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Journal articles on the topic 'Separatist movements'
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1
Rudowski, Tomasz, and Piotr Sieniawski. "Latin America: The Region without Catalonia." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 25, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 111–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.25.07.
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The aim of this article is to analyse the issue of “weak separatism” in Latin America as well as to give an answer to the question why there are no significant separatist movements in this region. The authors provide the definitions of separatism and secessionism as well as an explanation of these phenomena. Moreover, they present an overview of historical and contemporary separatist movements in Latin America. Based on Horowitz’s theory of ethnic separatism, the authors attempt to analyse the separatist movement “The South is My Country” in Brazil and compare it with separatism in Catalonia in Spain, where a referendum on independence from Spain was held in 2017, serving as an impetus for a similar referendum that took place in the South of Brazil. In spite of similar goals of these two separatist movements, the authors argue that there are significant differences in their nature, which are determined by the history and culture of the respective countries.
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Encarnación, Omar G. "Why Separatism Is No Match for Democracy." Journal of Democracy 35, no. 1 (January 2024): 134–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2024.a915354.
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Abstract: A central paradox in the relationship between separatism and democracy is that while democracy provides a fertile environment for separatism—often by means of democracy's own institutions, mechanisms, and policies—democratic states are also well equipped to thwart and defeat separatist movements. The same pluralistic flexibility that allows pro-independence movements to blossom provides the tools to subvert and even crush separatist aspirations. Whether stonewalled by constitutional constraints, locked into systems of regional autonomy, undercut by counter-separatist movements, or cowed by the economic consequences of going it alone, separatist movements in democratic states are likely to turn quixotic. Catalonia and Scotland—two regions that only a few years ago seemed to be on the cusp of realizing longtime dreams of independence—prominently display the paradoxical politics inherent in separatism in democratic systems.
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Maharani, Tiara Devi, Aris Sarjito, Christine Sri Marnani, Hikmat Zakky Almubaroq, and Reinpal Falefi. "Separatist and Terrorist Movements in Papua: The Challenges of Social Disaster Management and the Important Role of Human-Made Disaster Intelligence." Jurnal Pertahanan: Media Informasi ttg Kajian & Strategi Pertahanan yang Mengedepankan Identity, Nasionalism & Integrity 9, no. 3 (December 31, 2023): 443–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jp.v9i3.14659.
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The Papua secessionist movement hinders Indonesia's stability efforts. The government has implemented measures, deploying intelligence for managing social crises as defined by Law 24 of 2007 on Disaster Management. The present study examines the separatist movement in Papua, its resultant societal upheaval, and the crucial role of intelligence in mitigating this societal crisis. The study explores applying Human-Made Disaster Intelligence, using AI and data tech, to mitigate risks in the Papua case. This study employs a literature review with 26 sources to explore challenges posed by separatist and terrorist movements in Papua. Data is gathered from official sources, excluding personal websites and social media. The study was conducted from January to March 2023. Data analysis utilizes descriptive narratives to qualitatively explore separatist and terrorist movements, social disasters, intelligence, and the Papua region. The research findings demonstrate that the separatist movement in Papua has resulted in a significant societal calamity, causing conflicts, casualties, and economic challenges. Man-made disaster intelligence is proposed to manage social disasters by collecting and analyzing data related to separatist activities. Intelligence plays a crucial role in detecting and mitigating risks associated with separatism, offering preventive and remedial measures. Challenges include limited resources and the need for collaboration among intelligence agencies. Strategic measures to enhance intelligence involve increased resources, collaboration, transparency, and the integration of Artificial Intelligence (AI) for data analysis. The complexity of using AI in countering separatist movements requires careful consideration of data sources, collection methods, and reliability measures.
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Anandari, Anatansyah Ayomi, and Asep Adang Supriyadi. "Strategic Leadership to Deal with the Separatism Movement in Papua." Jurnal Pertahanan: Media Informasi ttg Kajian & Strategi Pertahanan yang Mengedepankan Identity, Nasionalism & Integrity 9, no. 1 (April 30, 2023): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jp.v9i1.1834.
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<p>The separatist movement in Papua has been a threat to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Indonesia for many years. Although various efforts have been made to deal with this problem, the separatist movement still exists and threatens the stability of the Papua region. Therefore, effective strategic leadership policies and strategies are needed to overcome separatist movements in Papua. The purpose of this study is to analyze the role of strategic leadership in overcoming separatist movements in Papua as a form of threat to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Indonesia. The research method used is library research by collecting data from primary and secondary sources, including journal articles, books, and official documents. The data was then analyzed qualitatively using a descriptive approach. The recommendations for effective strategic leadership in addressing separatist movements in Papua include; acknowledging historical factors, engaging stakeholders, adopting preventive strategies, protecting human rights, leveraging technology, enhancing transparency and accountability, and promoting economic development.</p>
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Mosora, Mykhailo. "Separatism as a political phenomenon – an analysis. The EU’s experiences and lessons for Ukraine." Przegląd Sejmowy 4(171) (2022): 229–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2022.135.
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The article deals with the phenomenon of separatism, its common understanding and main features. It discusses the most important separatist tendencies and the threat of separatism in the EU, including the typology and the centres of separatism in Europe. The principal reasons for separatist movements in the EU are described. Considering the complex origin of separatism, the homogeneity of its foundation in Europe is proved and the threat of separatism in Ukraine is analysed. Manifestations of separatism in Ukraine and the EU are compared, the influence of globalisation and regionalisation on the ethnopolitical process in the EU and Ukraine is justified, and the dual influence of regionalisation on separatism is revealed.
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Baker, B. "Separating the Sheep from the Goats among Africa's Separatist Movements." Terrorism and Political Violence 13, no. 1 (March 2001): 66–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546550109609670.
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Harguindéguy, Jean Baptiste Paul, and Laura Cervi. "Comparative perspectives and experience of conflict resolution based on separatist movements in the Kingdom of Spain." EUROPEAN CHRONICLE 7, no. 2 (May 12, 2022): 22–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.59430/euch/2.2022.22.
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The relevance is the major feature of the European continent, which is characterised by the fact that most countries in the region have defined borders that are following national or ethnic features. However, based on the investigation of existing separatist movements in Europe, it can be stated that in states with a single national characteristic, different groups with a distinct national identity can develop. Such a situation exists in the Kingdom of Spain, particularly in the Basque Country and Catalonia. The purpose of the presented scientific research is the historical analysis, comparative characteristics and ways of resolving conflict situations that occurred during the separatist processes in the Kingdom of Spain. The main scientific method that was used in writing the presented scientific research is discourse analysis, which allowed, the use of a set of analytical methods of interpreting various texts or statements, identifying the main preconditions, basic characteristics, and distinctive and common features of separatist movements in the Kingdom of Spain. The main results of this research are: analysis of the root causes and identification of crucial features of separatist processes in Spain; generalisation of ways to resolve conflicts based on separatist movements in the state; modelling of further dynamics and options for the development of separatism in the Kingdom. The results of the presented research, and the conclusions that were obtained during this work, can be used as a foundation for future scientific research on this issue; in addition – as a foundation for scientific research in areas relevant to the subject presented in the research. Additional fields of science and areas where the presented results and conclusions can be used in the future are: diplomatic service – in the study of the history of the emergence and ways of resolving conflicts based on separatism in Europe; higher education – in the fields of history, political science, conflict studies – as a historical example of the emergence and resolution of ethnic disputes; for other researchers of the presented subjects
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Solonari, Vladimir. "Popular Sentiments and Political Failures: Understanding the Disintegration of the Republic of Moldova, 1989–1990." Comparative Southeast European Studies 71, no. 4 (December 1, 2023): 488–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2023-0020.
