Academic literature on the topic 'Serbia – Politics and government – 2000-2002'

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Journal articles on the topic "Serbia – Politics and government – 2000-2002"

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Irvine, Jill A., and Carol S. Lilly. "Boys Must be Boys: Gender and the Serbian Radical Party, 1991–2000." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 1 (2007): 93–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990601124553.

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On 27 June 2004, Serbian voters went to the polls for the third time in a year to choose a president. The winner of the first two rounds of voting, Tomislav Nikolić, Deputy to the President of the extreme right Serbian Radical Party (SRS), lost the third round of voting to the more liberal Borisav Tadić by just under 8 percentage points (53.2 to 45.4), and the Radicals failed to form a ruling coalition in government. Nevertheless, more than five years after the last war in the disintegration of the Yugoslav state, the largest political party in the largest of the successor states has been char
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Kisić, Izabela. "The Media and Politics: The Case of Serbia." Southeastern Europe 39, no. 1 (2015): 62–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03901004.

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For over a decade media legislation, controversial as it was, has been a matter of controversy in Serbia. It was only in 2011 that a newly adopted media strategy developed by European Union and Council of Europe criteria hinted at change for the better as it envisaged the amendment of the entire media legislation (about 18 laws). Consequently, three new laws were passed in 2014: on public information and the media; on broadcast media; and, on public broadcasting service. Ten laws are still pending – either to be amended or adopted. After the change of the regime in 2000, the media legislation
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Satjukow, Elisa. "The Making of 24 March. Commemorations of the 1999 NATO Bombing in Serbia, 1999–2019." Comparative Southeast European Studies 70, no. 2 (2022): 289–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2022-0011.

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Abstract The author takes the 20th anniversary of the NATO intervention as a starting point to reflect on the commemorations of 24 March 1999, distinguishing three phases of memory politics: First, the Making of 24 March (1999–2000) by Slobodan Milošević, which initiated a hegemonic narrative of Serbian martyrdom; second, the Long Period of Ambiguity (2001–2014) shaped by the former democratic governments, who pursued a policy of reconciliation without questioning the one-sided memory in relation to the war in Kosovo; and third, the Return of 24 March with Aleksandar Vučić’s rise to power, whi
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Golubovic, Zagorka. "Politics and everyday life: Serbia 1999-2002." Filozofija i drustvo, no. 19-20 (2002): 307–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0209307g.

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A field study is accomplished in 20 towns in Serbia by the method of deep interview. The objective of the investigation: to find out how the citizens themselves have experienced the last years of the former regime as well as the change after the 5th of October, 2000. The study is focused on the attitudes of the informants regarding the reasons of the fall of the former regime and the motives which have (or have not) moved them to involve in the struggle for social change; of the experience of the very date of the turnover: of the changes after that period, as well as of the attitudes toward th
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Jarić, Isidora. "Generation W: From the Young People’s Perspective." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 3, no. 3 (2008): 203–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v3i3.11.

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This paper discusses the position of young people in Serbia after October 5th 2000, as can be inferred from the evidence collected in the study ‘Politics and everyday life: Serbia 1999-2002’. The author identifies amongst young people four basic modes of selfpositioning within the current social context, as described by the following labels: ‘B92 generation’, ‘provincials’, ‘fundamentalists’ and ‘guests’. These views encompass politics, their own social and political engagement, views of the future, and their own selves.
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Nielsen, Christian Axboe. "The goalposts of transition: football as a metaphor for Serbia's long journey to the rule of law." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 1 (2010): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903386611.

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Football (soccer) provides a useful prism for analysis of the long transition of the Serbian state and society since 1991. To a striking extent, the world of professional football and the attendant phenomena of financial corruption and football hooliganism have informed both the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia and the current concerted attempt to create a “European Serbia.” During the 1990s, football in Serbia to a significant extent became synonymous with organized crime and the criminalization of the Serbian state. Since 2000, the persistent phenomena of crime, violent hooliganism and l
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Gordon, Bardos. "The Balkans' new political dynamic." Balcanica, no. 37 (2006): 283–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0637283g.

