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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Separatist movements'
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Marston, Christopher C. "Constructing national identity a qualitative analysis of separatism /." Full text available online (restricted access), 2002. http://images.lib.monash.edu.au/ts/theses/Marston.pdf.
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Chima, Jugdep Singh. "Sikh political leadership and the trajectory of the Sikh separatist movement in Punjab-India (1978-1997) /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3074386.
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Samarajiwa, Sesha. "Asian separatist movements: a comparative study of the Tamil Eelamists in Sri Lanka and the Moros of thePhilippines." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B3195151X.
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Güentzel, Ralph Peter. "In quest of emotional gratification and cognitive consonance : organized labour and Québec separatist nationalism, 1960-1980." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=42049.
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This thesis examines the reaction of organized labour to Quebec separatist nationalism for the period between 1960, the year of the creation of the Rassemblement pour l'independance nationale and the beginning of the Quiet Revolution in Quebec, and 1980, the year of the first referendum on Quebec's constitutional status. The thesis investigates four labour organizations: the Canadian Labour Congress (CLC), the Federation des travailleurs et travailleuses du Quebec (FTQ), the Confederation des syndicats nationaux (CSN), and the Centrale de l'enseignement du Quebec (CEQ). It shows in which ways the positions of the four centrals have been informed by their members' national identifications and the emotional and cognitive mechanisms that resulted from these identifications.
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Samarajiwa, Sesha. "Asian separatist movements : a comparative study of the Tamil Eelamists in Sri Lanka and the Moros of the Philippines /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1997. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B19740268.
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Gumustekin, Deniz. "Patterns of Support of Ethnic Violent Groups by Co-Ethnic Groups." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2012. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/53.
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Most studies examine how homeland policies influence the host state and what role the homeland plays for diaspora. In this paper, I will examine the reasons and conditions for why ethnic groups do or do not support violent ethnic groups. This study tests how external threats impact the level of support within the same ethnic groups. I will examine the causal relationship between external pressure and non-cooperation through a structured, comparative study of Kurdish ethnic groups.
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Jones, Sara A. "Framing the Violence in Southern Thailand: Three Waves of Malay-Muslim Separatism." Ohio : Ohio University, 2007. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1179351296.
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Dequirez, Gaëlle. "Nationalisme à longue distance et mobilisations politiques en diaspora : le mouvement séparatiste tamoul sri lankais en France (1980-2009)." Thesis, Lille 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LIL20009.
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Cette thèse porte sur le mouvement séparatiste tamoul sri lankais en France, depuis son émergence au début des années 1980 jusqu'à 2009. L'enjeu est de comprendre les ressorts du nationalisme à distance tel qu'il est diffusé par les associations tamoules de la région parisienne qui ont soutenu les Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Il est aussi dequestionner le concept de nationalisme à longue distance. A partir d'une enquête reposant principalement sur des entretiens et de l'observation directe, ce travail propose notamment une analyse du fonctionnement interne du mouvement et de ses relations externes. C'est d'abord le projet identitaire et politique du nationalisme eelamiste qui est défini, ainsi que la façon dont les leaders pro LTTE ont diffusé cette idéologie nationaliste dans l'ensemble de la diaspora tamoule. Le succès des discours séparatistes ne peut cependant se comprendre sans une analyse des dispositifs qui permettent en France d'ancrer la nation tamoule dans la vie quotidienne des migrants. Cette thèse montre ainsi que le mouvement nationaliste tamoul fonctionne comme une institution dans laquelle les comportements de dévouement sont valorisés, mais aussi dans laquelle la possibilité d'investissements différenciés est aménagée. Enfin, cette étude montre comment le mouvement eelamiste en France a été amené à se reconfigurer sous l'effet des relations externes établies à différentes échelles d'action<br>This dissertation deals with the Sri Lankan Tamil separatist movement in France, from its beginning in the 1980's to 2009. The aim is to understand the way Tamil associations in the Paris region have supported the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and have spread the Tamil long-distance nationalism. Based mainly on interviews and direct observation, this studyoffers an interactionnist analysis of the internal functioning of the movement and of its external relations. First the identity and political project of Eelam nationalism is exposed, as well as the way it has expanded in the Tamil diaspora. Nevertheless the succes of nationalist discourses cannot be understood without examining the system that anchors the Tamil nation in the migrants' daily lives. This dissertation shows that the Tamil nationalist movement works like an institution. Devotion behaviours are encouraged but differentiated engagements are also made possible. Finally this work shows how the Eelam movement in France has evolved according to the effects of external relations at multiple locations
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Curtis, Keiron. "P.S. O'Hegarty (1879-1955) and the Irish Separatist Movement." Thesis, Swansea University, 2004. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42661.
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This thesis examines the nationalist career of Patrick Sarsfield O'Hegarty - Irish separatist, literary critic, historian and exponent of an 'intelligent patriotism', which he emphasised as the key to asserting Ireland's independence from English occupation. O'Hegarty was a member of the IRB Supreme Council, Sinn Fein Executive and prominent member of the Gaelic League during the early part of the twentieth century. He began his separatist career as an enthusiast of the Sinn Fein programme and brought to the movement a twentieth century' style Fenianism that also embraced the Gaelic cultural revival as a means to create a sense of shared existence between the different cultures in Ireland. During the period 1906-1914 O'Hegarty believed he witnessed the best and most productive period of the Sinn Fein movement but held serious misgivings and became severely disillusioned with the revolutionary and doctrinaire tone that Sinn Fein adopted after 1916 which, he believed, created the conditions for the Civil War in 1922. Indeed his political views were very much shaped by the split in Sinn Fein over the Anglo-Irish in 1922 and the partitioning of Ireland and his polemical book The Victorv of Sinn Fein offers a vivid account of the reasons behind the demise of the original ideals of Sinn Fein. O'Hegarty counts as a significant eyewitness and commentator during the momentous events of 1914-22 whose aftermath still reverberates in Ireland today. The chapters are divided into themes that O'Hegarty turned his broad and liberal mind to and cover in detail some of the most challenging issues of the period such as the role of the Catholic Clergy and the Anglo-Irish cultural revival. This thesis seeks to show that there was more to O'Hegarty than just an agitator for national independence and that he was willing to ask difficult, and seek solutions to, vital questions of culture and identity that many of his contemporaries chose to ignore. O'Hegarty was a key thinker in the separatist tradition who influenced many significant nationalist figures such as Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith. He encouraged his generation to take a wider view of cultural and political matters and, arguably, his influence was increased after national independence through his writing of A Historv of Ireland under the Union which became a set historical text in Irish schools for fifteen years.
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McKinlay, Christopher J. "The leaderless resistance : George Lincoln Rockwell and the White Separatist Movement." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2015. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/7247/.