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Abstract This article revisits the foundational years of 1989–1992 when the Republic of Moldova obtained its independence and simultaneously suffered territorial losses due to separatist movements. The quasi-official view in today’s Moldova holds that separatist movements of that era in Transnistria and Gagauzia were the results of Moscow’s meddling in Moldovan affairs aimed at punishing the Moldovans’ quest for independence. The paper argues that this interpretation attributes too much power to the decision-makers in Moscow, and also strips local actors of agency. Instead, the article calls for a renewed focus on the developments in Moldova itself and for discourses developed by separatist leaders and opinion-setters to be treated as representative of genuine popular sentiment. It argues that the Moldovan national movement alienated the non-Moldovan population whose primary means of communication was Russian. The article relies on personal recollections as well as numerous published primary and secondary sources.
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Kostelyanets, Sergey V. "Biafra: the Revival and Proliferation of Separatism." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 5 (2021): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080015110-8.
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The weak cohesion of African societies, predetermined by their ethnic, linguistic and religious heterogeneity, leads to a great propensity for the spread of separatist sentiments in Africa. The overwhelming majority of existing scholarly works note the continent's tendency towards separatism and irredentism. Indeed, the number of separatist movements in Africa is constantly growing; currently there are more of them than there were in the first postcolonial decades, although only a few of them have been “successful”. The present paper analyzes the reasons for the revival of a secessionist movement in southeastern Nigeria several decades after the end of the 1967-1970 Biafran War. The authors consider activities of separatist organizations that emerged in Biafra in the 2000s-2010s, the reaction of the government of Muhammadu Buhari, and factors hindering the establishment of a new “sovereign state” in the region. The relevance of the present paper is determined both by the growing threat of separatism in Africa and by the lack of research on the current situation in Biafra in Russian-language literature. The authors employ theoretical-analytical and systemic-historical methods to analyze the threat of separatism in Nigeria and conclude that the creation of a new “Republic of Biafra” will remain a utopian project for at least the next decade, yet separatist sentiments will spread and hinder the achievement of internal political stability in the country, which is already experiencing conflicts due to the activities of Boko Haram, tensions between farmers and pastoralists, and militancy in the Niger Delta.
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Sungmin Yun and YoungHarkByun. "China’s Separatist Movements and Interstate Cooperation Dilemma." Journal of Northeast Asia Research 34, no. 1 (August 2019): 275–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.18013/jnar.2019.34.1.010.
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Denisova, Tatyana S., and Sergey V. Kostelyanets. "International Aspects of Separatism in Contemporary Biafra." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 747–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-747-757.
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In the 21st century, the world at large and Africa in particular have encountered the rise of separatism, which has become one of the major challenges to stability. In Africa, over 20 countries face separatist movements, some of which demand full secession, while the rest - greater autonomy within the existing state. Most of Africas secessionist projects remain insignificant in scope and ineffectual, largely due to the absence or weakness of external support for separatists and to the commitment of the international community to preserve, with rare exceptions, the territorial integrity of states. The paper analyzes the reasons for the revival of the movement for the secession of Biafra decades after the end of the civil war between the central government of Nigeria and the separatists and looks into the international aspects that could fuel the conflict and exacerbate the military-political situation in West Africa, which is already turbulent due to the activities of Boko Haram terrorist group, other Islamist groupings in the Sahel, Cameroonian separatists of Ambazonia, etc. The present paper attempts to fill the gap in Russian Africanist literature on the current situation in Biafra, which is especially urgent due to the growing threat of separatism in Africa. Employing the historical approach, the authors analyze the nature of external involvement in the 1967-1970 Nigerian conflict, as well as methods of contemporary Biafran separatists, who seek international support. The paper concludes that due to various internal circumstances, as well as the practical lack of external material assistance, the establishment of a new Republic of Biafra will remain a utopian project for at least a decade, although separatist sentiments is likely to spread and hinder the achievement of internal political stability in West Africa, which is ridden with an increasing number of hot spots.
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Karandeev, Ivan, and Valery Achkasov. "A HISTORY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN SEPARATISM IN THE UNITED STATES." Political Expertise: POLITEX 19, no. 3 (2023): 461–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2023.307.
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This article analyzes the history of the development of the phenomenon of radical African-American movements classified as separatist. The roots of the phenomenon go back to the abolitionist movement of the mid-19th century, but most of these movements appeared in the USA in the 1920s - 1960s, after the migration of African Americans from the southern states, referred to the «black belt» to the industrialized states of the North and their concentration in ethnically homogeneous ghettos of large cities with a disadvantaged socio-economic situation. Irredentist movements that appealed to the construction of African-American identity based on ethnic and cultural nationalism, such as «Back to Africa», which aimed at universal immigration of blacks from the United States, and interpreting the religion «Nation of Islam», gained particular popularity. Separatist movements acted as a radical alternative to the Civil Rights Movement, and the figure of activist Malcolm X, who came out of the Nation of Islam, became a counterweight to Martin Luther King. With the development of the anti-colonial movement in third world countries, organizations such as the Black Panthers and the Republic of New Africa turned to the right of nations to self-determination and left-wing anti-imperialist rhetoric. The activities of other organizations, for example, the Black Liberation Army, can be characterized as terrorist. Later organizations, such as the New Black Panther Party, are often characterized by experts as «hate groups». Although with the success of the integration policy, the popularity of separatist demands has fallen, the actions of African-American nationalist organizations in the conditions of polarization of modern American politics indicate that the forms of struggle of the African-American community for political independence in the future are not exhausted.
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Arrarás, Astrid, and Timothy J. Power. "The social basis of separatism: explaining support for the Puerto Rican Independence Movement." Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre as Américas 1, no. 1 (December 30, 2007): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21057/repam.v1i1.1488.
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In the 1990s, particularly in the wake of the fall of the Soviet Union, comparativists rediscovered the enduring appeal of separatist movements around the globe. Many of the most significant political events of the past decade have revolved around issues of nationalism, ethnicity, irredenta, and the like. In light of these renewed preoccupations, it is surprising that U.S. scholars have largely ignored a nationalist movement closer to home. The Puerto Rican independence movement is by far the most significant separatist tendency under the U.S. flag, and is one of the few major anticolonialist movements to survive into the twenty-first century. Although supporters of Puerto Rican independence have typically drawn only three to five percent support in local elections and in plebiscites on the island’s political status, neither have they disappeared from the political scene. The remarkable durability of the independence movement demands systematic explanation. However, as strange as it may seem, to date there have been no serious scholarly studies of the social bases of the Puerto Rican independence movement.
