofta ifrågasätts och tas inte på allvar av icke-svarta. Detta bildar ett utanförskap bland afrosvenska unga vuxna och påverkar deras identifikation då de ständigt förhåller sig till deras hudfärg och ursprung. Av denna anledning upplever respondenterna att de inte passar in i föreställningen av svenskhet och väljer därmed att delta i separatistiska forum på jakt efter en gemenskap med andra afrosvenskar. Denna gemenskap bygger på ett igenkännande av rasistiska händelser som afrosvenskar utsätts för i vardagen. Separatistiska forum ger afrosvenska unga vuxna en plats där de har tolkningsföreträde över hur de påverkas av rasistiskt förtryck och kan på det viset ifrågasätta orättvisa maktstrukturer i samhället.
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Wallin, Cajsa. "Separatism som strategi för utökat handlingsutrymme? : En kvalitativ studie om det kvinnoseparatistiska musikrummets potential och paradoxer." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kultur och lärande, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-28231.
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The purpose of this essey is to investigate whether and if so how women's separatist music rooms can create an extended acting space for female musicians. To do this, I have conducted an interview study of organizers and former music participants at the organizations Popkollo and Femtastic. The analytical discussions is held with the theoretical approach of Judith Butler's "heterosexual matrix" and Cecilia Björck's interpretation of Michel Foucault's "The gender disciplinary gaze". The results show that the main reason to choose women's separatist music room has been a longing to ”take place” and to ”get to the be yourself". Furthermore, the results show that the room enabled a liberation from outsiders ideal images of the "mild" and "fragile" female musician, whereupon more expressive positions was made possible. The study also reveald a dilemma in a balance to be liberated, but at the same time adapt to popular music gender-coded ideals. Furthermore the results show that in this context it is sometimes perceived as disfavouring to be coded as both a female artist and a feminist. This is because of the tendency to be seen and treated as a homogenous group with a common political agenda. Finally, I note, however, that women's separatist music room at least can create possibilities for an extended acting space as the informants has expressed a development both personally and musically.
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Lundmark, Pella. "Kunskap, gemenskap och motmakt : en studie av den separatistiska gruppens betydelser för unga kvinnor med neuropsykiatriska funktionsnedsättningar." Thesis, Ersta Sköndal Bräcke högskola, Institutionen för socialvetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:esh:diva-6852.
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I denna uppsats intervjuas fem unga kvinnor om sina erfarenheter av att delta i separatistiska grupper av och för kvinnor och icke-binära med neuropsykiatriska funktionsnedsättningar (NPF). Studiens syfte är att bidra med kunskap om vad unga kvinnor med NPF kan få ut av att delta i en separatistisk samtalsgrupp, för att på så sätt synliggöra deras erfarenheter samt öka kunskapen om målgruppens möjligheter att förbättra sin livskvalité genom att stärka sig själva. Forskningsfrågan handlar därmed om vilka funktioner deltagandet i en separatistisk grupp kan fylla för kvinnor med NPF, givet deras livssituationer samt den position de befinner sig i som kvinnor med icke-normativa funktionssätt. Studien bygger på fem halvstrukturerade intervjuer som analyserats enligt tematisk analysmetod. Det teoretiska ramverket byggs upp kring utgångspunkter och begrepp inom fälten intersektionalitet och empowerment. Resultatet visar att informanterna har delat känslor av utanförskap och avvikelse; både i relation till sina könsroller och i relation till sina funktionssätt, vilket också kan förstås som maktlöshet. Denna maktlöshet förklaras genom intersektionalitet som att informanterna, i egenskap av att vara kvinnor med NPF, tillhör sociala kategorier som underordnas i jämförelse med andra sociala kategorier, vilket också tycks få en negativ inverkan på deras liv. Mot denna bakgrund har informanterna därför sökt sig till separatistiska grupper med en förhoppning om att finna en förstående gemenskap samt öka kunskapen om sina livssituationer. Informanternas deltagande i grupperna kan även förstås ur ett empowermentperspektiv. Dels som empowerment i egenskap av motmakt och dels empowerment som emotionellt stärkande process. Vad denna studie visar