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The scope of the thesis encapsulates the wider post-war White Separatist Movement from the origins of American Nazism under George Lincoln Rockwell to the later developments of leaderless resistance and the political and cultural changes to the movement. The specific focus will be upon the relationship between George Lincoln Rockwell and the leaderless resistance concepts, in particular through its development and utilisation. Due to the complexity of the issues and the variety of influencing factors it is necessary in the first instance to assess it in terms of a historiography to allow themes to develop. As a result of this historical analysis themes have become evident to allow a conceptual analysis. In particular the thesis will utilise the following thematic contexts for assessing the various developments within White Separatism: including, state building; political marketing; the role of the media; and the propensity for terror and hate activities. In assessing the basis upon which the conceptual analysis is developed the research has utilised extensive use of texts, radio broadcasts, and pamphlets from the movement. The study has also been able to consider, government reports, law enforcement updates and communications from Civil Rights groups and other agencies. In the conceptual analysis of this information and themes, the thesis utilises new concepts as a means of creating an understanding of a rapidly changing area of politics; including ‘organic politic’ and ‘political firms’, when assessing political marketing trends; and assessing terrorist motivation.
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Mahrs, Petter. "When Languages Divide. : A Qualitative Study On Linguistic Minorities and Separatism Movements." Thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Avdelningen för samhällsvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-19300.
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Sheridan, Sara Grace. "Identity and independence: the relationship between the Gaelic revival and the Irish separatist movement." Thesis, Boston University, 2004. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27766.
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Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.<br>PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.<br>2031-01-02
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Cavanagh, Jane Caroline. "Others and structures in the post(-)rural : degrees of separation and movement." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244423.
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Top, Gustavson Aleta. "IDEOLOGICAL RESOURCE SHARING ON THE INTERNET AND THE PATTERNING OF NETWORKS IN THE WHITE SUPREMACIST/SEPARATIST MOVEMENT." OpenSIUC, 2012. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/650.
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The Internet is a new tool for mobilization, communication, and articulation of social movement organizational framings of events and ideologies. The White Supremacist/Separatist Movement has had, and remains, a significant presence on the Internet. There are several hundred sites operating, representing almost every faction of the movement. Hyperlinks between sites allow the ideological resources (content of sites, online libraries, radio shows, etc.) offered by one group to be available to many groups, regardless of geography. Importantly, links are often asymmetrical and more prestigious sites have many "in" links. This movement has considerable diversity of beliefs, goals, tactics, and resources. Movements vary in the richness of symbolic resources available on their web sites. I operationalize "resource richness" as the amount and coverage of content on a website. Groups also exhibit a range of tactical orientations ranging from peaceful (education) to extremely violent (race war). Using network analysis, I investigate the structure of ties in the White Supremacist/Separatist Movement industry on the Internet. Through this method, analyses reveals patterns of sharing of ideological resources. I examine how ideological and tactical affinities structure the scope, density, and patterns of cybernetworks in the White Supremacist/Separatist Movement industry.
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Hutchinson, Yvette. "Separating the substance from the noise : a survey of the Black arts movement." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2003. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/11072/.
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This thesis will survey the Black Arts Movement in America from the early 1960s to the 1970s. The Movement was characterised by a proliferation of poetry, exhibitions and plays. Rather than close textual analyses, the thesis will take a panoramic view of the Movement considering the movement's two main aims: the development of a canon of work and the establishment of black institutions. The main critical arguments occasioned by these literary developments contributed to the debate on the establishment of a Black Aesthetic through an essentialist approach to the creation and assessment of black art works. This survey considers the motivations behind the artists' essentialism, recognising their aim to challenge white criticism of black forms of cultural expression. Underpinning the Movement's critical discourse was the theme of blackness, a philosophy of racial consciousness that blended a rather crude biological determinism with the ideology of a unique black experience. Physical blackness, the racial identity shared by black-skinned people of all hues and shades, determined their social, economic and educational opportunities. It was from these shared factors that a philosophy of blackness was pursued and the thesis assesses the attempt by black writers and thinkers to develop a theory of black cultural expression for their creative and critical works. The impact of blackness and the Movement's success in achieving its aims are evaluated through an analysis of the debate on black aesthetics, the New Black Poetry Movement, dissent in the work of Amiri Baraka and Ishmael Reed and womanist essentialism in the poetry and fiction of black women writers. The thesis concludes by acknowledging the influence of the Black Arts Movement on future black writers particularly in the discourse of the "New Black Aesthetic".
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Jaffar, G. M. "Tariqah-i-Muhammadiyah movement and its contribution to creating a separatist political consciousness among the Muslims of India, 1818-1872." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.379671.
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Jacobson, Anders. "Separatism and cooperation : Democratic participation, asset-building and narrative representations in The Women’s Cooperative Society Swedish Homes, 1904-1916." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk historia och internationella relationer, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-193834.
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Within the context of economic history, this case study discusses “separatist cooperation” as an organizational and economic strategy for addressing multiple forms of alienation and inequality. Unique in the European cooperative movement at the time, The Women’s Cooperative Society Swedish Homes (Kvinnornas Andelsförening Svenska Hem), active in Stockholm 1905-1916, is a case in point. Using a theoretical framework drawn from social and economic reconstruction as well as critical perspectives inspired by intersectionality, the study analyzes how arguments, practices and choices of Svenska Hem are manifested in terms of three themes/strategies of de-alienation: democratic participation, asset-building and narrative representation. Cutting through each of these themes/strategies, explicit and implicit conceptions of gender, class and group solidarity are critically analyzed. The results show that the separatist strategy in combination with cooperative organizing generated considerable movement energy and capital accumulation e.g. in the face of an organized boycott from competing (male) traders. Further, the women’s cooperative constituted a space for asset-building while negotiating the changing social role of women generally and housewives in particular. The analysis shows that Svenska Hem’s organization and narrative was marked by class bias, while striving to become a cooperative relevant to “women of all classes”, invoking the housewife-as-consumer as a collective with a shared interest.
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Henry, Michael Maier. "Two-Dimensional Shock Sensitivity Analysis for Transonic Airfoils with Leading-edge and Trailing-edge Device Deflections." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/30924.
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This investigation, in consideration of the sudden separation increase involved in wing drop, was to determine if the incorporated 2-D airfoil exhibits abnormal shock sensitivity. A comparative airfoil study was used to determine if this particular transonic airfoil is prone to abrupt shock movement, resulting in increased regions of separation.<br>Master of Science
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Brisimi, Vasiliki. "The interface between competition and the internal market : market separation under Article 102TFEU." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:10e3935d-ce31-437c-94b6-5d67af5d4e15.