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Shoham, Hizky. "“BUY LOCAL” OR “BUY JEWISH”? SEPARATIST CONSUMPTION IN INTERWAR PALESTINE." International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, no. 3 (July 30, 2013): 469–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813000433.
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AbstractThe article explores the Zionist cultural economy in interwar Palestine, by studying the emergence of the field of consumption as an arena for political struggles among Jews and between Jews and Arabs. The Jewish nationalist movement employed dominant contemporary assumptions about economic nationalism in attempts to politicize the economy of British Palestine, including through campaigns advocating ethnonational separatism in consumption. Unlike other “buy local” movements around the world, these were not directed solely against imports; rather, they were often “buy Jewish” campaigns waged against the consumption of commodities produced by the rival ethnonational sector in Palestine. Using a variety of archival and media sources, the article tracks the development of Jewish separatist consumption campaigns in interwar Palestine, uncovering a gradual amplification of their ethnonational emphasis that paralleled the escalation of the Arab–Jewish conflict. The cultural mechanisms used to attribute ethnic qualities to objects and define them as either “Jewish” or “foreign” are analyzed with particular attention to the conceptual contradictions in the definitions of a Jewish product, which were shaped by economic conflicts and the diverse political conceptions of Jewish identity. The study of separatist consumption sheds new light on the “dual society” thesis, revealing the deep grip of separatist approaches across multiple layers of the Jewish middle class in the Yishuv.
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Huddleston, R. Joseph. "Continuous recognition: A latent variable approach to measuring international sovereignty of self-determination movements." Journal of Peace Research 57, no. 6 (October 28, 2020): 789–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343320960208.
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How do self-determination groups move toward diplomatic recognition? Although recognition is the dominant activity used to understand international sovereignty, it is perhaps the most costly decision states make towards these groups. Third parties have many substantial interactions with aspiring states, building their sovereignty by other important means. I argue that our understanding of international sovereignty can be improved by conceptualizing it as a dynamic, continuous process, reflected in foreign policy decisions short of the legal recognition. I create a Bayesian latent variable model of international sovereignty, using bilateral data on diplomatic exchange, IGO voting, sanctions, military aid, and intervention in separatist conflicts. Complementing prior work on international sovereignty, my measure provides support for important theoretical expectations previously explored using only recognition as a measure of sovereignty. I find that diplomatic recognition, extant violence, separatist victory, and sour third-party–incumbent relations positively impact latent sovereignty of separatists, while concern for precedent negatively impacts it.
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Babajide, Jacob. "BOOK REVIEW CHARLES THOMAS AND TOYIN FALOLA, SECESSION AND SEPARATIST CONFLICTS IN POSTCOLONIAL AFRICA. CALGARY: UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY PRESS, 2020. PP. VIII, 344." Caleb International Journal of Development Studies 4, no. 2 (December 14, 2021): 250–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.26772/cijds-2021-04-02-013.
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The book, Secession and Separatist Conflicts in Postcolonial Africa, is a timely intervention on this important dimension to conflicts in Africa, especially in the post-cold war order where intra-state conflicts have become the norm rather than exception. Armed with suitably relevant historical analysis and epistemological methodology, the authors cleverly approach the varieties of conflict cases associated with secessionist, separatist and irredentist moves and Movements across Africa. Such liberation efforts span through struggles towards decolonization and struggles for self-determination or autonomy. The arrangement of the book is methodical, encompassing the dynamics and structures of successful, failed, protracted and short-lived attempts at secession and separatism in Africa and implications for sub-Saharan African states.
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Sulteng, Ferdinand, and Setiyono Setiyono. "Kebijakan Pertanggungjawaban Pidana terhadap Pelaku Kelompok Kriminal Separatis Bersenjata (Studi Kasus Organisasi Papua Merdeka)." MLJ Merdeka Law Journal 2, no. 1 (November 17, 2021): 58–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.26905/mlj.v2i1.6668.
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The many years of conflict that occurred in Papua and Aceh in the past, must be seen epistemologically every incident that occurred in the area. There is a common thread in every conflict that occurs there, whether involving separatist movements or purely because of the dissatisfaction of the Papuan people due to legal products in the form of government policies and decisions issued for the area. It is not without reason that someone acts as a separatist against the state, as well as before the territory is declared out of the country, then legally all the people in the area still have rights that must be protected by the state. This means that before Papua leaves the territory of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, Papuans and separatists who live there are still Indonesian citizens and have the right to have their rights protected for Indonesia. The problems that will be investigated in this research are the Criminal Law Policy Against the Actors of the Armed Separatist Criminal Group and how is the criminal responsibility for the perpetrators of the Armed Separatist Criminal Group in Indonesia
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Sari, Angguntari C. "A neoclassical realist explanation of Indonesia’s involvement in Muslim-related secessions in non-Muslim countries." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 4, no. 3 (July 26, 2018): 213–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891118787930.
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This article attempts to test the ethnic ties theory and provides an alternative explanation for why Indonesia as the largest Muslim country in the world has been inconsistent in its support for Muslim separatists. In this article, I use a Mill’s method of most similar system design and examine variation in Indonesia’s foreign policy towards Muslim secessionism taking place in non-Muslim countries over time. Since Indonesia’s independence in 1945, it has frequently supported the non-Muslim host states, has supported the Muslim separatists on some occasions, and has either adopted an ambivalent foreign policy/supported both the host states and separatist groups or adopted a neutral stance/neither supported the host states nor the separatist groups on other occasions. I suggest a neoclassical realist explanation and argue that specific foreign policy outcomes in the context of Muslim separatists versus non-Muslim host states are shaped by the perception of leading policy makers on the extent to which support for the conflicting parties in the secessionist conflicts can hinder or facilitate the achievement of vital national interests and ultimately the state’s international as well as the level of domestic political constraints specifically the public demand to assist the separatist movements.
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Suryani, Nani, and Dwi Putri Oktafiani. "TINJAUAN HUKUM INTERNASIONAL TERHADAP KETEGANGAN ANTARA IRAN DAN PAKISTAN." Bhinneka Multidisiplin Journal 1, no. 1 (February 2, 2024): 18–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.53067/bmj.v1i1.3.
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Recent political tensions between Iran and Pakistan have heated up quite a lot after Iran accidentally fired a missile into Pakistani territory and received a response from Pakistan. Although Iran has said that the attack was aimed at the separatist movement inhabiting the Iran-Pakistan border region, civilians from both sides were also victims of the incident. This research discusses the issue of how International Criminal Law views these tense incidents. This research uses a descriptive qualitative approach and data collection techniques, namely literature study. Iran-Pakistan tensions are indeed an international crime committed by their respective governments, because they include the freedom of civil society living in border areas. However, this case cannot be submitted to the International Court of Justice because both countries have agreed not to file charges. Apart from that, separatist movements carried out by Iranian and Pakistani separatist groups can also be categorized as international crimes because they create threats to the security of citizens of these two countries
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Pan, Yue, and Qin Xiao. "Separatist Movements Influenced by International Intervention: The Case of West Papua." Asian Social Science 19, no. 5 (September 30, 2023): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v19n5p23.
