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Journal articles on the topic 'Serbs and Croats'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 16 February 2022

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1

Trbovich, Ana. "Nation-building under the Austro-Hungarian sceptre Croat-Serb antagonism and cooperation." Balcanica, no. 37 (2006): 195–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0637195t.

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In the nineteenth century many European nations, including Serbs and Croats became politically conscious of their "nationhood", which became a contributory factor in the crumbling of the two great empires in Central-East Europe - the Habsburg and the Ottoman - at the beginning of the following century. The Serbs had, since medieval times, an awareness of their long history and tradition, great medieval civilization and cultural unity regardless of the fact that they lived under several different adminis?trations. As in the case of Habsburg Serbs, language and literature became building blocks

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2

DellaVigna, Stefano, Ruben Enikolopov, Vera Mironova, Maria Petrova, and Ekaterina Zhuravskaya. "Cross-Border Media and Nationalism: Evidence from Serbian Radio in Croatia." American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 6, no. 3 (2014): 103–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.6.3.103.

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How do nationalistic media affect animosity between ethnic groups? We consider one of Europe's deadliest conflicts since WWII, the Serbo-Croatian conflict. We show that, after a decade of peace, cross-border nationalistic Serbian radio triggers ethnic hatred toward Serbs in Croatia. Mostly attracted by nonpolitical content, many Croats listen to Serbian public radio (intended for Serbs in Serbia) whenever signal is available. As a result, the vote for extreme nationalist parties is higher and ethnically offensive graffiti are more common in Croatian villages with Serbian radio reception. A lab

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3

Bartulin, Nevenko. "The Anti-Yugoslavist Narrative on Croatian Ethnolinguistic and Racial Identity, 1900-1941." East Central Europe 39, no. 2-3 (2012): 331–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-03903001.

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This article examines the work of leading anti-Yugoslavist Croat intellectuals in the first half of the twentieth century in relation to the question of race. These scholars used the discipline of racial anthropology in order to attempt to disprove the tenets of the racial supranational ideology of Yugoslavism by highlighting the ethnolinguistic-racial differences between Croats and Serbs. According to these intellectuals, the Croats were, racially speaking, purer Indo-Europeans and Slavs than the Serbs, who were in turn defined as possessing a strong Balkan Vlach racial component. Interesting

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Prica, Bogdan. "Nationalism among the Croats." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 116-117 (2004): 103–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn0417103p.

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These are the three lectures about Croatian nationalism presented in the Serbian Culture Club in 1940. They review the history of the Croato-Serbian relations in a specific way, from the time when the Serbs settled in the regions of the former Croatian medieval state, after the Turkish conquest of the Balkans, after the fall of Bosnia in 1463 and after the Moh?cs Battle in 1526, till the period preceding World War II. Comparing Serbian and Croatian nationalism, the author points out that nationalism among the Croats appeared relatively late, that it did not have deeper folk roots and that at f

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Weller, Marc. "The International Response to the Dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia." American Journal of International Law 86, no. 3 (1992): 569–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203972.

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The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia consisted of six republics (Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia-Hercegovina, Montenegro and Macedonia) and two autonomous regions (Kosovo and Vojvodina). Its overall population was recently estimated as 23.69 million. There were 8.14 million Serbs, 4.43 million Croats, 1.75 million Slovenes, 1.73 million Albanians, 1.34 million Macedonians and 1.22 million “Yugoslavs,” as well as a variety of other minorities.Slovenia has a population of 1.94 million, 90 percent of whom are ethnic Slovenes. There are small minorities of ethnic Serbs, Croats and Hungar

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Valenta, Marko, and Zan Strabac. "Religion and Support for Democracy in Bosnia-Herzegovina." Politics and Religion 5, no. 3 (2012): 609–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048312000326.

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AbstractThis article examines the relationship between religiosity and support for democracy in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Using data from the last World Values Survey, we examine levels of religiosity among Bosniaks, Serbs, and Croats, and their support for democracy. The influence of religiosity on support for democracy is also explored. The results indicate that religiosity has a negative influence on support for democracy, and it is particularly true for individuals who do not support the separation of the religious from the political sphere and who exhibit lower support for democracy. The articl

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7

Bozic, Sofija. "Serbs in Croatia (1918-1929): Between the myth of “Greater-Serbian Hegemony” and social reality." Balcanica, no. 41 (2010): 185–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1041185b.