är således att deltagandet i en separatistisk grupp kan fylla olika stärkande funktioner. Dels möjliggörs, genom deltagandet, empowerment i form av motmakt - då den separatistiska gruppen blir en arena för reflektion, lärande och handling samt en trygg och stärkande gemenskap och samhörighet. Dels möjliggörs emotionell empowerment, genom att samhörigheten bidrar till ett ökat engagemang för målgruppen, till förbättrad självbild, till ökat mod samt till en lust att fortsätta engagera sig - det vill säga till en högre nivå av emotionell energi.In this paper, five young women are being interviewed about their experiences of participating in separatist groups for women and non-binary with neuropsychiatric disabilities (NPF). The purpose of this study is to contribute with knowledge of what young women with NPF can gain from participating in a separatist conversation group; thus to visualizing their experiences and raising awareness of the target group's ability to strengthen themselves. The research question is about addressing the functions of participating in a separatist group, given the target group’s life situations and their social position as women with a non-normative way of functioning. The study is based upon five semi-structured interviews, analyzed according to the thematic method of analysis. The theoretical framework is built around terms and perspectives in the fields of intersectionality and empowerment. The result shows that the informers have shared feelings of exclusion and deviation; both in relation to their gender roles and in relation to their ways of functioning, which can also be understood as powerlessness. This powerlessness, explained through intersectionality, points out that the informers, as in being women with NPF, belong to social categories that subordinate to other social categories, which also seems to have a negative impact on their lives. Against this background, the informers have searched for separatist groups, in hope to find an understanding community and to increase knowledge about their life situations. To participate in these groups can also be understood from an empowerment perspective. Partly as empowerment in the meaning of counter-power, and partly as empowerment as an emotionally strengthening process. What this study shows is therefore that participation in a separatist group can fill different strengthening functions. Through participating in a group, empowerment in the form of counter-power is made possible; thus the separatist group becomes an arena for reflection, learning and action as well as a safe and strengthening community and togetherness. Secondly, emotional empowerment is made possible by the fact that the togetherness contributes to increased commitment, to improved self-image, to increased courage and to a desire to continue to engage - in other words; to a higher level of emotional energy.
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Berkowitz, Ellie Patricia. "Innovation through appropriation as an alternative to separatism : the use of commercial imagery by Chicano artists, 1960-1990 /." Thesis, Connect to online resource, 2006. http://www.lib.utexas.edu/etd/d/2006/berkowitze41540/berkowitze41540.pdf#page=3.
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Marion, Marlon DeWayne. "Victimization, Separatism and Anti-intellectualism: An Empirical Analysis of John McWhorter's Theory on African American's Low Academic Performance." PDXScholar, 2014. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1635.
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The purpose of this study was to test John McWhorter's theory on African American academic underachievement. The theory claims that since the 1960's African American identities have been significantly influenced by beliefs of victimization and anti-intellectualism along with values of separatism. In order to test for the existence of these dimensions in African American's thinking and for their relationship to academic achievement, data from the Maryland Adolescence Development In Context Study (MADICS) were used. Findings indicated that victimization, separatism and anti-intellectualism have a causal relationship and that sentiments of victimization are found to be significantly higher among African Americans. A Bourdieuian theoretical framework is used in the framing and interpretation of the results.
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Fortes, Denis Matoszko [UNESP]. "A Federação Russa e a crise ucraniana de 2013-2014: entre o jogo das potências e as disputas históricas no "exterior próximo"." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/151751.