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The West Papua issue emerged in Indonesia in 2019 as a separatist movement, influenced by international intervention from Pacific Island nations. The core factors were West Papuans' desire for self-determination, together with ethnic and cultural differences. However, previous self-determination efforts had been unconvincing. This article aims to explore how Pacific Island countries intervened internationally in West Papua issue and how did Indonesia's Jokowi Administration respond to international intervention. In response, the administration adopted a multi-faceted strategy. Domestically, it pursued peaceful dialogue, economic development and some force suppression. Internationally, it strengthened investment, trade and assistance to Pacific Islands while voicing criticism of foreign intervention. Although not completely resolving the issue, the administration upheld national sovereignty and expanded international ties using diverse approaches. This provides insights into managing similar territorial disputes by balancing sovereign integrity with nuanced foreign relations. While separatism was not fully calmed, Indonesia's strategy highlights the importance of collaborative policymaking to maintain national unity amid complex dynamics.
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Gusarov, Sergiy Mykolaiovych, Olha Zolotar, Marina Belanuk, and Liudmyla Viktorivna Svyrydova. "Legal Principles of Opposition to Separatism in the Modern State." Revista Amazonia Investiga 9, no. 29 (May 18, 2020): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.34069/ai/2020.29.05.4.
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The objective of this article is to determine the factors that contribute to separatism in different countries of the world, as well as to find those means (forms and methods) of counteraction that would lead to an effective and preferably painless solution to such problems. The subject matter of the analysis in this article is social relations that are associated with counteracting the tendencies of separatism in the modern world, as well as the legal basis of such opposition. The following methods of scientific cognition were used while writing the article: systematic approach, logical, semantic, documentary, comparative and legal method. The urgent nature of the research problem has been noted, since the problem of the emergence of separatist movements is quite real for every country in the world. The definitions of the terms of “opposition to separatism” and “legal basis of opposition to separatism” have been offered. Suggestions in regard to overcome this negative phenomenon in a particular state have been provided. Factors that are the “catalysts” of separatism tendencies have been distinguished and stated in details. The historically recorded separatist movements and methods of overcoming them have been analyzed. The authors have made the conclusion about the individual causes and manifestations of separatism in a particular state. It has been proved that the existence of individual features associated with separatism, complicates to a large extent the creation of unique methods to combat this socio-political phenomenon. The authors have emphasized on the urgent need to improve the regulatory base of Ukraine on combating and preventing separatism, in particular, to develop and implement effective preventive, punitive and restorative mechanisms.
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Bobeica, Mihaela-Denisa. "Separatismul în spațiul post-sovietic, între seceră și ciocan / Separatism in the post-Soviet space, between the sickle and the hammer." PLURAL. History, Culture, Society 9, no. 2 (November 20, 2021): 58–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.37710/plural.v9i2_5.
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This paper aims to present a comprehensive and complete analysis of the separatist movements from the ex-Soviet space, especially in the Republic of Moldova. The paper focuses on presenting both the national and international context immediately after the fall of the USSR, as well as the factors that determined the apparition of the separatist movements. Multiple causes and effects are paired and presented to expose the chronology that followed the unfolding of those historical events. The paper is split into three main topics: the Transnistrian conflict and its consequences, the Georgian conflict and its aftermath, and the ongoing conflicts between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
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Ikporukpo, Iyabrade, and Anthony Rufus. "EMERGING SECESSIONIST THREATS IN NIGERIA: A FOCUS ON THE ACTIVITIES OF IPOB AND UNKNOWN GUNMEN IN EASTERN NIGERIA." Research Journal of Humanities, Legal Studies & International Development 5, no. 1 (April 4, 2023): 20–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.48028/iiprds/rjhlsid.v5.i1.03.
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This study examines the reemergence of separatist movements in Nigeria, particularly in the Eastern region, and their impact on the security situation in the country. It reveals that the separatist groups, such as IPOB and Unknown Gunmen, have been able to mobilize support from the Igbo people by highlighting their historical, economic, and political grievances against the Nigerian state. The failure of the Nigerian state to address the legitimate grievances of ethnic minorities has contributed to the emergence of separatist movements. The analysis of reports and data sources shows that the activities of IPOB and Unknown Gunmen have had a significant impact on the security situation in the Eastern region of Nigeria. The findings of this study have important implications for the security and stability of Nigeria. The study concludes that secessionism in Nigeria has a complex and multi-layered history that is rooted in the country's colonial past and perpetuated by the failure of the Nigerian state to address the legitimate grievances of ethnic minorities. The recommendations include addressing the root causes of secessionism, promoting inclusive governance, and engaging in meaningful dialogue with separatist groups. These steps can help to find a peaceful solution to the issue of secessionism and ensure the security and stability of Nigeria.
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Pantuzenko, Evgeny S. "Separatism in Politics and Religion: a Comparative Analysis." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 2 (June 26, 2024): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2024-2-13-18.
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Scientific positions regarding the nature of political and religious separatism are analyzed. The general reasons for the emergence of separatist movements in the religious and political environment are identified. Separatism is considered not only from the point of view of the negative connotations inherent in this concept in the media environment, but also as a constructive phenomenon - a direct consequence of the active development of social relations. It must be recognized that separatism is a complex, multilayered phenomenon in religion and politics, and can have both constructive and destructive effects, leading to internal strife and social upheaval. Because of the close interaction between religion and politics, political and religious separatism have much in common. As a result, a specific kind of separatism - religious and political - is emerging.
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Fedorchenko, A. V. "REPUBLIC OF YEMEN: OVERCOMING SEPARATIST TRENDS." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(31) (August 28, 2013): 205–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-205-211.
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The article deals with ethnic and religious problems of modern Yemen. Based on the analysis of the main barriers between Yemeni societies, the author assesses the political and economic basis of separatist tendencies in the country. In the prospective part of the article the author examines the possible development of disintegration tendencies in the country. The Republic of Yemen is noted for severity and variety of domestic political, sectarian, clan challenges that still manages to soften, but are capable to split the country and lead to the establishment on its territory of the new states in the near future. Despite the fact that the change in top state leadership in Yemen after the "Arab Spring" was held on the softer model compared with Libya or Syria scenario, the transition period is not crowned with the stabilization of the political and economic situation and the onset of systemic reform. The most favorable scenario - the successful completion of a conference on National dialogue involving the main political parties and movements. This is not an easy task, given the negative attitude to this idea of the South Peace Movement and the Movement of al-Husi who are deeply involved in the conflict. Maintaining the status quo - the continuation of the armed conflict in Yemen and growth of base for international terrorism. The negative scenario - the territorial disintegration of the country. In this case, the possible are establishment of two states - South Yemen and North Yemen, as well as creation of an independent state in northern border areas adjacent to Saudi Arabia. The vast majority of the southern Yemeni officials until recently argued for its separation. Decentralization on the basis of the federal state. Separatist tendencies are gaining strength, but as a compromise the creation of a federal state should be considered. The implementation of this option is only possible as a result of peaceful national reconciliation, as well as with external support.