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The situation of the Serbian community in Croatia in the years following the 1918 unification has been analyzed in order to test whether the clich?d view of Croatia and Croats as having been endangered and exploited had any impact on the status of the Serbian community and, if it did, in what way. Although the topic is far from being exhausted in this contribution, the examples given suggest that the two nations in Croatia were deeply divided. The sources studied cast quite a different light on the thesis that Croats were ?oppressed? by Serbs, a thesis that has for quite a long time been passi

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Berber, Maja, Bozo Grbic, and Slavica Pavkov. "Changes in the share of ethnic Croats and Serbs in Croatia by town and municipality based on the results of censuses from 1991 and 2001." Stanovnistvo 46, no. 2 (2008): 23–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv0802023b.

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This article shows the changes in the populations of Croatian and Serbian ethnic affiliation in Croatia based on population censuses of 1991 and 2001. In the last intercensal period (1991-2001), methodological definitions of resident population changed significantly, Croatia's administrative-territorial borders changed and a war occurred (1991-1995), all of which influenced the demographical situation of Croatia. It is of special importance that the term 'ethnic affiliation' is significantly unstable and unpredictable and highly influenced by both subjective and external influences, which make

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Jelić, Margareta, Dinka Čorkalo Biruški, and Dean Ajduković. "Competing collective narratives in intergroup rapprochement: A transgenerational perspective." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 9, no. 2 (2021): 370–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.6939.

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In the context of an ethnically divided community, we explored the role of competing group narratives for intergroup rapprochement after violent conflict. In Study 1, data from a community survey conducted in Vukovar, Croatia, among 198 Croats, the local majority, and 119 Serbs, the local minority, were analysed to gain perspective on different narratives about the recent war and effects they may have on intergroup relations. In Study 2, focus groups with Croat and Serb children provided data to explore how these narratives were transmitted and transformed in living experience within the secon

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Biondich, Mark. "Stjepan Radić, Yugoslavism, and the Habsburg Monarchy." Austrian History Yearbook 27 (January 1996): 109–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800005841.

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The idea that the South Slavs constituted a single ethnic whole has long received considerable support in Croat intellectual circles. Ljudevit Gaj's Illyrian movement of the 1830s and 1840s, which represented the initial stage of the Croat national awakening, recognized this idea and attempted to construct a common culture for all South Slavs under the neutral Illyrian name. Given the increased pressure of Magyarization in the first half of the nineteenth century, the linguistic and regional particularisms of the Croats resulting from the breakup of Croat lands in the medieval and early modern

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Ivašković, Igor. "The Implications of the “New Course” Strategy." Politička misao 56, no. 3-4 (2020): 218–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.56.3-4.10.

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This article examines the political framework of “novi kurs” (“New Course”) from the beginning of the 20th century, its strategic aims and its function within the battle of different visions of a South Slavic state. The evidence shows that the new political direction contributed to the improvement of conflicting relations between Croats and Serbs, but, at the same time, it had a negative impact on the Croatian-Slovenian alliance along the Adriatic coast. In the context of the latter relation, the author analyses the reactions of Slovenians from Trieste and Primorska region who were supposed to

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Legvold, Robert, and Alex N. Dragnich. "Serbs and Croats: The Struggle in Yugoslavia." Foreign Affairs 72, no. 3 (1993): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045673.

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Zec, Dejan. "The Sokol Movement from Yugoslav Origins to King Aleksandar’s 1930 All-Sokol Rally in Belgrade." East Central Europe 42, no. 1 (2015): 48–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04201003.

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The Yugoslav Sokol movement was one of the most influential non-governmental organizations in the interwar Yugoslav Kingdom. In the course of the 1920s, it moved from an independent and idealistic organization which celebrated brotherhood between the South Slavs to being a still independent but Serb-centered organization whose version of Yugoslav integration pushed away Croats in particular. But it was only from 1929, when King Aleksandar’s royal dictatorship brought a reconstituted organization under direct state control, that it became a vehicle for official propaganda and an exponent of ass

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Bandžović, Sead. "”Turkish paragraph” of the Vidovdan constitution (1921): Scope and limitations." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 3 (2020): 162–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.3.162.