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O presente trabalho propõe-se a investigar o papel exercido pela Federação Russa na crise ucraniana que teve início em novembro de 2013 e culminou no surgimento de movimentos separatistas; na ofensiva militar do governo ucraniano e de milícias ultranacionalistas contra as regiões do leste do país que passaram a exigir maior autonomia em relação à Kiev; e na independência da península da Crimeia, a qual foi posteriormente anexada pela Rússia. A fim de investigar a postura adotada pelo governo russo, observa-se a necessidade do estudo de questões que envolvem não somente Ucrânia e Rússia, mas também a relação deste país com as potências ocidentais no pós Guerra Fria. Neste sentido, buscou-se compreender como os problemas decorrentes do fim da URSS e a contínua expansão da Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte (OTAN) influenciaram as decisões da política externa russa no período. Ao longo da pesquisa procurou-se indicar elementos analíticos que possam contribuir para o estudo do tema e ultrapassem análises meramente conjunturais, a partir da constatação de que questões centrais que transbordaram a partir de 2013 – notadamente as divisões políticas e étnico-linguísticas no interior do Estado ucraniano, bem como a disputa pela tutela da Crimeia – já estavam presentes anteriormente, requerendo uma investigação atenta às variáveis geopolíticas e sócio-históricas.
This study seeks to investigate the role performed by the Russian Federation in the Ukrainian crisis that began in November 2013. This event resulted in the emergence of separatist movements and a military offensive led by the Ukrainian government and ultranationalist militias against the regions in the east of the country which demanded greater autonomy from Kiev, as well as the independence of the Crimean peninsula, latter annexed by Russia. In order to investigate the position adopted by the Russian government it is necessary to go beyond the issues regarding this country and Ukraine alone and also study the relationship between Russia and the Western powers in the post-Cold War period. In this sense, this work sought to investigate how the problems arising from the dissolution of the USSR and the continuous expansion of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) influenced the Russian foreign policy in the period. Throughout the research, we tried to point out analytical elements that go beyond merely conjunctural analysis, based on the finding that crucial questions which had arisen in the 2013 crisis – notably the political and ethnic-linguistic divisions within the Ukrainian State, as well as the dispute over the tutelage of Crimea – were previously present, requiring an attentive investigation into the geopolitical and socio-historical variables.
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Turker, Ahmet Tolga. "Nationalism and Modernization: A Comparative Case Study of Scots and Kurds." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1211650379.
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Rajic, Ivan. "Oligopoly, regional development and the political economy of separatism, with a case study of the United Kingdom and Scotland." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/270077.
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The present thesis aims to increase our understanding of the causes of separatism. The inspiration for this topic comes from the fact that separatist conflicts can become extremely destructive, and thus a better understanding of why they emerge may help us prevent much human suffering by pointing to ways in which separatism can be avoided. More specifically, the thesis aims to explain the link between separatism and regional development disparities. The argument presented is that inter-regional economic conflicts (such as about inter-regional fiscal redistribution) easily emerge between regions at different levels of development, and that under certain conditions, particularly prolonged recessions and austerity, such conflicts can become an important driver of separatist aspirations. This can happen in both poorer and richer regions. The thesis further argues that this entire process can only be fully understood if we analyse society through a class prism. Given that regional development disparities often lie at the root of inter-regional economic conflicts, one of the ways of avoiding such conflicts – and thus also separatism – would be to equalize regional development levels. In order to do so, however, we first need to understand why regional disparities emerge and persist. Focusing on capitalist countries, the thesis argues that the disparities emerge as a natural consequence of the operation of oligopolistic markets, which are the dominant market form in capitalism. Regional development policies are explored at length, and it is argued that they are generally insufficient to overcome the tendency of markets to produce regional disparities. All the topics in the thesis are explored at the general level and for a larger number of countries, but the main in-depth case study is of regional disparities in the United Kingdom and how they relate to Scottish separatism.
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Hedberg, Sofia. "Gäris and ickebinäris: Exploring a Swedish Gender-Separatist Group on Facebook." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21305.