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Oluyemi, Opeoluwa Adisa. "Suggestible Consequences of Militarizing Self-Determination Movements in Nigeria: A Case Study of Yoruba Separatist Movement." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 4, no. 4 (December 4, 2022): 249–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2022.4.4.32.
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Nigeria, as one of the ethnically heterogeneous African states, has been historically confronted with ethnic conflicts and movements for self-determination, which are often followed by the state’s deployment of military armed forces to suppress them. This article uses a deductive thematic analysis of qualitative data obtained from a created Google form, a free online survey link with self-constructed questions to find out the prospect of the Nigerian government deploying military armed forces to suppress the ongoing Yoruba separatist movements as well as suggestible consequences of such militarization. The result unveils a higher prospect of the government militarizing the movement with the outbreak of mass violence as a suggestible outcome. With the theoretical review of the Remedial Theory of self-determination and the exploration of cases of self-determination in post-colonial African states, the article concludes that the possible eruption of mass violence leading to human rights violations and international interventions might result in the dissolution of Nigeria.
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Korenkov, Oleksandr, Olena Balatska, and Yuliya Rashchupkina. "Separatism and Jihadism: Interaction in the Context of Terrorist Activity." Studia Polityczne 50, no. 2 (October 28, 2022): 111–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/stp.2022.50.2.05.
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According to the well-known concept of consequential waves of terrorism, proposed by American researcher David C. Rapoport, since 1979, the world has encountered a wave of religious terrorism. Religiously motivated terrorists are the most dangerous and cruel terrorists who continue to lead the world. All four terrorist groups responsible for 55 per cent of total deaths in 2019 are jihadists (Global Terrorism Index 2020). The Taliban, Boko Haram, ISIL, and Al-Shabaab all fight for the establishment of their own quasi-state entities within the borders of existent sovereign states. This political objective associates the jihadists with another ideological movement – separatist-terrorists – in Rapoport’s model. Despite apparent distinctions in ideological foundations and political agendas, these two movements are similar in their struggle for self-determination within the borders of sovereign states. In this article, we use data from the Global Terrorism Database to compare how these two ideological movements with similar political objectives influence each other in the area of terrorist activity. Having analysed and reviewed information about 3,617 terrorist organisations that committed at least one terrorist attack from 1970 to 2018, we check how jihadist and separatist-terrorist activities were interrelated and how this interrelation manifested itself in different countries.
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Sambanis, Nicholas, Micha Germann, and Andreas Schädel. "SDM: A New Data Set on Self-determination Movements with an Application to the Reputational Theory of Conflict." Journal of Conflict Resolution 62, no. 3 (October 30, 2017): 656–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002717735364.
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This article presents a new data set on self-determination movements (SDMs) with universal coverage for the period from 1945 to 2012. The data set corrects the selection bias that characterizes previous efforts to code SDMs and significantly expands coverage relative to the extant literature. For a random sample of cases, we add information on state–movement interactions and several attributes of SDM groups. The data can be used to study the causes of SDMs, the escalation of self-determination (SD) conflicts over time, and several other theoretical arguments concerning separatist conflict that have previously been tested with incomplete or inferior data. We demonstrate the usefulness of the new data set by revisiting Barbara Walter’s influential argument that governments will not accommodate SD challengers if they face several potential future challengers down the road because they want to build a reputation for strength. We do not find support for Walter’s reputational theory of separatist conflict.
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Mashuri, Ali, and Esther van Leeuwen. "Predicting Support for Reconciliation in Separatist Conflict." Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 44, no. 2 (October 4, 2017): 173–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146167217733076.
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The current research examined two fundamental motives that could lie at the root of separatist groups’ desire to be independent from the nonseparatist majority: the need to maintain the own subgroup identity and the need to preserve power vis-à-vis the majority. These motives were examined in two studies through surveys among samples of indigenous people in West Papua ( N = 201 and N = 248), where separatist movements are actively striving for secession from the Republic of Indonesia. As expected, identity threat increased perceptions of injustice in both studies, whereas power threat increased the need for subgroup empowerment. Perceived injustice and need for subgroup empowerment, in turn, decreased support for reconciliation with the majority. The current research is the first to examine how identity and power motives combine in predicting separatist intentions. The studies reveal important insights that can contribute to the reconciliation of separatist conflict.
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Waty, Reni Rentika, Ibrahim Mifthafariz Mirza, and Najmi Muhammad Fadli. "Separatism Movement and Contemporary Reconciliation: Causes and its Impact towards Political Development in Papua." Jurnal Studi Sosial dan Politik 6, no. 2 (December 31, 2022): 134–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/jssp.v6i2.11953.
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The separatism occurs in Papua that comes from the root of complex problems, resulting in ongoing conflict between the Free Papua Organization (OPM) and the state. Separatism and conflict in Papua have had a significant impact on political development. This research uses Tedd Robert Gurr's theory of relative deprivation and Lucian Pye's theory of political development as well as qualitative methods. This research examines conflicts and separatism that occur in Papua and their relation to Papuan political development. The result of this research indicates that political development in Papua has not been successful. The discrepancy between expectations for progress and realities can lead to significant political violence. The strengthening of collective discontent can be politicized and produce radical and even separatist resistance movements. These conditions can hinder the course of the political development process, because of the difficulty of building integration and creating political stability.
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Matloob, Natasha, Nayab Matloob, and Sumbal Ishaq. "Hybrid Warfare: Strategies and Counterstrategies in the India-Pakistan Rivalry." Journal of Peace and Diplomacy 4, no. 1 (December 31, 2023): 78–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.59111/jpd.004.01.043.
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Hybrid Warfare represents a sophisticated amalgamation of diverse warfare strategies, seamlessly blending both conventional and non-conventional techniques. This nuanced approach encompasses an array of tactics, incorporating elements from fake news to cybercrimes, civil unrest to economic warfare, and diplomacy to separatist movements. Also recognized as asymmetrical or new-generation warfare, its primary objective is not confrontation but to meticulously identify and exploit the fault lines, vulnerabilities, and trigger points within the targeted nation. Pakistan has been subject to hybrid security threats from its historic rival India since the day of independence. The paper sheds light on Indian hybrid warfare against Pakistan which broadly encompasses political and diplomatic support to the separatist movements, targeted campaigns on social media, and hindering the timely completion of CPEC and other developmental projects. Given the intensity of hybrid security threats and their fall-flanged impact on the peace, development, and security of the state, the article has attempted to provide comprehensive policy options for Pakistan to effectively counter the hybrid threats.
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Hrubov, Volodymyr, and Serhii Danylenko. "THE ECONOMIC KEYNOTE OF THE MODERN WAVE OF SEPARATISM IN THE EUROPEAN UNION." Politology bulletin, no. 83 (2019): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.83.51-59.