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The thesis explores the interface between competition law and market integration, in the application of Article 102TFEU. It focuses on ‘market separation’ and addresses conduct that has the intent, or effect, of hindering cross-border trade, either in the form of geographic price discrimination or in the form of exclusionary abuses, in which out-of-State competitors are affected. In doing so, the thesis delves into a comparative analysis of the Treaty requirements under Article 102TFEU when applied in market separation cases and the Treaty requirements under the free movement provisions. It begins with a comparison of the objectives of the two sets of provisions and assesses how their historical link is echoed, presently, in the requirement of ‘effect on trade’ under Article 102TFEU (Chapter I). Following this, the thesis explores the asymmetry as between the addressees of the two sets of provisions (Chapter II). It is argued that ‘undertaking with a dominant position’, as a distinct condition of the application of Article 102TFEU, is the outer limit to any expansive view of direct horizontal applicability of the freedoms. Therefore, alleged market separation by dominant undertakings should be subject to Article 102TFEU alone. Subsequently, the material scope of the prohibitions contained in the two sets of provisions is addressed. Here, it is argued that, in the vast majority of market separation cases, there is nothing special about the interface between competition law and the Internal Market. Rather, the inherent limits of economic integration, as reflected in the notion of trade barriers, should also be taken into account under the enforcement of Article 102TFEU against dominant undertakings (Chapter III). Tensions between competition law and the Internal Market may, nevertheless, arise when non-economic values, as reflected in the notion of justified trade barriers, come into play. In these cases, the interface between competition law and the Internal Market is better conceptualised as a question of unclear attribution of the market distorting effect to the undertaking and/or the State (Chapter IV). A revised defence of shared responsibility for the market separation is proposed, which would render the legality of State intervention under the free movement provisions a necessary condition for the application of Article 102TFEU against the dominant undertaking (Chapters V and VI).
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Leone, Erin Hoerl. "Separating the effects of group size, density, and enclosure size on movement and use of space in domestic fowl (Gallus gallus domesticus)." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/8134.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2008.<br>Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Animal and Avian Sciences. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Fröberg, Klara. "From a hashtag to a movement : From MeToo to being rightless in 2020's Sweden." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för kulturantropologi och etnologi, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-447526.
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This thesis investigates the continuance of the MeToo movement in the Swedish context via the digitalplatform Instagram, collective action and feminist organizations that are engaged to end sexual violence.It illuminates how the sisterhood impacted by the practice of challenging the rape script a conceptused to describe the discourse on how sexual violence should be like, and how victim-survivors should behave, how the engagement is made among the activists that engage to challenge the rape script and lastly, how since the MeToo movement started a discourse of rightlessness have been exposed through the sharing of experiences that the MeToo movement initiated. The ethnographic study is based on participant observation of feminist actions in real life and on Instagram as well as interviews with 13 activists from feminist organizations and with background as organisers of collective actions. It is found that the MeToo movement in Sweden is commonly practiced through an engagement in Feminist organizations that serve to keep the movement alive through continuous work to keep sexual violence on the agenda by keeping it visible, and that the engagement is driven by an experience of anger towards the societal discourse that sets the discourse on rape which affects the possibility to be recognized by the legal system. The thesis will overall suggest that there is a sisterhood built on a collective identity, and that the shared identity and oppression between non-men with an aspiration to support one another in the experience of oppression as well as organize safety nets for those who are sentenced for defamation as a consequence of speaking out.
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Mileros, Martin D. "A Real-Time Classification approach of a Human Brain-Computer Interface based on Movement Related Electroencephalogram." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Mechanical Engineering, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2824.
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<p>A Real-Time Brain-Computer Interface is a technical system classifying increased or decreased brain activity in Real-Time between different body movements, actions performed by a person. Focus in this thesis will be on testing algorithms and settings, finding the initial time interval and how increased activity in the brain can be distinguished and satisfyingly classified. The objective is letting the system give an output somewhere within 250ms of a thought of an action, which will be faster than a persons reaction time. </p><p>Algorithms in the preprocessing were Blind Signal Separation and the Fast Fourier Transform. With different frequency and time interval settings the algorithms were tested on an offline Electroencephalographic data file based on the "Ten Twenty" Electrode Application System, classified using an Artificial Neural Network. </p><p>A satisfying time interval could be found between 125-250ms, but more research is needed to investigate that specific interval. A reduction in frequency resulted in a lack of samples in the sample window preventing the algorithms from working properly. A high frequency is therefore proposed to help keeping the sample window small in the time domain. Blind Signal Separation together with the Fast Fourier Transform had problems finding appropriate correlation using the Ten-Twenty Electrode Application System. Electrodes should be placed more selectively at the parietal lobe, in case of requiring motor responses.</p>
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BARBOSA, Izabelle Lúcia de Oliveira. "Saindo da gaiola dourada : desquite, divórcio e relações de gênero no Recife de 1917 a 1937." Universidade Federal Rural de Pernambuco, 2016. http://www.tede2.ufrpe.br:8080/tede2/handle/tede2/6174.
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Previous issue date: 2016-03-31<br>This work aims to analyze press, intelectuals and social actors' positioning about marital separation, through narratives and practices. The research timeframe begins in 1917, when 1916 civil code was promulgated. The first Brazillian civil code instituted the word "separation" instead of "divorce", used by the 1890 matrimonial code. Furthermore, the civil code ratified the parental power and introduced the married woman as a relatively powerless subject. Thus, we studied how the narratives were built, aiming to define the husbands and married women's social roles according to the models established by 1916 civil code. Around the 30's, the feminist movemente emerges in Recife, the Pernambuco's Federation for Female Progress and the Brazillian Feminist Crusade. Thereby, we'll analyze both movements to understand if there was a favorable or not-so positioning about marital separation, since the civil code workes as a moral and social regulation to women mainly. So, we studied the separation, marriage annulment and alimony lawsuits to investigate how social actors experienced Brazillian law practices and the established social behaviors for husbands and wives. This work demands to do a counterpoint between the narratives and practices established on a civil code that legitimated behaviors settled on promoting sexists and unequal model conducts for husbands and wives. This research's contribution, based on gender relations studies, allows us to understand which way the social construction, in history, influenced men and women's unequal roles maintenance and propagation.<br>O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar por meio das narrativas e práticas o posicionamento da imprensa, dos intelectuais e dos atores sociais a respeito da separação conjugal. O marco temporal de pesquisa tem início no ano de 1917, ano em que o Código Civil de 1916 é promulgado. O primeiro Código Civil brasileiro instituiu o termo desquite ao invés da palavra divórcio, utilizado pelo Código Matrimonial de 1890. Além disso, o Código Civil ratificou o Pátrio Poder, e inseriu a mulher casada como um sujeito relativamente incapaz. Desse modo, analisamos, por meio dos periódicos da época, como as narrativas foram construídas, visando definir os papéis sociais de maridos e mulheres casadas em consonância com os modelos estabelecidos pelo Código Civil de 1916. Por volta dos anos 30 do século XX, emerge o movimento feminista na cidade do Recife, a Federação Pernambucana pelo Progresso Feminino e a Cruzada Feminista Brasileira, assim, analisaremos ambos os movimentos a fim de compreender se houve um posicionamento favorável ou não às separações conjugais, Visto que o Código Civil funcionava como um regulador social e moral, principalmente para as mulheres. Por conseguinte, nos debruçamos sobre os processos de desquite, anulação de casamento e ação de alimentos, a fim de investigar como os atores sociais vivenciaram as práticas da legislação brasileira e dos comportamentos socialmente estabelecidos para maridos e esposas. O presente trabalho, assim, procura realizar um contraponto entre as narrativas e as práticas estabelecidas a partir de um Código Civil que legitimou comportamentos assentados sobre o biológico, promovendo, assim, modelos de condutas sexistas e desiguais para maridos e mulheres. A contribuição desta pesquisa, baseada nos estudos das relações de gênero, nos permite compreender de que maneira a construção social, ao longo da história, influenciou na manutenção e reprodução dos papéis ainda desiguais entre homens e mulheres.