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This thesis explores the experience of participating in a ‘hidden’ gender separatist forum for women and nonbinary persons on Facebook. It does so through a case study of a group called Växtgäris, which constitutes one link in a chain of gender separatist forums established on Swedish Facebook in recent years, whose names all end with -gäris. The aim of the research was to investigate what motivates people to participate in such groups, how members understand the separatist framework with regards to their experience of the forum, and how such online practices might relate to notions of ‘safe space’ and ‘mundane citizenship’. The study combines two (digital) ethnographic methods for collecting data: participant observations of the group’s discussion thread and in-depth interviews with eight members. In analysing the empirical material, the Roestone Collective’s re-conceptualisation of ‘safe space’ was combined with Bakardijeva’s theorisation of ‘mundane citizenship’ (and the related notion of ‘subactivism’) to address different segments of the data.Results show that participants in Växtgäris hold a variety of motivations for participating in the group, such as exchanging knowledge, connecting with other people interested in plants and to escape oppressive behaviour. Interviewees further described a variety of attitudes towards the group’s separatist element, ranging from very positive to more questioning standpoints. The study concludes that Växtgäris might provide a ‘safe space’ for sharing information, expressing feminist views, and ‘geeky’ expressions of love for plants. Finally, inconspicuous individual actions, such as referring to wider societal and political discourses and planting certain linguistic codes, might be viewed as expressions of ‘mundane citizenship’ and ‘subactivism’. The thesis adds to research investigating contemporary feminist expression, community formation and identity construction in online environments and further reveals how marginalised identities in Sweden might deal with oppression in today’s increasingly digital society.
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Ehrke, Jürgen. "Zur Stabilisierung fragmentierter Staaten : Dezentralisierung, Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und das Gespenst des Separatismus." Phd thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2011/5397/.
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Die internationale Staatengemeinschaft steht Sezessionsbestrebungen zur Aufspaltung bestehender Staaten gewöhnlich ablehnend gegenüber. Gleichzeitig wendet sie in vielen Ländern Instrumente der Entwicklungspolitik an und greift so auch in den dortigen politischen Prozess ein. Untersucht wird, inwiefern Entwicklungspolitik so gestaltet werden kann, dass sie nicht, quasi als Nebenwirkung, einer Sezessionsbewegung zum Durchbruch verhilft. Betrachtet wird dabei neben der gezielten Förderung wirtschaftlichen Wachstums auch das Instrument der Dezentralisierung, das oft als Mittel zur „Beruhigung“ separatistischer Bestrebungen vorgeschlagen wird. Zuvor jedoch wird aufgewiesen, dass eine Politik, die Sezessionen verhindern will, zumindest in vielen Fällen auch moralphilosophisch schlüssig begründet werden kann. Den Abschluss der Arbeit bilden drei Fallstudien zu Sezessionen auf dem Gebiet der ehemaligen Sowjetunion.The international community is usually set against secessionist movements that aim at the splitting up of existing states. At the same time, in many countries instruments of development policy are applied, that automatically influence the political process there. The investigation here seeks to answer the question whether development policies can be designed in a way that they don’t unwillingly trigger secession as a side effect. In doing so, the focus is not only on growth-enhancing policies, but also on the instrument of decentralization, which is often presented as a tool suited to appease separatist movements. Prior to that, though, it is demonstrated that a policy aiming at the prevention of secessions can – in many cases at least – be justified with sound arguments of moral philosophy. The concluding chapter looks at three case studies of secessions that have been attempted on the territory of the former Soviet Union.
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Huss, Kajsa. "”In this program they feel more open… they find themselves” En kvalitativ studie om kvinnliga migranters erfarenheter av separatistiska arbetsmarknadsintegrerande insatser." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23460.
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The aim of this thesis is to examine female migrants’ experiences of separatist activation policies for a more inclusive labor market, and to contribute to a more nuanced and heterogeneous view on "immigrant women" in Sweden. I interviewed five women who have participated in these types of programs. The empiric material was analyzed from a social constructionist perspective and using postcolonial feminist theory. The result of this thesis is that the separatist room worked as a form of consciousness-raising. It also shows how the interviewees both identify themselves with, and disidentify themselves from a stereotypical image of “immigrant women”.
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Thomas, Elizabeth Ann. "Appropriation, subversion and separatism : the strategies of three New Zealand women novelists : Jane Mander, Robin Hyde and Sylvia Ashton-Warner." Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Humanities, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2022.