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Separatism has long been present in Western Europe as a political and social phenomenon. In the 21st century, it is the most manifest in the most affluent and successful countries in the European Union, including the United Kingdom, Spain, Italy, Germany, and Belgium. The paradox of this phenomenon is that the political aspect of the issue, which represents the confrontation between the newly emerged elite of «disobedient territories» and the central authorities, is closely intertwined with the economic factor of regional inequality, which has historically been present in those countries. The objective of the article is, therefore, to elucidate the economic factor in the separatist sentiments in the countries of Old Europe and the role of regional political elites in the formation of separatist sentiments. The methodology used in the course of research includes a number of scientific methods. The historical method helped reveal the features of separatist sentiments in specific EU countries and the internal and external factors that have transformed these sentiments into a commonplace public stance. The comparative method allowed clarifying the peculiarities of separatist movements in particular countries and the intentions of the political discourse in the political and legal field which they produce in order to support the view that secession is more beneficial to all than remaining within the ineffective state system. Finally, the dialectical method made it possible to identify political contradictions between governments and regions within their common history with delicate and contestable moments that secessionists seek to use in their struggle for independence. The manifestation of separatism and secessionist policies by opposition forces has been analysed in Spain, Germany, and the United Kingdom. It is noted that in the United Kingdom, where the rich province of Britain seeks to keep its political influence over the poorer provinces, separatist sentiments in Catalonia (Spain), Bavaria (Germany), South Tyrol (Italy), in Flanders and Wallonia (Belgium) are more akin to whims of human rationality, seeking for even more material possessions for already economically successful provinces with broad autonomy. Based upon the analysis conducted, the following findings have been arrived at. First, European separatism is not a one-dimensional phenomenon and includes economic as well as political, ethnic and national motives. Second, European separatism varies from country to country: in the UK, it is categorical for long-term purposes and historically caused by the negative effects of colonization policies by the British in other provinces; in Spain, it is nationally and culturally specific, based on identity and history; and in Germany, it is «soft» in form and restrained in manifestation, with autonomy and federalization not destroying the state.
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Hrubov, Volodymyr, and Serhii Danylenko. "THE ECONOMIC KEYNOTE OF THE MODERN WAVE OF SEPARATISM IN THE EUROPEAN UNION." Politology bulletin, no. 83 (2019): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2019.83.51-59.
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Separatism has long been present in Western Europe as a political and social phenomenon. In the 21st century, it is the most manifest in the most affluent and successful countries in the European Union, including the United Kingdom, Spain, Italy, Germany, and Belgium. The paradox of this phenomenon is that the political aspect of the issue, which represents the confrontation between the newly emerged elite of «disobedient territories» and the central authorities, is closely intertwined with the economic factor of regional inequality, which has historically been present in those countries. The objective of the article is, therefore, to elucidate the economic factor in the separatist sentiments in the countries of Old Europe and the role of regional political elites in the formation of separatist sentiments. The methodology used in the course of research includes a number of scientific methods. The historical method helped reveal the features of separatist sentiments in specific EU countries and the internal and external factors that have transformed these sentiments into a commonplace public stance. The comparative method allowed clarifying the peculiarities of separatist movements in particular countries and the intentions of the political discourse in the political and legal field which they produce in order to support the view that secession is more beneficial to all than remaining within the ineffective state system. Finally, the dialectical method made it possible to identify political contradictions between governments and regions within their common history with delicate and contestable moments that secessionists seek to use in their struggle for independence. The manifestation of separatism and secessionist policies by opposition forces has been analysed in Spain, Germany, and the United Kingdom. It is noted that in the United Kingdom, where the rich province of Britain seeks to keep its political influence over the poorer provinces, separatist sentiments in Catalonia (Spain), Bavaria (Germany), South Tyrol (Italy), in Flanders and Wallonia (Belgium) are more akin to whims of human rationality, seeking for even more material possessions for already economically successful provinces with broad autonomy. Based upon the analysis conducted, the following findings have been arrived at. First, European separatism is not a one-dimensional phenomenon and includes economic as well as political, ethnic and national motives. Second, European separatism varies from country to country: in the UK, it is categorical for long-term purposes and historically caused by the negative effects of colonization policies by the British in other provinces; in Spain, it is nationally and culturally specific, based on identity and history; and in Germany, it is «soft» in form and restrained in manifestation, with autonomy and federalization not destroying the state.
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Maundeni, Zibani, Edgar Bwalya, and Phana Kwerepe. "The Rise of Barotse Separatist Nationalism in Zambia: Can Its Associated Violence Be Prevented?" Journal of Politics and Law 8, no. 4 (November 29, 2015): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v8n4p263.
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This paper explores the idea that poor governance explains the rise of separatist nationalism in situations such as Zambia, Eritrea, Sudan and Somalia (in Africa) that had previously been independently governed during the colonial times, but later joined other states at independence to enjoy normal politics, but later degenerated into violent separatist nationalism. Our argument is that centralisation of power in an environment in which cultural groups are calling for regional autonomy, for even development, and for the international community to intervene on the side of peace, create grounds that explain the rise of violent separatist movements. The Barotseland Protectorate negotiated for autonomous development and, after securing constitutional guarantees in its favour, voluntarily joined Zambia in what was expected to be a one nation, two states system. After four decades of resisting constitutional amendments in favour of the centralisation of power, the Barotse of Zambia abandoned the politics of autonomous development and started calling for a separate state. Their resolve to remain peaceful is not aided by the international community that is reluctant to intervene, exposing the political process to radicals who consider violence as an alternative. The paper argues that violent separatist politics is preventable.
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Karolak-Michalska, Magdalena. "Ruchy etnopolityczne mniejszości rosyjskiej w państwach byłego ZSRR po aneksji Krymu do Rosji." Cywilizacja i Polityka 15, no. 15 (October 26, 2017): 264–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.5471.
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The aim of the article is to analyze the ethno-political movements of the Russian minority in post-Soviet countries after the annexation of the Crimea to Russia and attempt to answer the research question: how annexation of the Crimea caused and / or strengthened among the Russian minority living in those countries with separatist tendencies. The author analyzes the activity of Russians living in former Soviet republics selected, pointing to their behavior towards annexation and activity within the organization in which they operate. In his concluding remarks comes to the conclusion that due to the annexation of the Crimea to Russia, ethno-political movements of the Russian minority in post-Soviet area will be even more strongly oppose discrimination against the Russian people and actively fight for their rights. The current activity of the Russian post-Soviet area suggests that they will continue to work towards achieving its goals, while activity is (also of a separatist) will depend largely on domestic policy the authorities of the country in which they live, as well as the Kremlin's policy to compatriots abroad.
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Obushnyi, Mykola. "SEPARATISM IN THE CONFLICTIZATION OF PUBLIC LIFE." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 24 (2019): 123–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2019.24.22.