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Freire, Marcelo Moraes. "AvaliaÃÃo da eficÃcia do diclofenaco sÃdico no controle da dor, apÃs instalaÃÃo de separadores elÃsticos ortodÃnticos." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2006. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=2228.
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CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior<br>Apesar da dor provocada pela instalaÃÃo e aÃÃo dos separadores ortodÃnticos (dispositivos instalados previamente à montagem do aparelho ortodÃntico fixo) ser um relato constante na clÃnica odontolÃgica, nÃo existe ainda um esquema terapÃutico para a prevenÃÃo e/ou controle da mesma na prÃtica ortodÃntica atual. Este trabalho avaliou a eficÃcia terapÃutica do Diclofenaco SÃdico (Biofenac LPÂ), em dose diÃria Ãnica, no controle da dor em 41 pacientes, de ambos os sexos, submetidos à separaÃÃo dentÃria por separadores ortodÃnticos elÃsticos de lÃtex, utilizando Paracetamol (TylenolÂ) como medicaÃÃo de resgate. O critÃrio dor foi avaliado atravÃs de duas escalas de dor, pela dor ao morder um sugador descartÃvel, pelo consumo de Paracetamol 750mg, bem como o alÃvio pÃs-medicaÃÃo. A avaliaÃÃo da dor foi feita antes da instalaÃÃo do separador, 2 horas apÃs a instalaÃÃo e a administraÃÃo do fÃrmaco e a cada 24 horas atà 72 horas, como visita final. A primeira administraÃÃo do fÃrmaco foi feita imediatamente antes da instalaÃÃo do separador. Pretendeu-se discutir tambÃm a criaÃÃo de um protocolo de prevenÃÃo e tratamento da dor para ser utilizado na prÃtica ortodÃntica diÃria<br>Even though the pain caused by the installation and action of the orthodontics separators (devices installed before the assemblage of the orthodontic appliance) being an all-time complaining at the orthodontic surgery, does not exist an outline therapeutic for the prevention and/or controls of it in the orthodontic practice. The aim of this study was to evaluate into 41 volunteers, of both sexes, the efficacy therapeutics of the Sodium Diclofenaco (Biofenac LPÂ), as a daily rate unique, at the controls of the pain into patients submitted at the dental separation by elastics orthodontics separators made of latex, by using Paracetamol (TylenolÂ) as a medication for escape analgesia. Pain was determined by two types of scales, by the consumption of Paracetamol, by the presence of pain during the act of chew, as well as the alleviation post-medication appraisal from the pain. The evaluation of the pain has been made in the time of the installation of the separators, 2 hours after the installation and the administration of directors from the Biofenac LPÂ, and in each 24 hours until 72 hours. The first administration of the drug has been made just before the installation of the separators. Another aim of the study was to discuss the creation of a âprotocolâ on the prevention and treatment of the pain for being used in the orthodontic practice daily rate
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La, Marca Anna. "Crossing Lines : A study about lines and their translations." Thesis, Konstfack, Inredningsarkitektur & Möbeldesign, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:konstfack:diva-7860.
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Lines are everywhere and as humans we produce lines all the time. In this project I used the line as a method, a metaphor, and a material to explore what are the elements that influence and condition the way we move and behave around different spaces. Lines can be read as many things and for this project I choose to work with lines that could be understood as boundaries and limits. How do we deal with lines in our everyday life? How do lines and bodies influence each other? How is the space choreographed and experienced according to the boundaries that exist in it? However not all boundaries are made of matter. In fact, some of them are invisible and manifest as prohibitions, regulations, prejudice, or just cultural norms. These limits can also be understood as non-matter lines that have an impact on one's experiences. Through several explorations, the project proposes an installation that seeks to embody the spatial boundaries that cannot always be seen. Using light and sound as catalyzers for these experiences, the installation is a reflection on what happens when we meet those invisible lines, how they have the power to change our usual path and to make us move differently around a space.
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Chi, Chia-Lin. "Lee Teng-Hui’s political cross-straits policy and mainland china’s reaction." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/28534.
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By the end of the twentieth century, there were many secessionist groups, but, the move towards Taiwanese secessionism has arguably been the most significant of these. It triggered the 1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis, which resulted in a historical military confrontation between Mainland China and the US. As will be shown, from 1988 to 2000, Lee Teng-hui, as president of Taiwan, manipulated the political Cross-Straits relationship to promote what was ultimately a secessionist policy. This caused Mainland China to react strongly and triggered sharp tension between Taiwan and Mainland China. This thesis considers what motivated Lee Teng-hui to implement a secessionist Cross-Straits policy and why he supported unification while adopting a substantive secessionist policy. It looks at how he was able to instigate Taiwanese hostility towards Mainlanders, to transform the hostility into a sense of Taiwanese national identity and ultimately into Taiwanese secessionist ideology. A historical approach was used in exploring the origins of secessionism, and descriptive and analytical methods to review systematically and comprehensively political developments in the ROC and its civil war, and to study Lee Teng-hui’s life; the national identity of Taiwan and Mainland China; the implementation of Lee Teng-hui’s political Cross-Straits policy; and the reaction of Mainland China. The study showed that the main cause of Taiwanese secessionism was ethnic conflict between Taiwanese and Mainlanders. It originated from the 228 Incident of 1947, in which Mainlander-led troops slaughtered many Taiwanese. Soon after, the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan from Mainland China, and many Taiwanese (including Mainlanders) were killed during the State of Emergency in the 1950s and 1960s. Since the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan in its original central government form, the Mainlander élite occupied key positions in the government during the 1950s and 1960s. It resulted in unfair power-sharing for Taiwanese, and caused the Taiwanese élite to believe that they had to establish their own government (nation). Lee Teng-hui had participated in the CCP and had been under political surveillance by the Mainlander-led government for over twenty years. He weathered these political difficulties, but by reasonable inference, there was a close relationship between the political oppression by the Mainlander-led government and his secessionist political Cross-Straits policy. Because Taiwanese residents were indoctrinated by Chiang Ching-kuo and his father, Chiang Kai-shek’s administration for about 40 years, Chinese ideology was dominant and Lee Teng-hui initially paid lip-service to Cross-Strait unification whilst working towards secessionism as reflected in the Chingdao-Lake Incident (1994); the private dialogue between Lee Teng-hui and Shiba Ryotaro (1994); the address at Cornell University (1995); and his two-state theory (1999). However, due to strong pressure from Mainland China, he did not reach his secessionist goal during his presidential term (1988-2000). In conclusion, this thesis shows that Taiwan Island’s geopolitical importance is at the heart of the US’ support for Taiwan’s secession from the Mainland. Therefore, Lee’s secessionist Cross-Strait policy aside, US national interests lie in containing Mainland China and it has, therefore, always played an important role in the secessionist issue and always will. From the perspective of Mainland China, either in terms of nationalism or national security, Taiwan’s secession is a life-and-death issue. If Taiwanese authorities were to declare independence, the only option for Mainland China would be to launch a unification war. For the US, Taiwan is only a pawn that it uses to contain Mainland China. Therefore, in the Cross-Strait issue, the US has more options than Mainland China, namely, to use military intervention in the future to deter Chinese unification or to decide to share common peaceful international relations with Mainland China by accepting Cross-Strait unification.<br>Thesis (DPhil (International Relations))--University of Pretoria, 2004.<br>Political Sciences<br>unrestricted
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Musat, Jana. "République de Moldavie : Quel territoire pour quelle population ? : Origine, toponymie, frontières, peuplement." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30006.
