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Journal articles on the topic 'Serampore Mission'

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1

Daigle-Williamson, Marsha, Robert Woods, and Donald Alban. "The Writings of William Carey: Journalism as Mission in a Modern Age." Mission Studies 22, no. 1 (2005): 85–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338305774783667.

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AbstractWilliam Carey is reviewed as both product and producer of journalism, with an emphasis on the latter and its synergistic relationship to his mission work and the work of others. Carey's philosophy of life was formed largely by the written works of his predecessors and contemporaries. Specifically, Jonathan Edwards, John Bunyan, Jeremy Taylor, Captain James Cook, and Robert Hall, among others, clearly affected his outlook on theology, missions, Bible translation, ecumenism, and a host of related topics. Writings by Cook opened Carey's eyes to distant people, whom he evaluated in the light of his journalistically influenced theology. Consequently, Carey became concerned about the spiritual and moral state of the world abroad. His concern found expression in the Enquiry – a polemic for missionary work – and ultimately led him to Bengal, where his own attempts to influence people through journalism expanded.Carey's own writings and those of his colleagues at the Serampore Mission are the most obvious examples of his journalistic works. But they hardly stand alone. Thus, after the authors describe the emergence and significance of the Enquiry and the Serampore Press, they refer to other publications printed either at Serampore or elsewhere in response to the press' influence. Among these are works as diverse as textbooks, governmental publications, and periodical apologetics for Hinduism. The Serampore mission's expansion of Indian literacy also is reviewed because of its relevance to understanding the influence of others' writings on his life's philosophy and work. It further helps to shed light on Carey's distinct approach to evangelization, presented herein as a form of inculturation. Lastly, many would not have become readers of the mission's works had it not equipped them to read through its network of native schools. The authors suggest that Serampore's journalistic mission extended beyond the mere production of writings; it also included the production of a readership.
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2

Smith, A. Christopher. "The Edinburgh Connection: Between the Serampore Mission and Western Missiology." Missiology: An International Review 18, no. 2 (April 1990): 185–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182969001800206.

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Voilà! A pre-Victorian publication which evaluated voluntary-society mission-structures and so anticipated many insights that mission statesmen would develop during the nineteenth century. The “declaration of intent” produced by Baptist leaders from Serampore and Edinburgh in the mid-1820s challenged the Baptist Missionary Society to overhaul its promotion and supervision of missions overseas. Unfortunately, this constructive appeal was never granted a considered public response by metropolitan leaders, and it slipped out of mission minds within a decade or so. Its rediscovery sheds light on the identity of the post-Ward “Serampore Fraternity” and their prophetic missiological legacy.
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3

Coker, Joe L. "Developing a Theory of Missions in Serampore." Mission Studies 18, no. 1 (2001): 42–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338301x00054.

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AbstractThis paper explores the evolution of the mission theory of William Carey and his compatriots over the course of their careers and reevaluates the lasting impact that these changes had upon Protestant missions to India in the nineteenth century. During their first two decades in Serampore, Carey, Ward, and Marshman reevaluated and modified their understanding of what they considered to be the best "means for the conversion of the heathens." This article follows the development from Carey's early emphasis upon evangelism and translation work to the increasing emphasis that the trio placed upon education during the first decades of the nineteenth century. Struck by the realization that European efforts at preaching and translating were insufficient to accomplish the mammoth task of converting all of India to Christ, Carey and company turned to education as the best hope for the long-term success of their mission. An examination of efforts made by William Ward to elicit financial support for these new educational undertakings, however, reveals the difficulty they faced in trying to convince supporters in England and America to rethink their approach to missions. Despite recent revisionist critiques of the significance of the Serampore mission for missions theory, this paper concludes that the development of a broader understanding of"means" in Serampore laid an important foundation for all other missions to India that followed.
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4

Winter, Ralph D. "William Carey's Major Novelty." Missiology: An International Review 22, no. 2 (April 1994): 203–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182969402200205.

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The nature of the Serampore Brotherhood is important both for its influence on later history and for its relevance to unresolved structural quarrels today, in which even the United States government is involved. New misson agencies are forming all over the globe in increasing numbers, and they are picking their patterns without a great deal of historical reflection. This article does not evaluate the Brotherhood from the standpoint of its mission strategy, but in terms of its human resource development and maintenance—as a mutually accountable, self-governing fellowship that may be the most important single dimension of a mission outreach.
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5

Smith, A. Christopher. "A Tale of Many Models: The Missiological Significance of the Serampore Trio." Missiology: An International Review 20, no. 4 (October 1992): 479–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182969202000405.