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The article deals with the coverage of one of the most conflicting contemporary social phenomena - separatism. Its emergence is compounded by the widespread of contradiction between two principles of modern international law - the selfdetermination of peoples and the territorial integrity of states. In seeking for resolving of this contradiction, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe recommends protecting the possibility of exercising the right of ethnic minorities to their selfdetermination without providing an autonomous right to their separation. Thus, the recommendation of the Parliamentary Assembly not only provided ample opportunity for a deeper understanding of the principle of self-determination of nations, but also expanded the use of new varieties of separatism terms: secession; irredentism; enosis; devolution. To confirm this conclusion, we have analyzed the activities of a number of separatist parties and movements legally operating in Europe, in particular in the United Kingdom (Scottish National Party), Canada (Liberal Party of Quebec), Spain (Buck Nationalist Party, Catalonia Independence Movement), etc. Concerning Catalonia's independence, the article emphasized that today in Europe, as in the whole world, such a political and legal situation has emerged that it is impossible to recognize its independence. Accordingly, any protests by the Catalans will be considered as unconstitutional. Given the conflicting nature of separatism both in Catalonia and in other regions of European countries, it is possible that the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe may subsequently propose changes and additions to the interpretation of international legal principles in order to more effectively remove the contradiction between the right of nations and the right to self-expression territorial integrity of states.
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Rast, M. C. "‘Ireland’s sister nations’: internationalism and sectarianism in the Irish struggle for independence, 1916–22." Journal of Global History 10, no. 3 (October 5, 2015): 479–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022815000236.
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AbstractFollowing the First World War, nationalists in several parts of the British empire amplified their calls for greater self-government. Activists in Egypt, India, and Ireland portrayed themselves as representatives of movements for national self-determination. Their opponents countered that religious divisions undermined these groups’ claims to nationhood, making the presence of an outside power necessary to protect minorities. Activists formed networks and positioned themselves as parts of a worldwide anti-imperialist movement. Their opponents used these ties in attempts to portray separatist movements as foreign-inspired and socialist. Irish republicans and their global counterparts also struggled with accusations of sectarianism as they advanced their independence claims. This article examines Irish republicans’ connections with international revolutionaries. The confluence of political and religious identities there and in other parts of the British empire provided a pretext for continued imperial engagement. Partition forced nationalists to adjust to new geographic and demographic realities in their post-independence states.
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Rocchi, Tony. "The Russian Black Hundreds Movement and its Place in the Past and Present of European Populist Parties and Movements: an Exercise in Comparative analysis." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 102 (March 1, 2020): 316–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-1-316-334.
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The history of the prerevolutionary Russian Black Hundreds movement is an integral part of the general European history of populist parties and movements, especially of the far-right type. However, the European context of the Black Hundreds is not reflected in Russian and foreign historiography. This absence of a broader context for the study of the Black Hundreds constitutes a huge blank spot in our understanding of this complex and often contradictory political phenomenon. This article examines the groundbreaking possibilities of studying the Black Hundreds phenomenon in a European context of the history of populist parties and movements. A comparative approach to the study of the Black Hundreds movement would help us to understand many complexities of its history. By doing a comparative analysis of the Black Hundreds with other European far-right populist movements, we can trace elements of similarities and differences and determine elements of Russian uniqueness. The comparative approach helps us to avoid incorrect conclusions about the essence of the Black Hundreds movements. Incorrect conclusions include identifying the Black Hundreds with traditionalist counter-revolutionary movements from the time of the French and other democratic revolutions between 1770 and 1850 or with fascism, National Socialism and related ideologies in the 20th century. Instead, in many ways, the Black Hundreds movements were the forerunners of today’s mass European far-right populist parties and movements and even centrist and leftist populist parties. Populist parties are protest movements against traditional parties across the political spectrum. It is time to explore the Black Hundreds movement as part of the history of populism. Also through the comparative approach, one can determine the place of the Black Hundreds in the European-wide context of the history of European revolutionary, antirevolutionary, and counterrevolutionary movements, nationalism, the consolidation of ethnic and political nations, questions about the identity of individuals, strata, and societies, and the development of nationalist, separatist, autonomist, and regionalist parties and movements. Studying the Black Hundreds in a broad context has a huge current relevance and helps us to sort through the elements of mythmaking in the history of the Black Hundred phenomenon from its origins to the present day.
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Bayu Setiawan, Arifuddin Uksan, and Ahmed Sukendro. "MANAGEMENT OF HANDLING SEPARATISM (ZULU TRIBE) IN SOUTH AFRICA, BENCHMARKING TO OVERCOME THE PAPUAN CONFLICT." International Journal of Social Science 3, no. 2 (August 3, 2023): 91–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.53625/ijss.v3i2.6292.
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The South African government has succeeded in overcoming the problem of separatism in Zulu, but the Indonesian government still has to face the problem of separatism in Papua. This study aims to make the management of handling separatist movements in South Africa (Zulu Region) a benchmarking for decision makers. This research was conducted with a qualitative descriptive approach. The results of the research show that the root of the problem of separatism, namely the demand for autonomy rights for the Zulu Tribe, has been resolved through peaceful mean. On the other hand, the Government of Indonesia has also made a lot of efforts, in ways that are relatively exactly the same as those taken by the South African, but not yet fully successful. So that it becomes very relevant for the Indonesian government to carry out a thorough evaluation regarding the implementation of the policy of granting special autonomybased on the South African experience
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Stetsyuk, N. M., and M. M. Sheketa. "MORAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECT OF «HISTORICAL TRAUMA» OF THE ETHNIC GROUP. WHETHER SEPARATISM IS BORN OR RAISED?" Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 149 (2021): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2021.149.1.28-35.
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The purpose of research is to explore and analyze the moral and psychological aspects of separatism, which depends on the individual’s demeanor to the problem of inequality. Each ethnic group has a special history of development, but, unfortunately, its history is not always accompanied only by successful victories. Some ethnic groups have been discriminated for a long period of existence, their culture and language have been disrespected and brutally destroyed. The traumatic legacy of the past has always had a profound imprint on the present and future of every nation. The memory of state’s tragic history, and, especially, the history that is connected with the oppression and intolerance of one ethnic group to another one, has hidden manifestations of separatism in its representatives. The desire to restore «justice» has already spread to many countries around the world and even to the most democratic West countries, that also suffer from separatist movements in their territory. Globalization only accelerates these processes and creates even greater schism in the consciousness of such ethnic groups. Separatist’s political and social position is formed as a result of his upbringing in the same environment, where there is the spirit of revenge for the tragic ancestor’s fate and the restoration of long-awaited «justice» and the retribution for the past mistakes.
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Hale, Henry E. "Cause without a Rebel: Kazakhstan's Unionist Nationalism in the USSR and CIS." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 1 (January 2009): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802373603.
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Why would elites or masses in an ethnically distinct region ever opt for “alien rule” over national independence? While separatist movements tend to create the most drama and make the most headlines, mass media and most scholarly accounts pay far less attention to ethnic groups opting to stay in a union state dominated by other groups. Yet such unionist groups are surely more numerous than the separatist ones. Indeed, in the neighborhood of almost every separatist region in a given multi-ethnic state, one can find one or more unionist groups, such as the Yoruba during Nigeria's Biafran Civil War, the Ingush as Chechnya battled the Russian Federation, and the Kannadigas at the peak of Kashmir's struggle for independence from India. Sometimes, unionist groups advocate political integration despite seeming to have every reason to seek secession. Such groups are neglected by analysts only at great cost, because it is precisely these groups that are likely to hold the key to understanding how distinct groups can come to live together in peace.