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Le 27 août 1991, l’opinion publique internationale prenait acte de la naissance de la République de Moldavie, dont deux tiers du territoire ont constituées jusqu’en 1941 la province roumaine de Bessarabie. Depuis toujours, la Principauté de Moldavie se trouve dans une confluence de trois grandes cultures : slave, latine et orientale ; trois grandes religions : orthodoxe, catholique et musulmane ; trois grands peuples : slave, latin et turc et trois courants idéologiques : panslavisme, panturquisme et pan-latinisme. C’est pourquoi, à travers les siècles, la Principauté de Moldavie a manœuvré constamment entre ces Puissances et ces courants pour garder son identité nationale. Aujourd’hui, en principe, la Moldavie est toujours dans la situation de jongler entre la CEI et l’UE, entre Est et Ouest, sa situation géopolitique étant la même.Dans la Première partie de notre thèse nous avons étudié l’origine, la toponymie et les frontières de la Bessarabie, mais aussi l’engouement des Grandes Puissances pour ce territoire. Nous traiterons aussi les guerres et les négociations de paix qui la caractérisent, allant de la guerre russo-turque jusqu’au régime tsariste qui y régnait. Nous avons ensuite suivi les changements subis par la Bessarabie pendant la Première guerre mondiale, avec la création de la République Démocratique Moldave, tout en s’attardant sur le processus de la création de l’URSS avec ses répercussions sur l’évolution de la Moldavie soviétique poststalinienne. Nous avons finalement, étudié ici-même la question des nationalités, et les concepts de « nation », « nationalisme », « dénationalisation », « russification », « collectivisme », « moldovenisme » etc.La Deuxième partie démarre avec des questions sur l’identité nationale moldave, et l’éclatement des conflits régionaux. Nous décrivons les minorités séparatistes de Gagaouzie et de Transnistrie, qui n’acceptent pas la souveraineté de la Moldavie. Le régime de Tiraspol est un régime oppressif et totalitaire, qui doit être éloigné par l’action des facteurs externes. De plus, nous étudions la création de la CEI et GUAM, l’implication de l’OSCE, de l’UE, de la Russie, de l’Ukraine et de la Roumanie dans le processus de négociation pour la résolution du conflit transnistrien. Finalement, nous examinons la manière avec laquelle la « fédéralisation », et la « régionalisation » peuvent résoudre les conflits ethniques en Moldavie. En conclusion nous répondons aux questions centrales sur le territoire et la population moldave<br>On August 27 1991, the international public opinion acknowledges the birth of the Republic of Moldova, which has represented two-thirds of the Romanian province of Bessarabia until 1941. During the history, Principality of Moldova is parting of the ways of three cultures: Slavic, Latin and Eastern; three great religions: Orthodox, Catholic and Muslim; three populations: Slavic, Latin and Turkish; and three ideologies: Pan-Slavism, Pan-Turkism and pan-Latin. Therefore, over the centuries, the Principality of Moldova has continuously handled these Great Powers and ideologies to keep its national identity. Nowadays, Moldova is still able to pursue between CIS and EU policies and between East and West geopolitical situation.In the first part of the thesis, we study the origin, toponyms and borders of Bessarabia, and we characterize the interest of the Great Powers for this territory. For it we describe, the wars and peace negotiations, starting with the Russo-Turkish war until the period of Bessarabia under the tsarist rule. Moreover, we treated the period of Bessarabia during the First World War, but also the creation of the Moldavian Democratic Republic, describing the process of foundation the USSR and its impact on the evolution of the post-Stalin Soviet Moldova. Finally, we studied the nationality question and the concepts like the "nation", the "nationalism", the "denationalization", the "Russification", the collectivism", the "moldovenism" etc...The Second Part starts with questions about the Moldovan national identity and the outbreaks of regional conflicts. We raise the issue of the separatist minorities of Gagauzia and Transnistria, which do not accept the sovereignty of Moldova. The Tiraspol regime is a totalitarian and oppressive regime, which must be removed by the action of external factors. Moreover, we study the creation of the CIS and GUAM and the involvement of the OSCE, EU, Russia, Ukraine and Romania in the negotiation process for the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict. Finally, we discuss the possibilities of how cans the "federalization" and "regionalization" solves the ethnic conflicts in Moldova. In conclusion, we answer to the questions dealing about the territory and the Moldovan population
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Saygili, Aslihan. "Democratization, Ethnic Minorities and the Politics of Self-Determination Reform." Thesis, 2019. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-aza9-1c05.
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Conventional wisdom portrays ethnic minorities as likely victims of democratization who often fall prey to nationalist aggression fueled by power-seeking elites. Yet, history is replete with newly democratic states that have not only avoided targeted violence against ethnic "others" but also sought to reconcile with aggrieved ethnic minorities through concessions over self-determination. In light of conventional wisdom, this picture is puzzling and raises two important questions: 1) Why is self-determination reform so frequently observed during democratization periods? 2) Why do some democratizing states accommodate minority demands for self-determination while others continue to neglect minority grievances, or worse, become a breeding ground for exclusionary nationalism and minority repression?
This dissertation is dedicated to addressing these questions. To answer the first question, I develop a novel theory of self-determination reform that explains the conditions under which government leaders develop both the capacity and incentives to introduce policies that devolve some degree of autonomy to separatist minorities. The theory pinpoints early democratization as a critical juncture where two key conditions necessary for self-determination reform - limited institutional constraints to rule and threats to elite survival - are most likely to be observed together. During early democratization, newly democratic governments are able to push forward radical policy changes without the meddling of institutionally empowered veto players, who typically gain more leverage as the democratic regime consolidates. Matching this capacity for reform are democratizers' strategic incentives to co-opt ethnic separatists. The source of these incentives, I argue, is the emergence of threats to elite survival during the early democratization period, which may be posed by a number of anti-democratic forces including the loyalists of the authoritarian regime and coup-plotting military factions. Amidst political instability, extending an olive branch to separatist minorities helps threatened democratizers strengthen their hand vis-a-vis imminent threats to their survival by containing separatist violence in the periphery and preventing tactical alliances between center-seeking and separatist rebel groups. In certain paths to democracy, democratizers also develop reputational incentives for self-determination reform, which helps establish democratic credentials through signaling a clean break with authoritarian practices.