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Among the major consenquences of the World War I, besides huge destructions and human casualties, disappearance of old empires (Ottoman, Austro-Hungarian, Rusian and German) and emerge of new states in Europe under international influence can be mentioned. In December 1918 State of Croats, Serbs and Slovenians had united with Kingdom of Serbia and formed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians (later renamed in Kingdom of Yugoslavia in 1929). Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a part of this Kingdom, changed its political subjectivity in few phases which was a result of political processes and interna

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Bakic, Dragan. "The Great War and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia the legacy of an enduring conflict." Balcanica, no. 49 (2018): 157–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1849157b.

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The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, officially named Yugoslavia after 1929, came into being on the ruins of the Habsburg Empire in 1918 after the immense war efforts and sacrifices endured by Serbia. The experience of anti-Habsburg struggle both before and after 1914 and the memory of some of the most difficult moments in the Great War left a deep imprint on the minds of policy-makers in Belgrade. As they believed that many dangers faced in the war were likely to be revived in the future, the impact of these experiences was instrumental to their post-war foreign policy and military plan

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Pavlaković, Vjeran. "Symbols and the culture of memory in Republika Srpska Krajina." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 6 (2013): 893–909. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.743511.

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This article examines how rebel Serbs in Croatia reinterpreted narratives of World War Two to justify their uprising against the democratically elected Croatian government in 1990 and gain domestic and international legitimacy for the Republika Srpska Krajina (RSK) parastate. While scholars have written about the strategies nationalist elites used regarding controversial symbols and the rehabilitation of World War Two collaborators in Croatia and other Yugoslav successor states, the RSK's “culture of memory” has received little attention. Based on documents captured after the RSK's defeat in 1

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Petričušić, Antonija. "Ethno-Mobilisation and its Consequences in Croatia." Southeastern Europe 35, no. 1 (2011): 39–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633311x545670.

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AbstractThe paper pursues the explanation that political leaders in Croatia and Serbia at the beginning of 1990s used different and sometimes conflicting historical narratives of the two biggest ethnic groups in Croatia (Croats and Serbs), manipulating those conflicting narratives and constructing nationalistic discourse in order to (re)-assure their power position. At the outset, the paper attempts to explain the term 'ethno-mobilisation.' In the following part the paper deals with the actors and means of ethno-mobilisation that was taking place in Croatia. In the third part the paper elabora

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18

Stanojević, Valentina. "The work of architect Victor Lukomsky in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes / Yugoslavia (1884-1947)." Nasledje, no. 21 (2020): 39–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/nasledje2021039s.

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A large number of Russian architects came to the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes as emigrants in the aftermath of the October Revolution (1917-1921), in the late second and early third decade of the 20th century. Among them was Victor Lukomsky, one of the most prolific Russian emigrant architects. Despite its extraordinary significance, the work of architect Victor Lukomsky (1884-1947) has not been comprehensively understood in contemporary cultural historiography. Therefore, this paper is an attempt to shed light and present details on his activities in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and

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Baros, Sladjana. "Attitudes of Serbian "returnees" about identity Serbs and Croats." Glasnik Etnografskog instituta, no. 53 (2005): 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gei0553105s.

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Vodopivec, Peter. "O słoweńskich zainteresowaniach Bułgarami i Bułgarią (1850–1908)." Prace Historyczne 147, no. 2 (2020): 227–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.20.013.12467.

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The Slovene interest for Bulgaria and the Bulgarians (1850–1908) During the time of the socialist Yugoslavia, Slovene historians devoted considerable attention to the Yugoslav movement before World War I, but they mainly focused on the Slovene relations with Croats and Serbs. It was only rarely mentioned that Slovene political leaders and intellectuals considered also the Bulgarians to be Yugoslavs and looked with great sympathy to them. The article presents and discusses the interest of the Slovene newspapers, intellectuals and literary authors for the Bulgarians and Bulgaria in the second ha

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Pulko, Radovan. "The Russian Emigrant School System in Interbellum Slovenia." Monitor ISH 16, no. 1 (2014): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.33700/1580-7118.16.1.87-106(2014).