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In this thesis I propose to examine the relationship between three New Zealand woman novelists, Jane Mander, Robin Hyde and Sylvia Ashton-Warner, and the literary and social structures which prevailed in New Zealand at the time when each writer produced her works. My analysis is based on the contemporary feminist literary theory and criticism which highlights the importance of studying women writers' interaction with the cultural system and the literary differences which arise from the difference in gender. I begin with an outline of the feminist literary theories which have shaped my approach. Then I deal with each of my subjects in succession. In respect of each, I outline the social circumstances, in particular the prevailing ideologies pertaining to women's roles. This is followed by discussion of the literary circumstances, once again with special attention to the position of women writers. The analysis of the texts which
follows focusses on three main areas, namely the response of each to the patriarchal dominance of society, to the constructs of female identity imposed by society and to the norms of the dominant literary tradition. The conclusions I reach are that these writers adopt three main strategies in their texts in reaction to the social and literary contexts, namely appropriation, subversion and separatism.
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LIMA, Stella Aparecida Leite. "Movimento o Sul é meu país: o discurso separatista e seus efeitos de sentido." Universidade Catolica de Pelotas, 2017. http://tede.ucpel.edu.br:8080/jspui/handle/jspui/708.
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This dissertatiom is included in the research line called Text, Discourse and Social Relations, and the theoretical field for its development is linked to Discourse Analysis of Michel Pêcheux’s filiation. The research establishes considerations on the Movement O Sul é o Meu País (OSMP), a civic association, minded to emancipate the social and administrative organization of three southern Brazilian states of the Federative Republic. The central objective is to understand the thoughts in circulation by the OSMP Movement and the senses that follow. Therefore, we focus our attention on the Manifesto Libertário (2000/2017), the group's institutional document. Given the objective, we present the guiding problems of this research: How does the Movement sustain and fortify secessionist discourse, keeping it alive? What are the group discursive strategies for the promotion of some senses and not others? For the interpretative gesture, we make cuts that enable us to sample the regularities present in the discursive functioning of the OSMP, and the methodological procedures we take to analyze the selected discursive sequences are: i. discursive interlocution; ii. excess and split statement; and iii. strangeness and transverse discourse. The study is divided into five chapters: the first is destined for the contextualization of the Movement, dealing with its constitution and the imaginary that permeates the materiality of the Manifesto. The second is reserved for an understanding of the ideological formation and the discursive formation, in which we configure the separatist discursive formation in which the group subscribes as subject-position OSMP. The third is dedicated to understanding the conditions of production of separatist discourse. The last two are for the analytic-interpretative procedure. In this way, we work on the sense effects produced by the Movement. It can be observed some legitimate and legal senses for the separatist discourse, demanding a true-effect of its ideological assumptions, and others that can go through its saying, jeopardizing its goal. Between sayings and unsaid, implications of meanings can be on, promoting their ideal, the group spreads intolerance in our society
Esta dissertação inscreve-se na linha de pesquisa do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Letras, denominada Texto, Discurso e Relações Sociais, e o campo teórico para o seu desenvolvimento está vinculado à Análise de Discurso, com filiação em Michel Pêcheux. A pesquisa estabelece reflexões sobre o Movimento O Sul é o Meu País (OSMP), reconhecido como uma associação cívica que se propõe a viabilizar a emancipação política e administrativa de três estados do sul do Brasil, da República Federativa. O objetivo central é compreender os saberes colocados em circulação pelo Movimento OSMP e, os sentidos que daí advêm. Para tanto, a atenção centrou-se no Manifesto Libertário (2000/2017), documento institucional do grupo. Dado ao objetivo, eis as problemáticas norteadoras do trabalho: como o Movimento sustenta e fortifica o discurso secessionista, mantendo-o