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Turov, N. "Separatism in Modern Europe: Spatial Effects of Political Changes." World Economy and International Relations 68, no. 3 (2024): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2024-68-3-59-68.
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According to Ryan Griffiths, we’re in the “Age of Secession”. The characteristics of spatial effects typical of European separatism are consistently examined in this paper. The effects of diffusion, proximity, fragmentation, and scale are given special consideration. The space is not homogeneous; separatism erupts with the most vulnerable territories, takes different forms, and has different pace. Since the diffusion effect undoubtedly contributes to the fragmentation of the political space, it takes on distinct forms depending on the historical period. It would be incorrect to claim that separatist movements arise in response to geographic distance only. Social proximity determines spatial influence. Instead, the degree to which separatist actors interact with one another is determined by their territorial proximity. With scale of political activity changing, the correspondent extent, to which political actors influence them, varies as well. As a result, regionalist parties that are not well-known at the federal level play a significant role in local politics. Due to the fragmentation effect, the number of these parties is increasing at the regional level, yet not nationwide. Given the scale effect, regional actors in the EU can interact with supranational structures themselves and gain more power without having to go through national ones. There are more parties with a territorial profile as a result of spatial effects in politics. Political leaders and parties at the national level are compelled to consider their stances, incorporate the regional agenda into their plans, and frequently pursue partnerships with them.
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Asatryan, Georgi, and Jack Kalpakian. "Terrorism and insurgency in Asia: a contemporary examination of terrorist and separatist movements." Critical Studies on Terrorism 14, no. 3 (July 3, 2021): 390–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2021.1943857.
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Killick, John. "Secession as an International Phenomenon: From America's Civil War to Contemporary Separatist Movements." American Nineteenth Century History 14, no. 2 (June 2013): 243–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14664658.2013.816173.
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Shaffer, Ryan. "Jugdep S. Chima.The Sikh Separatist Insurgency in India: Political Leadership and Ethnonationalist Movements." Terrorism and Political Violence 24, no. 3 (July 2012): 511–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2012.684599.
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Nsangou, Azirilou Ndam. "Émergence des mouvements ambazonien et de la brigade anti sardinards (b.a.s): entre quête de souveraineté anglophone et lutte pour le changement socio-politique au Cameroun." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 67, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 185–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2022.1.08.
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"Since the fall of 2016, Cameroon has been the scene of a fratricidal and separatist conflict in its English-speaking part known as North-west and South-west (NWSW). This war has to date caused more than 3,000 loss of human lives, 700,000 Cameroonian refugees, and the closure of nearly 80% of schools. This conflict, orchestrated by a group of secessionist fighters known as ""Amba-boys"", which constitutes the ""Ambazonian movement"", has made the English-speaking regions the most militarized part of Cameroon. At the same time, a protest movement against the capture of power by the Biya regime has been formed since 2018 within the Cameroonian diaspora: the Anti-Sardinards Brigade (B.A.S). The objective of this work is therefore to understand the logic of action and the protest strategies of these two movements. To achieve this, we used a qualitative research method. It appears that these movements are fighting against a common adversary, namely: the regime in power for 40 years. However, their divergence lies at the ideological level and in their conflicting strategies. The Ambazonian movement advocates, through direct violence, secession in order to promote Anglophone sovereignty. While the B.A.S fights for the socio-political change of the country, through indirect violence. Keywords: conflict strategy, protest, movement, Anti Sardinards Brigade, ambazonien movement, conflict, secessionist, sociopolitical change "
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din, Fakhar u., Adeel Irfan, and Qadeer Ahmed. "Balance-Shifting through 'Soft Tactics': A Case Study of Baloch Insurgency." Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VIII, no. II (June 30, 2023): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2023(viii-ii).04.
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This study analyzes the ethnic nationalist movement among Pakistan's Baloch population. The current multifaceted and multi-focused approach of this movement is the result of its development through several periods. Nationalists' use of gentler methods has contributed to the current wave of insurrection. This movement has matured into a class struggle with a militant element that uses both hard and soft tactics to achieve its ends. The advantages and disadvantages of the Baloch Insurgency have been evaluated by looking at how soft tactics fit into the theoretical framework of irregular warfare presented by James D. Kiras. This insurgency has shown, through its use of soft tactics, that it is nearly successful despite the best efforts of law enforcement and the government. The state must guarantee that no resident is without access to food, clothing, and shelter. Local authorities should also discourage nationalist and separatist movements from developing in the region.
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Avramović, Zoran. "SRPSKI (DEZ)INTEGRATIVNI PROCESI–ISKUSTVO S KRAJA HH VEKA." Leskovački zbornik LXII (2022): 345. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lz-lxii.345a.
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The paper presents the structural elements of the concepts of integration and disintegration. The second part analyzes the Serbian disintegration in the SFRY. With the disintegration of the SFRY, one issue particularly affected the Serbs, actually the parts of the Serbian people who lived in the former Yugoslav republics. The unconstitutional, violent separatist political movements in Slovenia, Croatia, BiH, Montenegro and the self-proclaimed NATO states of Kosovo and Metohija had to confront the Serbs who remained in these newly created states with a choice: be committed to national integration or remain loyal to the new national separatist authorities? The issue of treason as the ultimate form of national disintegration is considered. In the third part, the basic causes of national disintegration in the Serbian people during the 6th century are pointed out.
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Frolov, Yulia N. "Youth factor in the separatism development in Spain. The case of Catalonia and Basque Country." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 8 (2021): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0015380-7.
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The article is dedicated to the issue of young people role in separatism in Spain. The phenomenon of separatism is considered as a system where young people can be both a part of the system and an external factor. An attempt is made to trace the evolution of the youth involvement in separatist movements, as well as to identify the main current trends in the attitude of young people to the ideas of nationalism, specifically in the autonomous communities of Catalonia and the Basque Country. The article investigates the results of European empirical studies on the problem of young people political participation both in Spain and in other EU countries, as well as a number of sociological studies on the attitude of the youth to the issues of separatism, nationalism and radicalism. As a result, a number of conclusions are made that indicate the existence of multidirectional trends among modern young Spaniards on issues of separatism, some of these trends are features of the current situation and were not typical for Spanish society earlier.
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Remington, Thomas F. "After the Deluge: Regional Crises and Political Consolidation in Russia. By Daniel S. Treisman. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999. 262p. $57.50." American Political Science Review 95, no. 1 (March 2001): 247–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401722010.
Full textAbstract:
Daniel Treisman offers an ingenious explanation for the fact that the Russian Federation held together after the collapse of the Soviet regime. Unlike the three other ethnic federa- tions in the communist world-Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, and the USSR itself-the Russian Federation, which was the largest of the 15 nationally based constituent republics in the Soviet Union, avoided disintegration. Many observers in the early 1990s feared the same pressures that had led to powerful separatist movements among the Soviet republics would prove too strong for the fragile central government to resist. Yet, Russia managed to maintain itself as a federal state, albeit weak. The one constituent republic in which separatism ultimately led to armed confrontation was Chech- nia, where a brutal war began in 1994, paused in 1996, and erupted again in 1999.