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What were the mission models that Carey and his company at Serampore worked from, worked with, worked at, and then bequeathed to the so-called modern missionary movement? In what senses was their mission in Bengal, 200 years ago, part of a unique period of transition between contrasting eras of Protestant mission history? Inquiry into such questions leads one to distinguish between model-making and myth-making in mission promotion and mission history. This sheds entirely new light on the missiological significance of a venerable Baptist trinity: William Carey, William Ward, and Joshua Marshman.
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6

Min, Ma. "Joshua Marshman and the First Chinese Book Printed with Movable Metal Type." Journal of Cultural Interaction in East Asia 6, no. 1 (May 1, 2015): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jciea-2015-060102.

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Abstract In 1998 in an essay published in Lishi yanjiu, I once discussed the pioneering efforts of Joshua Marshman and Joannes Lassar in the early nineteenth century to produce a Chinese translation of the Bible in Serampore, India. In this essay I mentioned that the Gospel of John 若翰所書之福音, translated and printed by Marshman and Lassar in 1813, “was in fact the first Chinese book printed using movable metal type.”Today, fifteen years later, I have not yet seen any new discoveries requiring that I revise my assertions, and recently I had an opportunity to visit Serampore, to inspect what remains of the old Mission Press, and to collect some books and materials preserved there. This experience greatly enhanced my understanding of this episode of history. Hence, here I would like to use the materials I have at hand to discuss in more detail the early Chinese books printed with movable metal type and the achievements of the missionaries at Serampore in printing Chinese.
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7

Schroeder, Edward H. "Book Review: The Serampore Mission Enterprise: Studies in the Gospel Interface with Indian Contexts." Missiology: An International Review 36, no. 2 (April 2008): 272–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182960803600222.

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8

Young, Richard Fox. "Was the Sanskrit Bible the ‘English Bible-in-Disguise’?" International Journal of Asian Christianity 1, no. 2 (September 11, 2018): 177–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25424246-00102002.

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The essay explores Bible translation in early nineteenth-century India as a comprehensive and under-appreciated site for intercultural and interreligious interactions involving Christians and Hindus in a complex context of asymmetrical colonial relations. Postcolonial theorists are interrogated for theory-driven approaches that lopsidedly rely on English-language resources without taking into account the actual Indian-language artefacts of translation projects that came into being. Using a philological approach, the essay treats the Dharmapustaka, the Sanskrit Bible translated at the Serampore Baptist Mission, as a case study in ‘transculturation’—a multidimensional process catalyzed by an English missionary, William Carey, on the edges between India and Europe.
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9

Ahn, Heui Yeol. "The Impact of William Carey’s Educational Mission in India on Christian Mission: Focusing on the Evaluation of Conflict Resolution between Serampore Mission and the British Mission Headquarters." Mission and Theology 54 (June 30, 2021): 303–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17778/mat.2021.06.54.303.

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10

Smith, A. Christopher. "MYTHOLOGY AND MISSIOLOGY: A METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH TO THE PRE-VICTORIAN MISSION OF THE SERAMPORE TRIO." International Review of Mission 83, no. 330 (July 1994): 451–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1758-6631.1994.tb03417.x.

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11

Byun, Chang Uk. "Mission Theology of William Carey: Focused on William Carey’s “An Inquiry”(1792) and “Serampore Covenant”(1805)." Theology of Mission 56 (November 30, 2019): 288–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.14493/ksoms.2019.4.288.

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12

Shaw, Graham W. "Communications Between Cultures: Difficulties in the Design and Distribution of Christian Literature in Nineteenth-Century India." Studies in Church History 38 (2004): 339–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015916.

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The nineteenth century, saw the heyday of Protestant missionary activity in the Indian subcontinent. South Asia – even then with one fifth of the world’s population – was such a magnet for Christian missionaries that it was estimated that one-third of all such ‘labourers in foreign lands’ were operating there. This was despite the deliberate policy of the East India Company to discourage missionary activity in India (used throughout this paper in the old sense of ‘undivided India’) as liable to foment unrest and therefore upset theeconomichealth of the country which from the Company’s perspective was of paramount importance, not itsspiritualwell-being. This antipathy was the reason, for instance, why William Carey and colleagues founded their famous pioneering mission in 1798 not in Calcutta in the Company’s territory but further up the Hooghly river in the tiny settlement of Serampore then under Danish rule.
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13

Porter, Andrew. "Language, ‘Native Agency’, and Missionary Control: Rufus Anderson’s Journey to India, 1854-5." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 13 (2000): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002799.