vivo? E que estratégias discursivas são utilizadas pelo grupo em promoção de alguns sentidos e não de outros? Para o gesto interpretativo, efetuaram-se recortes que possibilitaram uma amostragem das regularidades presentes no funcionamento discursivo do OSMP, cujos procedimentos metodológicos tomados para análise das sequências discursivas selecionadas são: i. interlocução discursiva; ii. excesso e enunciado dividido; e iii. estranhamento e discurso transverso. O estudo divide-se em cinco capítulos: o primeiro destinado à contextualização do Movimento, tratando a sua constituição e o imaginário que perpassa a materialidade do Manifesto; o segundo, reservado para a compreensão da formação ideológica e da formação discursiva, em que foi configurada a formação discursiva separatista na qual o grupo se inscreve enquanto posição-sujeito OSMP; o terceiro, dedicado à compreensão das condições de produção do discurso separatista; e os dois últimos, propostos para o procedimento analítico-interpretativo. Nesse caminho, se trabalhou os efeitos de sentido produzidos pelo Movimento. Dentre eles, temos sentidos em prol da legitimação e legalidade do discurso separatista, a busca por um efeito de verdade de seus pressupostos ideológicos, e outros, nocivos, que, podem atravessar seu dizer, colocando em risco seu objetivo. Entre ditos e não-ditos, as implicações de sentidos podem se dar quando, ao promover seu ideal, o grupo acaba por disseminar a intolerância em nossa sociedade.
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Schmidt, Kim. "The need of separatist spaces : a queer feminist exploration of saunas and lesbian spaces." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Arkitekthögskolan vid Umeå universitet, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-160819.
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This thesis explores separatist spaces, with focus on lesbian spaces, with the aim of enabling discussion about the need and configuration of that type of spaces. The focus is on exclusion as a method for achieving an equal society in the long term. Grounded in the queer phenomenology that concludes that gender has to do with access to space, and by the repetition of actions, gender segregation takes place in a way that seems effortless. It also deals with that queer, and other minorities, bodies need to orient themselves in a certain way to avoid assault. To orient themselves in a certain way, the space will need to be re-inhabited. The conclusion from that is that there is a need of separatist spaces for minority groups in order at times to get a break from the need to stay aware of the surroundings. This need is strengthened by cataloguing existing separatist spaces based on gender, sexuality and race. In Sweden today separatism is used as a practice to fight structural discrimination. However, separatist spaces face a resistance from the majority society. Following these conclusions the design project is carried out partly in 1:1 actions of separatist spaces, such as hosting sauna clubs where a group of people are invited to sauna together and talk. Part of the project is carried out in smaller scale. Feminist methodology has been used with a focus on architecture as a process rather than an object and using norm-creative design as a tool.Uppsatsen och projektet utforskar separatistiska rum, med fokus för platser för lesbiska. Målet är att möjliggöra för en diskussion om behovet och utformningen av separatistiska rum. Fokuset är på exkludering som metod för att långsiktigt kunna uppnå ett jämlikt samhälle. Den teoretiska grunden är i queer fenomenologi som konstaterat att kön har att göra med tillgång till platser, och att genom en repetition av handlingar skapas en könssegregation som upplevs som den sker utan ansträngning. Den tar även upp hur queera, och andra minoriteter, orienterar sina kroppar på vissa sätt för att undvika påhopp och övergrepp. För att orientera sina kroppar på ett visst sätt behovet rummet om-bebos. Slutsatsen från det är att minoriteter behöver separatistiska rum för att kunna pausa från att ständigt ha fokus på omgivningarna. Detta stärkts genom en katalogisering av några separatistiska sammanhang baserat utifrån kön, sexualitet och ras. I Sverige idag används separatism som ett verktyg för att motverka strukturell diskriminering. Trots det så möter separatism motstånd från majoritetssamhället. Utifrån dessa slutsater har design projektet gjorts delvis i skala 1:1 av att organisera separatistiska arrangemang, så som att arrangera bastuklubbar där personer bjuds in till en bastu för samtal. En annan del har gjort i en mindre skala. Under designprocessen har en feministisk metod med fokus på arkitektur som en process snarare än som ett objekt samt att använda normkreativ design.