I test my hypotheses using a mixed-method research design, combining statistical analyses of large-N data with a detailed case study of the Philippines-Moro relations during the country's transition to democracy in the mid-1980s. The quantitative findings confirm my hypotheses about the domestic political conditions that are most conducive to minority accommodation, as well as the relationship between democratization and self-determination reform. The Philippines chapter illustrates how strategic and reputational incentives for minority accommodation drive self-determination reform in early democracies, drawing on evidence from secondary sources and semi-structured interviews conducted during fieldwork in Manila. In later chapters, I turn to my second research question and explore the variation in transition outcomes for separatist minorities across democratizing states. The key insight is that conciliatory steps towards ethnic separatists is a likely outcome in all types of transition paths marked by political instability, with the exception of coerced incumbent-led transitions where the incumbent views electoral competition as the primary threat to its survival prospects. In addition to this exception, non-conciliatory outcomes may also be observed in top-down transitions led by powerful autocrats who democratize voluntarily and do so without allowing the transition process to generate any threats to their survival. Case studies of Spain, Nicaragua and Turkey introduced in the last chapter help probe the generalizability of the theory and illustrate how different transition paths shape democratizers' policies towards separatists disputes.
Altogether, my dissertation project presents a novel theory of self-determination reform, as well as undertaking the first systematic analysis of the conditions under which democratization paves the way for state-minority reconciliation. More broadly, the theory and findings also add nuance to current thinking about democratization and ethnic minorities, providing evidence that transition processes are not closely associated with minority victimization and ethnic violence as is commonly assumed.
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Hsia, Yi-Ming, and 夏義明. "A Case Study for Xinjiang Separatism--The Analysis for Uygur Separate Movements." Thesis, 1999. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/56164027974316811640.
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碩士<br>國立中山大學<br>大陸研究所<br>87<br>Xinjiang Uygur''s autonomous region has been named "window of nations","source of riots"and its number of nations is at most in mainland China. It is also the effect of indicator for the PRC''s policy of native at province level. Besides various kinds of nation, Xinjiang has large territory, vast nature resources and importance of geographical position. These elements make Xinjiang''s development play a key role on China''s stability. Especially after dissolution of the former Soviet and China''s uneven national and economics policy, both of them make a new impact on affairs of politics and nation problems, and influence the interactive relation between central and local government.
About nation''s affairs, there are 48 native nations in Xinjiang Uygur''s autonomous region, issue of nation is the key problems of local stability and development. In other words, the clash of nation is potential variables to area stability and would influence to economics development, social stability and nation interaction. In the further, issue of separate actions would be the key problem to influence relation between Xinjiang Uygur''s autonomous region and central government. To resolute measures for this problem is relative to practicably autonomous system and success of economics development which is important issues for the PRC central.
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"Historic roots and socio-economic consequences of the separatist movement in Quebec." Wirtschaftsuniversität Wien, 2000. http://epub.wu-wien.ac.at/dyn/dl/diss/epub-wu-01_9b.
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Lin, Ho-Sheng, and 林合勝. "The Changing Policies Towards Southern Thailand and The Separatist Movement in Thailand." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/92328247311353813788.
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博士<br>國立中山大學<br>中國與亞太區域研究所<br>100<br>The focus of this study is to analyze the relationship of change in Thailand’s southern policy and separatist movements, or the relationship between the Bangkok regime’s policies toward Malay-Muslims in southern Thailand and the Separatist Movement. The research approach is to explain the root causes for Malay-Muslim in southern Thailand in armed resistance against the central government, moderation and radical periods in the Separatist Movement.
According to historical institutionalism, the process of institutional and historical development is a “punctuated equilibrium,” and historical contexts evolve according to “path dependency.” Except when crises in the external environmental changes cause “punctuated equilibria,” it would basically cause those in power to establish new coping strategies that cause change or collapse to the old system. In late 19th century, expansion by the English and French colonialism and imperialism in Indochina caused King Chulalongkorn to accelerate reform in national territorialization and power centralization. In turn, the Kingdom of Patani was transformed from a vassal state to a province in southern Siam, ending the power of Malay Rajas, which motivated the historical origins of southern Thailand separatism.
A review of the Thai historical development found that, after Chulalongkorn the crises in external environmental change frequently lead the ruling regime in Bangkok to establish new southern Thailand policies. In sum, the external environmental changes in the temporal sequence of colonial empires fighting for their interests against each other, threat of the Communist Party, Democratization, Globalization and war on counter-terrorism affected the new southern policies of Thailand by Rama VI, Phibun Songkram, Sarit Thanarat, Thanom Kittikachorn, Prem Tinsulanonda, and Thaksin Shinawatra. It is also intimately connected to the radicalism or moderation of the Malay-Muslim Separatist Movement.
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Kollenz, Karin R. "Historic roots and socio-economic consequences of the separatist movement in Quebec." Thesis, 2000. http://epub.wu.ac.at/1902/1/document.pdf.
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The objective of this work is to determine whether the political instability has had a significant impact on the development of Quebec during the last 35 years. The method of approach is to examine whether there is a correlation between economic indicators and political instability. In the first part the history of French Canadians, from the first settlements to the crucial political events of the 20th century are examined. Since this study is based on a time-correlation between political events and changes in socio-economic indicators, special attention is paid to the reception and interpretation of events by historians, the media and opinion leaders. As a next step the development of economic and socio-demographic indicators during the last 40 years is examined. Factors studied include gross domestic product, investment, consumption, and unemployment as well as demographic and demolinguistic indicators. In order to ensure that changes in factors are linked to political instability comparisons with other provinces, notably with Ontario, and other countries are made in the conclusion it will be summarized that a direct relation between separatism and Quebec's long-term economic development cannot be demonstrated by examining macro-economic indicators. However, the October crisis of 1960 and the referendum of 1995 had short-term negative impacts on Quebec's economic development. Other factors such as the French language legislation of 1977, which further accentuated Quebec's special linguistic status in North America and the historical differences between the development of the French, Catholic society and the English, Protestant one better explain the existing differences between Quebec and the rest of Canada.
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Kao, Wu-chyao, and 高午樵. "A Comparative Study on Muslim Separatist Movement in Southern Thailand and Southern Philippines." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/w4wjcm.
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碩士<br>國立中山大學<br>中國與亞太區域研究所<br>106<br>Employing the two methods of historical research and literature analysis, the study collects, organizes and analyzes the historical materials and literature concerning the Muslim separatist movements happened in southern Thailand and southern Philippines, so as to compare the reasons for formation of the Muslim separatist movements in these two places, the governance strategies of the two governments of the Philippines and Thailand in the southern territories, and evolution of the separatist movements in these two places.