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In the early years of the modern missionary movement there were many influences which turned minds towards support for the general principle and practice of reliance on ‘native agency’. Strategies of conversion such as those of the London Missionary Society and the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions at work in the Pacific, which aimed at kings or other influential local leaders, at least implicitly allotted important roles to the leadership and example of highly-placed converts. Awareness of the scale of the missionary task in densely-populated regions, contrasted with the limits of the western missionary input, pointed to the need for delegation as quickly as possible. The Serampore missionaries, Alexander Duff and Charles Gutzlaff, all travelled early down that road. Financial crisis – manifested either locally as Dr John Philip found in South Africa, or centrally as when the Church Missionary Society decided in the early 1840s to withdraw from the West Indies - prompted inevitable questions about the possibilities for deployment of local agents, who were far cheaper than Europeans.
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14

CHOI, DANIEL KAM-TO. "The Baptist Endeavours in Biblical Translation in China before the Chinese Union Version." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 30, no. 2 (July 3, 2019): 341–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186319000270.

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AbstractThe purpose of this study is to present a historical review of the Bible translation of Baptist missionaries in China before the publication of the Chinese Union Version (CUV) in early twentieth century, especially the significance of the Baptist translations in this period. This study will also discuss the differences in translation approaches and practices of the Baptists from other denominations.The history of Chinese Bible translation by the Baptists started when English Baptist missionary Joshua Marshman (1768–1837) and his Armenian helper Johannes Lassar (1781–1835?) published their translation of the whole Bible in 1822 in Serampore. In the 1840s, the Protestant missionaries from different countries and missions decided to translate the Bible into classical Chinese with standardised terminologies for the names and terms in the Bible. This version was known as the Delegates’ Version and was the most important project of common Bible before the CUV. However, it uncovered heavy hiccup and disputes in translating, especially the difficulties in translating religious terms into Chinese. Their biggest point of contention was which, Shen or Shangdi, was the suitable translation of the word “God.” Furthermore, the Baptists insisted Shen as well as Jin (which meant “immerse”) for baptism, while the others recommended Xi (which meant “wash”). In the end, the Baptists withdrew from the translation committee and translated several versions in classical Chinese only by themselves between the 1840s and the 1870s. Until the early twentieth century, Baptist missionaries dedicated themselves to translating the Bible into various Chinese dialects.Although the Baptists had excellent achievements in the history of Bible translation, they had only played an insignificant role in the project of the CUV and shared the consequent of the CUV after its publication. This paper aims to investigate the work of the Baptists in several aspects, including their translation approaches and problems as well as their significance in the history of Chinese Bible translation.
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15

Kommers, Johan. "De Enquiry en het Serampore ‘Form of Agreement’: William Carey als zendingsstrateeg voor de 21ste eeuw." In die Skriflig/In Luce Verbi 47, no. 1 (November 29, 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ids.v47i1.74.