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Деряга, Ю. М. "Загрози поширення регіонального сепаратизму в Україні." Thesis, Сумський державний університет, 2016. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/46957.
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Активізація процесів глобалізації, модернізації та трансформації політичних й
економічних систем у світі на початку ХХІ ст. зумовили посилення виникнення
сепаратистських рухів. Сепаратизм, будучи суперечливим суспільно-політичним
явищем, являє собою одну з найскладніших та найактуальніших проблем світового
співтовариства.
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Andersson, Franek Linn, and Silva Clara Arcos. "Tjejgrupp - systerskap eller tjejsnack?" Thesis, Malmö högskola, Lärarutbildningen (LUT), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-27704.
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Studien baseras på kvalitativa intervjuer som utförts vid tre olika organisationer i en större stad i Skåne. De fem informanterna som deltagit i studien är samtliga aktiva tjejgruppsledare vid sina verksamheter. Syftet har varit att undersöka hur arbetet i tjejgrupper bedrivs samt varför behovet av tjejgrupper finns ur ledarnas perspektiv. Intressant för oss att undersöka var huruvida tjejgruppen ansågs vara ett jämställdhetsprojekt, och om dessa grupper arbetar problematiserande med könsnormativitet. Under studiens fortskridande har det framkommit att begreppet tjejgrupper och vad dessa ska innefatta är komplext. Dels ska det råda demokrati för deltagarna i gruppen, vilket kan innebära att tjejerna bestämmer all aktivitet, samtidigt som det finns ramar och mål för hur en tjejgrupp ska bedrivas, till exempel det normkritiska perspektivet. Svårigheten i att skapa en grupp som ska arbeta aktivt mot maktstrukturer i samhället och samtidigt genom demokrati ta tillvara på tjejernas egna intressen har visat sig vara en svår kombination. Slutsatsen och vårt resultat visar på att normkritiskt perspektiv eller inte, så stärks tjejerna av gemenskapen av att umgås separatistiskt i en grupp, tjejerna själva behöver det kollektiva systerskapet och det bidrar till att synliggöra tjejer som grupp i en övrigt killdominerad verksamhet.
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Pojar, Daniel J. Jr. "Lessons not learned: the rekindling of Thailand's Pattani problem." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2236.
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Approved for public release, distribution is unlimitedThis thesis explores the ongoing Malay-Muslim separatist insurgency in southern Thailand. In particular, it argues that historically-rooted structural factors, to include relative economic deprivation, limited political integration, and struggle for the maintenance of ethnic-religious identity, are at the root of this insurgency. The year 2001 produced two catalysts for the renewal of this insurgency, one internal and one external. The internal catalyst was a newly elected suppressive government regime under the leadership of Prime Minister Thaksin and the Thai Rak Thai Party. The external catalyst was the growing, increasingly radicalized Islamist movement, largely defined through terrorist violence, that expressed itself in the 9/11 attacks. The combination of these has produced rekindled secessionist violence of a previously unknown level in the Thai provinces of Pattani, Narathiwat, and Yala. Given the deeply ingrained structural cause of this insurgency, as well as a government administration whose policies and conflict mismanagement continually fuels the violence, the prospect for conflict resolution is not promising. Nonetheless, it remains in the best interests of the United States that this conflict is soon resolved. Should the insurgency continue growing, the situation may reach a point of drastic consequences for Thailand as well as the United States.
Captain, United States Air Force
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Turgut, Arzu. "Comparative Analysis Of Domestic Security Issues Of Kazakhstan And Uzbekistan In The Post-soviet Era." Master's thesis, METU, 2013. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615378/index.pdf.