The main differences and similarities of Muslim separatist movements between southern Thailand and southern Philippines are: First, the similarities of the causes of the Muslim formation are the location on the border and Islamization, and the difference is the historical roots of both places. Secondly, Thailand government implemented the forced assimilation to the Muslim in southern Thailand in order to seek political domination. On the other hand, Philippines government relocated numerous immigrants to the southern area to plunder lands and deprive the resources to weaken the resistance capability of the Muslim. Thirdly, the two organizations of separatist movements pursue the same goal, namely, complete independence. However, with regard to the aspects of the armed magnitude, ability of mobilization, and negotiated and diplomatic skill, the situation in southern Thailand is not comparatively as good as in the southern Philippines.
This study has discovered: (1) Beside the ethnic factor, Islamic belief is the main cause of forming ideology of separation and the pushing power of separatist movements. (2) The organizations of separatist movements divide due to discord. Therefore, it becomes the obstacle of achieving the goal of separatist movements. (3) Both governments boost economy in order to ease the separatist movements of Muslims, but it could not eliminate the ideology of separation which was attributed to the issues of ethnicity and religion; hence the separatist movements are still the hidden danger which cannot be exterminated.
Although the establishment of autonomous region in southern Philippines and safety zone in southern Thailand could ease separatist movements, the conflicts in partial areas still have not subsided yet. What the separatist movement organizations pursue is absolutely not the autonomy currently existed. It is to establish an independent country, and it will not end until the final destination is reached.
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Huang, Tai-An, and 黃台安. "The Origins and Evolution of Muslim Separation Movement in Southern Thailand." Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/08010483891076997679.
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碩士<br>國立暨南國際大學<br>東南亞研究所<br>99<br>ABSTRACT
Three provinces in southern Thailand: Pattani, Narathiwat, Yala, have the incidents that Islamic terrorists shooting soldiers, police and people, making nearly 3,000 lives have killed in recent years. As what we know, Thailand is a Buddhist country, more than 95 percent of Thai people believe in Buddhism, and the other 5 percent of Thai people believe in Islam. Most of the Muslims who believe in Islam, living in the southern Thailand region, close to the boundary of northern Malaysia, approach the Kelantan, Terengganu, Kedah, and Perlis provinces in the northern Malaysia. These people’s religious beliefs, habits, culture, language and the other traditional customs are almost the same. On the contrary, the Thai Buddhists in Bangkok as the center of country, having a social value and social behavior are incompatible with the Muslims they had.
For every year, Thai Government will plan a lot of budget to put into the infrastructure, educational resources, military security, agricultural and fishing economy industries in three provinces area of southern Thailand. But it seems that Thai Government can not repress the development of separatism in southern Thailand effectively. The local Muslims still have a dissatisfy expression to the Thai Buddhist officials. Why will have this kind of phenomenon occurrence? In the event of separatism in southern Thailand, “The group of Siam Empire” led by the Bangkok city have ever treats “The group of Muslims in southern Thailand” like a “central” consider them as a “local”? They try to use the Thai Buddhist culture oppresses to the Muslims in southern Thailand strongly, to let them accept that kind of the unilateral assimilation? They regard the three provinces area in southern Thailand as another “internal colony”? For nowadays, that causes Muslims have such a feeling of “alienation” increase for everyday?
For this thesis, the main point that I aim to proof and try to understand is including the development of formation and the process of evolution about secessionist movement in southern Thailand. I will probe into the historical review, backgrounds, conflict patterns, movement process, and social phenomenon of Muslim secessionists’ movement in southern Thailand. Furthermore, I will try to analyze the influence to the separatism movement that cause by the southern policy of Thailand government in each major period, since 1932 to 2006. Finally, I will survey that kind of the separatism movement can able to echo the viewpoint of Dr. Benedict Anderson and the discussion of Samuel P. Huntington or not? I will try to find out some of the answers from that one to illustrate more detail about the phenomenon that happen in southern Thailand for nowadays.
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Gunawardena, Therese Suhashini. "Contesting Khalistan the Sikh diaspora and the politics of separatism /." 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/6181.
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Fogwell, William Peter. "The effect of long axis manipulation of the third metacarpophalangeal joint on articular surface separation, peri-articular soft tissue movement and joint cavitation." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10321/1259.
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Submitted in partial compliance with the requirements for the Master’s Degree in Technology: Chiropractic, Durban University of Technology, 2014.<br>Aim: To determine the effect of long axis manipulation of the third metacarpophalangeal joint (MCP) on articular surface separation, peri-articular soft tissue movement and joint cavitation.
Participants: Forty two right-handed healthy individuals between 18 and 28 years of age from the Durban University of Technology campuses, KwaZulu Natal.
Methodology: Written informed consent was obtained from each participant. A case history, physical examination and a hand and wrist orthopaedic assessment was conducted for each participant. Study specific data, such as sex, age, height and weight were recorded. A diagnostic ultrasound (US) scan was done to the left third MCP joint for each participant while distractive manipulation was applied to the joint. The presence or absence of audible release was noted and the tension levels applied to the joint was measured with a digital tension meter. Joint surface separation (JSS), synovial membrane position (SMP), gas bubble presence and location were assessed on the US recordings at baseline, just prior to cavitation, at maximum traction and in the post-traction resting joint.
IBM SPSS version 20 was used to analyse the data. Independent sample t-tests were used to compare the means between the two groups and the associations were compared using Pearson’s chi square tests. A p value <0.05 was considered as statistically significant.
Results: Long axis manipulation resulted in audible release in 22 of the participants (Group and no audible release in 20 of the participants (Group 2). No significant difference in joint surface separation or the synovial membrane position could be established between MCP joints that cavitated and MCP joints that did not cavitate at the baseline, as well as in maximum traction and in the post-procedure resting joint (p > 0.05; t-test). Hyperechoic gas bubbles were present in 21 of the 22 participants of Group 1 and no gas bubbles could be visualised in the participants in Group 2. The presence of intra-articular hyperechoic gas bubbles was highly associated with audible release (p < 0.001; Pearson’s chi square test).
Due to the predefined features of cavitation, gas bubble inception was could not be detected in the Group 1 participants prior to cavitation. In Group 1, 95.5% of the gas bubbles were present in the middle third of the joint at maximum traction. At the post traction resting joint evaluation, no gas bubble was evident in 42.9% (n = 9) of the joints; 42.9% (n = 9) indicated bubbles were present only in the dorsal third, whilst 9.5% (n = 2) presented bubbles in the middle and dorsal third; and in one case gas bubbles were seen in the dorsal, middle and ventral thirds of the joint space. The mean manipulative force recorded in participants in which gas bubble inception took place during manipulation was 5.7 kg, and in those with no gas bubble inception was 12 kg. There was a significant difference between the mean traction force applied to those with and to those without a gas bubble appearance (p < 0.001; t-test).
Conclusion: No significant differences were observed between the cavitation and non-cavitation groups for the joint surface separation and synovial membrane movement at various stages of manipulation. A significant association was established between the audible release of a joint that was manipulated and the appearance of intra-articular gas bubbles or micro-bubbles. The mean traction force that was required to cause cavitation was significantly lower than the force to which joints with no cavitation were tensioned. The findings concur with those of previous studies that cavitation is a necessary component of joint manipulation.
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Ross, Cody. "Assessment of soil water movement and the relative importance of shallow subsurface flow in a near-level Prairie watershed." 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/32058.