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Wereldwijd is aandacht gegeven aan de 250ste geboortedag van William Carey. Tot op de dag van vandaag wordt hij herinnerd als een zendingsman die met zijn visie voor de zending van blijvende betekenis is. Zijn leven is het onderwerp geweest van meer dan vijftig biografieën en deelstudies, maar het blijft moeilijk hem onder één noemer te vatten. Hij wordt genoemd de stichter en de vader van de moderne zending (Smith 1885:437), maar óók een groot staatsman, een onderlegde botanist, en een echte vriend van Bengalen en India (Davis 1963:73). Carey was in alle opzichten een pionier, die zich hierin onderscheidde van anderen uit zijn tijd dat zijn zendingswerk diep geworteld was in een verscheidenheid van seculiere wetenschappen. Zijn werk geeft een ‘turning point’ (Neill 1982:261) aan voor het zendingswerk in de 19e eeuw. De geloofscrisis binnen de kerken van het Westen heeft geleid tot een verlies van overtuiging dat het geloof in Christus Jezus zó essentieel is, dat zonder geloof in Hem mensen verloren gaan. We vragen ons af, ’Hoe komt het dat Carey tot op heden in de wereld van de missiologie blijft meetellen?’ Wij doen onszelf te kort wanneer we niet luisteren naar zijn stem, mede omdat ‘in the whole history of the church no nobler man has ever given himself so fully to the service of the Redeemer’ (Neill et al. 1971:83). Hij had een visie op zending, maar ook een concreet plan om tot uitvoering van zijn visie te komen. Carey is met zijn zendingsprincipes voor de 21ste eeuw een modern zendingsstrateeg.Worldwide attention has been given to William Carey’s 250th birthday in 2011. He is remembered today as a man of distinguished importance for his work in India and his vision for missions. Though his life has been the subject of more than fifty biographies and case studies, it is difficult to view him under one common denominator. He has been called the ‘founder and father of modern missions’ (Smith 1885:437) and ‘a great statesman, a skilled botanist and a real friend of Bengal and the rest of India’ (Davis 1963:73). In all aspects he was a pioneer. Distinguishing him from others, we see that his mission work is deeply rooted in a variety of secular disciplines. His work indicates a turning point (Neill 1982:261) in 19th-century mission work. The religious crisis in the Western churches has led to a loss of conviction that belief in Christ Jesus is vital, and that without faith in Him people are lost. We ask the question, ’Why does Carey still feature in the world of missions today?’ We wrong ourselves when we do not listen to his voice, because it has been said that ‘in the whole history of the church no nobler man has ever given himself so fully to the service of the Redeemer’ (Neill et al. 1971:83). He had a vision1 for missions, but also a concrete plan for the realisation of this vision. For the 21st century Carey with his mission principles is a modern mission strategist.
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16

Hung, Nguyen Danh, Nguyen Thanh Chung, Ly Ngoc Sam, and Le Thi Huong. "Amomum glabrum S. Q. Tong (Zingiberace), a new record for the flora of Vietnam." VNU Journal of Science: Natural Sciences and Technology 35, no. 4 (December 22, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.25073/2588-1140/vnunst.4886.

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Abstract: Amomum glabrum S. Q. Tong (Zingiberaceae), collected from the Provinces in North Central Vietnam (Thanh Hoa province: Xuan Lien Nature Reserve; Nghe An: Pu Mat National Park, Pu Huong and Pu Hoat Nature Resever; Ha Tinh: Vu Quang National Park; Quang Binh: Phong Nha-Ke Bang National Park; Thừa Thiên Huế: Bạch Mã National Park), is reported here as a new record for the flora of Vietnam, which raised the species number of Amomum to 13. A detailed description and coloured photographs are provided along with data on distribution, ecology, phenology, conservation status and notes on the relative species Keywords: Amomum, Amomum glabrum, North Central, Zingiberaceae. References [1] de Boer H., Newman M., Poulsen A.D., Droop A.J., Fér T., Lê T.T.H., Hlavatá K., Lamxay V., Richardson J.E., Steffen K. & Leong-Škorničková J., Convergent morphology in Alpinieae (Zingiberaceae): Recircumscribing Amomum as amonophyletic genus, Taxon 67 (1) (2018) 6–36.[2] Gagnepain F., Amomum. In: Lecomte, P. H., Fl. Indo-Chine 6(1) (1908) 102–117.[3] Pham Hoang Ho, An illustrated Flora of Vietnam 3: 432–461, Youth Publication, Ho Chi Minh City (in Vietnamese).[4] Nguyen Quoc Binh, Classification Research in the Zingiberaceae in Vietnam, Biology PhD., Ha Noi, 2011 (in Vietnamese).[5] V. Lamxay and M.F. Newman, Are vision of Amomum (Zingiberaceae) in Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam, Edinburgh Journal of Botany 69(1) (2012) 99-206.[6] Ly Ngoc Sam & Jana Leong-Skornickova, Amomum cristatissimum (Zingiberaceae: Alpinieae), a new species with echinate fruits from central Vietnam, Nordic Journal of Botany 36(3) (2018) https://doi.org/10.1111/njb.01691.[7] Wu D.L. and Larsen K., Flora of China 24: 347-356. St Louis: Missouri Botanical Garden Press, and Beijing: Science Press, 2000.[8] S.Q. Tong, Some new taxa of Zingiberaceae from Yunnan, Acta Phytotaxonomica Sinica 27(4) (1989) 277–292.[9] W. Roxburgh, Amomum. In: Flora Indica 1 (1820) 37–46. Serampore: Mission Press.
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