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This thesis examines the main domestic security issues of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan and the impact of their securitization processes on the domestic and regional security policies of these countries in the post-Soviet era. Two outstanding issues that have been securitized in these countries, separatism and ethnic conflict for Kazakhstan and radical Islam for Uzbekistan, are scrutinized in detail with a comparative analysis. This thesis argues that Kazakh and Uzbek leaders, Nursultan Nazarbayev and Islam Karimov, as the main securitizing actors in their countries have securitized the above-mentioned issues for certain political objectives in the chaotic order of the post-Cold War era. However, these securitization processes for both of these countries have become an obstacle to find permanent solutions to their domestic security problems and develop more effective security policies at the regional level. Kazakh and Uzbek leaders should renounce manipulating these problems and produce more comprehensive policies by paying equal attention to all other problems of their countries. In addition, Astana and Tashkent should try to ensure regional security rather than overemphasizing domestic one(s) if the aim is to benefit from an effective regional integration on Central Asian security. Contrary to the most of existing studies on the subject, the thesis argues that Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are accepted as the active players that could contribute to the solution of their own security problems to a great extent, rather than being passive subjects of the &ldquoNew Great Game&rdquo
played among major actors.
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Brooks, Zachary D. "Optimizing the Functional Utility of Afrocentric Intellectual Production: The Significance of Systemic Race Consciousness & Necessity of a Separatist Epistemological Standpoint." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2018. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/500843.
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African American StudiesM.A.
This research aims to reinforce the functional aspect of the Afrocentric paradigm by coupling the development of Afrocentric consciousness with a systemic race consciousness so that the intellectual production coming out of the discipline of Africology can more practically address the needs of Afrikan people under the contemporary system of white supremacy. By examining strengths and limitations of some existing theories and concepts within Black Studies, the goal of this examination becomes to more effectively address the problems of the epistemic convergence Eurocentrism structurally imposes on Afrikan people seeking liberation. Through an examination of how the cultural logic of racism/white supremacy has determined the shape and character of institutions within the United States, this work will argue that the most constructive political disposition for an Afrocentrist to take is one of separatist nationalism. The argument being made is that this ideological component is a necessary catalyst to produce Afrocentric scholarship that has optimal functional utility toward the goal of achieving sustainable liberation for Afrikan people from the Maafa.
Temple University--Theses
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Gustafsson, Amanda. ""I don't wanna hear about your band!" : tre feminister om musik, feminism och motstånd." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för historia och samtidsstudier, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-26002.
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This thesis sets out to examine how feminist struggle can be negotiated, defined and motivated. By using Oral history as a theoretical and methodological framework, three persons narrative are being constructed, explored and discussed throughout the thesis. All the interviewees define themselves as women and feminists and have all practised music in different separatist rock and pop-groups from 1970 to present. Themes as music as political action, and separatism for persons who define themselves as women are discussed. The tree informants agree about some feministic goals such as equality and the right to be able to play and perform music regardless of gender identity, although the means to reach these goals are formulated differently.
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Mårtensson, Klara, and Josefin Jansson. "#Metoo : En studie över maktstrukturer inom sociala medier." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för lärande, humaniora och samhälle, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-38294.
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Denna uppsats strävar efter att undersöka feministiska rörelser på sociala medier och därigenom belysa eventuella maktstrukturer som kan te sig inom dessa. Då #Metoo-rörelsen rört om debattklimatet i Sverige sedan oktober 2017, ligger fokus på rörelsens spridning och påverkan på debatten. Vi pekar på var makten kan ligga inom sociala medier och drar en parallell till intersektionalitetsperspektivet som hjälper oss att förstå dess strukturer. Vår empiri är således inhämtad från de två sociala medierna, Instagram och Twitter där vi utgår från en kvantitativ metod genom att använda oss av statistik för att lättare kunna urskilja maktstrukturer. Uppsatsen grundar sig på en innehållsanalys för bearbetning av analysen, samt feministiska teoribildningar och teoretiska begrepp såsom intersektionalitet, systerskap, separatism och Bourdieus teori om symboliskt kapital. Våra resultat pekar på skillnader när det kommer till representationer gällande såväl kön som etnicitet, men också huruvida inlägg gjorts av övervägande offentliga eller icke-offentliga personer. Dessa resultat sammanförs sedermera i form av kategorier som därefter presenteras i vår statistik vilken vi analyserar med hjälp av våra teorier och diskuterar i vår slutdiskussion.