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Near-level Prairie landscapes have received limited attention in hydrological research. For this thesis, hydrometric measurements and four tracing experiments were completed at three “riparian-to-stream” sites in the Catfish Creek Watershed (southeastern Manitoba) to enhance Prairie hydrology understanding. First, hydrologic state variables were examined to infer vertical and lateral water movement. Second, tracer data were analyzed to evaluate the relative importance of surface versus subsurface water movement. Results show that hydrologic state variables can be useful for inferring riparian-to-stream water movement. Tracer data also revealed that subsurface water movement can contribute significantly to streamflow during snowmelt- and rainfall-triggered events in the study watershed. This thesis demonstrated that subsurface flow is a significant runoff generation mechanism in Prairie landscapes, thus challenging surface water-focused conceptualizations and management strategies that are traditionally used. The findings summarized in this thesis will be critical to improve the performance of hydrological models when applied to the Prairies.<br>February 2017
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Hřivna, Vít. "Separatistické tendence v jednotlivých členských státech EU a případný dopad na volný pohyb občanů EU." Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-358423.
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Separatist tendencies in individual EU Member States and the potential impact on the free movement of persons in the EU This thesis deals with the separatist tendencies within the Member States of the European Union. It is therefore a case when a certain region within a Member State decides to secede from it. This needs to be distinguished from a situation when a whole Member State decides to withdraw from the Union. The aim of this thesis is to analyze the various possible scenarios in the case where there is a separation of that region from the Member State. It deals with it in the context of the regions potential continuity within the Union and furthermore it examines the differences between the two most important cases of possible internal secession in the EU of today: Catalonia and Scotland. The thesis evaluates the most probable scenarios in both cases and the consequent impact of such subjective secession of the regions on citizens and their rights in the EU context, in particular the free movement of persons. The first chapter deals with the definition of separatism and general characteristics of the practical behavior of the regions and the state they secede from in the context of the EU. It looks especially at the relationship between the originar country and the separatist region and...
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Hřivna, Vít. "Separatistické tendence v jednotlivých členských státech EU a případný dopad na volný pohyb občanů EU." Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-350726.
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Separatist tendencies in individual EU Member States and the potential impact on the free movement of persons in the EU This thesis deals with the separatist tendencies within the Member States of the European Union. It is therefore a case when a certain region within a Member State decides to secede from it. This needs to be distinguished from a situation when a whole Member State decides to withdraw from the Union. The aim of this thesis is to analyze the various possible scenarios in the case where there is a separation of that region from the Member State. It deals with it in the context of the regions potential continuity within the Union and furthermore it examines the differences between the two most important cases of possible internal secession in the EU of today: Catalonia and Scotland. The thesis evaluates the most probable scenarios in both cases and the consequent impact of such subjective secession of the regions on citizens and their rights in the EU context, in particular the free movement of persons. The first chapter deals with the definition of separatism and general characteristics of the practical behavior of the regions and the state they secede from in the context of the EU. It looks especially at the relationship between the originar country and the separatist region and...
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N'Kiamvu, John Rene Kamba. "Secessionism versus territorial unity : centre-periphery relations in the Democratic Republic of Congo (1960-2006)." Diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/21596.
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The focus in this dissertation is on the rise of secessionism and its curtailment in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Theories pertaining to centre-periphery relations, as well as right-sizing the state, are used for this purpose. Factors such as the DRC’s vast territory and colonial policies affected the centre-periphery relations after independence. The weak ties between the centre and the peripheries were important factors in the attempts at secession that followed independence. In addition, the political and administrative centre (Kinshasa) was too weak to keep the restive peripheries in check. International military intervention, thus, played an important role in defeating attempts at secession. The strategies of President Mobutu in strengthening the centre, as well as the lack of secessionism in the DRC after the collapse of the centre towards the end of Mobutu’s presidency, receive attention.<br>Political Sciences<br>M.A. (Politics)
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Ngwanya, Richman Mzuxolile. "An ecclesiological analysis of the Church of God and Saints of Christ and its impact on Bulhoek massacre." Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/2061.
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A tragic massacre in May 1921, commonly referred to as the Bulhoek Massacre, was associated with the ecclesiology of the Church of God and Saints of Christ, founded by Enoch Mgijima. If it were not for the theology of eschatology that this church adhered to, the so-called Bulhoek Massacre would not have happened. The theology of eschatology which Mgijima was focussing on caused the ecclesiology of the amaSirayeli to be the victims of the circumstances.
Dulles defines ecclesiology as the church in the process of self actualisation. There is self understanding of worshippers. In the case of the Church of God and Saints of Christ, such self-understanding caused the Bulhoek Massacre. It is said that when people fervently believe in an Ultimate Being, whether such belief is a construction in their minds or a reality, then those people will be willing to defend their belief and die for, if it needs to be.
For such a believer, it is because of the hope for a better life in the future that they are willing to even defy earthly authorities. When that believer follows a voice of the supernatural, which is revealed only to him and sounds much louder, much clearer and more authoritative than human voices, it is then that he cannot be void. Such an authoritative voice may be transmitted either through ancestors, known as the living dead, or directly from the Supreme Being. In the case of the said church, it is both.
Secondly, an ecclesiology of the Church of God and Saints of Christ should be understood in the light of their mother church in America under the leadership of Crowdy the founder. Such ecclesiology should also be understood against the religious backdrop of the African Initiated Churches (AIC). These two factors, the mother church in America and the religion of the African Initiated Churches, will be the main components that drive this thesis, and thus illuminate the spark in the said church.
Owing to the proliferation of the African Initiated Churches in the continent of Africa, there is a wide speculation that Africa, of the 21st century, will be the centre of World Christianity. Whether this is just a dream or a reality remains to be realized. But the fact remains that, these churches continue to be a religious force that forms part of the church history in Africa.
While this thesis will constantly be referring to the 1921 events, an ecclesiology of the said church is a present phenomenon because the church survived the massacre and is still active today.
The two researchers, Robert Edgar from Los Angeles University in the USA, and Martin Mandew from the University of Natal, completed their doctoral theses on the Bulhoek Massacre. Edgar was researching on, The Fifth Seal. Enoch Mgijima, The amaSirayeli Bulhoek Massacre, 1921. Mandew concentrated on, War, Memory and Salvation, The Bulhoek Massacre and the Construction of a Contextual Soteriology.
Since both researchers come from a distance, and are unable to speak the language of the people they were researching, there were of obviously unfilled gaps in between. As mentioned about cultural differences, therefore, knowing the language of the worshippers makes a big difference. There needs some analysis of idiomatic expressions, enunciated and other formal and informal expressions that tend to be important during communication. However, I acknowledge their research programme but I will go further from their product.
This thesis examines the ecclesiology of this church and then relates it to the massacre where they were killed for their own beliefs. It is also important to analyse, as this thesis does, the church-state relations in South Africa in the late 19th and early 20th centuries in order to establish how other religious bodies related to the governments of the said period.<br>Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology<br>D. Th. (Church History)