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The Balkans is currently going through its most profound period of change since Slobodan Milosevic's overthrow in October 2000. Montenegro has declared its independence from the state union of Serbia and Montenegro; the Kosovo future status talks are in their final stages and by all indications will suggest some form of independence for the Serbian province; new governments are in place in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Macedonia; while the results of Serbia?s January 2007 elections suggest that Serbian politics will be unstable for the foreseeable future. All of this is occurring at a time when two o
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Korać, Srđan, and Aleksandra Bulatović. "The role of civil society organisations in initiating an anti-corruption policy in Serbia." Srpska politička misao 79, no. 1 (2023): 101–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spm79-42800.

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The paper illuminates how civil society organisations in Serbia, in the aftermath of the political changes initiated on 5 October 2000, played the essential role in articulating corruption as a vital public issue, raising awareness of the public, and putting pressure on the then governments to include this issue in the political agenda. Our analysis focuses on two planes of civil society organisations activities: 1) research efforts aimed at properly understanding the phenomenology of corruption as the first step towards sound conceptualisation of various anti-corruption measures, and 2) educa
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Clark, Janine. "National Minorities and the Milošević Regime." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 2 (2007): 317–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701254375.

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In April 1994, the Croatian government of the late Franjo Tudjman demanded that all “non white” UN troops be removed from Croatia, claiming that only “first-world troops” were sufficiently sensitized to Croatia's problems. In Western circles, however, it was Tudjman's Serbian counterpart, Slobodan Milosevic, who was often portrayed as a racist. Ramet, for example, argues that “Milosevic built his power on a foundation of hatred and xenophobia …”; Zimmermann refers to “the ethnic hatred sown by Milosevic and his ilk …”; and Duncan and Holman compare Milosevic to Russia's Vladimir Zhirinovsky, c
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Scarrow, Susan E. "Party Finance Scandals and their Consequences in the 2002 Election: Paying for Mistakes?" German Politics and Society 21, no. 1 (2003): 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503003782353600.

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The issue of political finance crucially shaped German politicaldynamics in the first three years of the 1998-2002 legislative period.By the year 2000 political finance scandals were being labeled the“dominant theme in German politics.”1 Scarcely a year into the firstred-green government, the national political mood was cruciallytransformed by the repercussions of a political finance scandal thatunseated leading figures in the CDU. These scandals, and the ensuingupheaval within the CDU, gave the faltering red-green coalitiona chance to regroup after its weak start in office, so that at one poi
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Serbia – Politics and government – 2000-2002"

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Djerasimović, Sanja. "Formation of the civic education policy as a discursive project in post-2000 Serbia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2a15894a-8189-44e5-a6b6-edcc14bf5c54.

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The introduction of civic education to Serbian primary and secondary schools in 2001 marked a beginning of an all-encompassing education reform that followed the country's 2000 'democratic revolution'. In the context of a socio-political shift from various authoritarian regimes, including the 1945-1990 state socialism and 1990-2000 nationalist authoritarianism, the policy set the tone for future changes that were designed to support democratisation of Serbia, and assist its return to Europe (Birzea, 1994). A part of the broader programme for democratisation of education and education for democ
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Hoogbaard, Morne. "China's rise to superpower status : problems and prospects." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52163.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The research assignment examines pertinent factors affecting the political, economic and social landscape of the development of the People's Republic of China (PRC). Domestic conditions within the PRC are influencing its foreign policy behaviour in the international arena. The PRC's internal environment will thus determine the extent of its external presence.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die werkstuk bestudeer die relevante faktore wat die politieke, ekonomiese en sosiale landskap ten opsigte van die Republiek van China (PRC)
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MARJANOVIC, Dragana. "An empirical study of the changes in the attitudes about nationality-related issues among the Serbian population related to the political context of 2000-02." Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6342.

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Defence date: 29 June 2006<br>Examining board: Prof. Jaap Dronkers, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Prof. Dejan Jović (Stirling, UK) ; Prof. Michael Keating (European University Institute) ; Prof. Aleksandar Pavković (Macquarie, Australia)(Co-Supervisor)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017<br>By using empirical data, this research considers whether there are changes in the saliencies of attitudes about nationality-related issues in contemporary Serbia, and if so, whether they can be linked to the political
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Books on the topic "Serbia – Politics and government – 2000-2002"

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Milošević, Milan. Political guide to Serbia 2000. 2nd ed. Media center, 2000.

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Serbia, Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in. Human rights in Serbia 2000. Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, 2001.

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Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia. Human rights in Serbia 2000. Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, 2001.

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Alendar, Branislava, and Jelica M. Minić. South Eastern Europe 2000: A view from Serbia. Stubovi kulture, 1999.

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Kongres, Socijalistička partija Srbije. Serbia 2000: A step into the new century. Socialist Party of Serbia, 1996.

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Mitrovic, R. V. Milosevic down fall and collapse of orthodox militarism and communism in Serbia: Diary Serbia 2000. Gea, 2001.

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Todosijević, Bojan. Politics of world views: Ideology and political behavior in Serbia, 1990-2002. VDM Verlag Dr. Müller, 2008.

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Panajotović, Tomislav G. Dnevnik jednog poslanika: (2001-2002) : (Skupština iznutra). NESSK, 2002.

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Stanojlović, Seška. Tačka razlaza: Povodom polemike vođene na stranicama lista Vreme od 1. avgusta do 21. novembra 2002. Helsinški odbor za ljudska prava u Srbiji, 2003.

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Međunarodni naučni skup "Velika Srbija--istine, zablude, zloupotrebe" (2002 Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti u Beogradu). Great Serbia: Truth, misconceptions, abuses : papers presented at the International Scientific Meeting held in the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts Belgrade, October 24-26, 2002. Edited by Krestić Vasilije. The Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, 2004.

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Book chapters on the topic "Serbia – Politics and government – 2000-2002"

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Werth, Dirk. "E-Government Interoperability." In Encyclopedia of Information Science and Technology, First Edition. IGI Global, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-59140-553-5.ch174.

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The rise of the Internet has structurally changed not only the business area, but also governments and administrative authorities. The usage of information and communication technologies (ICT) influenced the organizational behavior and the daily work of public administrations. In parallel, a new management paradigm has grown in governments and administrations: The New Public Management (NPM) aims to a new orientation on the impact of public activities and on the benefit of public services for its customers, namely citizens and businesses (Barzelay, 2001). It puts the administration and its act
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Bernauer, Thomas, and Stefanie Walter. "Switzerland’s Position in Europe and the World." In The Oxford Handbook of Swiss Politics. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780192871787.013.2.

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Abstract Global economic integration and global political restraint—this fine balance has characterized Switzerland’s relationship with the international community since the Swiss federal state was founded in 1848. Geopolitical change and crises, globalization, and the European integration process, however, have increasingly challenged this traditional model of Swiss foreign relations. With its entry into the UN (2002) and two sets of bilateral treaties with the EU (2000, 2005) Switzerland has taken significant steps towards a stronger political involvement in the international arena, even if
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Cropf, Robert A. "The Virtual Public Sphere." In Encyclopedia of Multimedia Technology and Networking, Second Edition. IGI Global, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-60566-014-1.ch206.

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The public sphere does not exist and operate in the same way everywhere. Every country is different with regard to its own economic, social, political, and cultural characteristics and relations; therefore, each country’s public sphere has its own roots which grow and develop within a unique set of conditions and circumstances. As a result, the impact of information technology (IT) on a public sphere will also vary considerably from one country to another. According to the German social theorist, Jürgen Habermas (1989,1996), the public sphere serves as a social “space,” which is separate from
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