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In almost every country where they settled, the Russian emigrants who had left their homeland after the defeat of the antirevolutionary forces organised their own school system. This was also the case in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians, where Russian emigrant schools were not only included in the educational system of the so-called ‘Expatriate Russia’ but integrated into the educational system of the host country as well. The Russian educational institutions in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians included some recognised institutions from Tsarist Russia, which had emigrated

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Karić, Tijana, Vladimir Mihić, and José Ángel Ruiz Jiménez. "STEREOTYPES IN YOUNG SERBS ABOUT CROATS AND BOSNIAKS PROVOKED BY COLLECTIVE MEMORY STIMULI." Primenjena psihologija 10, no. 4 (2018): 437. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/pp.2017.4.437-462.

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Not many studies have dealt with how Serbs from Serbia see Croats and Bosniaks in the light of the wars from 1990s. In our study, we used a quasi-experimental approach to assess the type of stereotypes provoked in Serbs, and their relationship to social distance and the national identity. The sample consisted of 66 participants of Serbian ethnicity, born between 1991 and 1995, who are residing in Serbia. The instruments included Social Distance Scale, National Identity Scale, socio-demographic questionnaire and a set of collective memory stimuli followed by a set of questions. As stimuli, we u

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Jagodar, Josip. "Vukovar as example of multiethnic and divided city." Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studia 24 (February 20, 2018): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bp.2017.24.7.

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Vukovar is the city in the East Croatia on the border with the Republic of Serbia. In the paper I attempt to show the development of the city, the composition of its population and the relationships between ethnic groups from establishing of Vukovar until the beginning of the Homeland war in 1991. The paper presents the history of the Croat majority and the minorities which were, and which are, present in the city: the Germans, Hungarians, Serbs, Rusyns, Ukrainians, Yews and the Slovaks. From the beginning Vukovar was a multicultural, multiethnic and multiconfessional city thanks to migrations

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Keipert, Helmut. "Die grammatische Terminologie der Osnova slovnice slavjanske narěčja ilirskoga von Vjekoslav Babukić (1836)." Zeitschrift für Slawistik 65, no. 3 (2020): 441–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/slaw-2020-0020.

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SummaryDuring the past decennia, Vjekoslav Babukić’s Osnova slovnice slavjanske narěčja ilirskoga (Zagreb, 1836) has come to be widely regarded in Croatia as the first codification of a Štokavian-based standard language for all Croats and has enjoyed an accordingly privileged status. The present article is intended as a reminder that this grammar was undoubtedly written first and foremost as a foundation in order to create a common literary language for all South Slavs, at least for the Croats, Serbs, and Slovenes. Such a broader view is firmly supported by the obvious “all-Slavic spirit” (sve

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Bozic, Sofija. "Niko Bartulovic on the eve of World War II: the ideological views of the Croatian intelectual." Prilozi za knjizevnost, jezik, istoriju i folklor, no. 77 (2011): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pkjif1177013b.

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The article reviews the ideological attitudes of the Croatian writer and engaged intellectual Niko Bartulovic, in the second half of the 20 century. Bartulovic was democratically committed, a prominent opponent of extremist forces and movements of the time in politics, fascism, communism, clericalism, enthusiastic supporter of the Yugoslav idea and Yugoslavia, based on the principle of national unity. Yugoslav champion real, he accepted the existence of Serbian, Croatian and Slovenian identity along with a feeling of belonging to a single nation, while the total integration of Serbs, Croats an

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Puhalo, Srdjan. "Ethnical distance of the citizens of Republika Srpska and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the nations of former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia." Psihologija 36, no. 2 (2003): 141–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/psi0302141p.

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The paper presents the study of Ethnical distance with the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The study was made using Bogardus' scale of social distance, on 1000 interviewees of the Federation of BiH and 850 interviewees of Republika Srpska. The citizens of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina reject the Romas the most, followed by the Albanians and Macedonians. This is followed by the Serbs and Montenegrians, while Slovenians and Croats are the least rejected. Prejudices of the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Romas, Albanians, and Macedonians are much more important for the re

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Milosavljevic, Boris. "Drafting the constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (1920)." Balcanica, no. 50 (2019): 225–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1950225m.

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The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was internationally recognized during the Paris Peace Conference in 1919-20. Even though there was neither a provisional nor a permanent constitution of the newly-formed state, factually there was a state as well as a system of governance, represented by supreme bodies, the King and the Parliament. Many draft constitutions were prepared by different political parties and notable individuals. We shall focus on the official Draft Constitution prepared during the premiership of Stojan Protic. He appointed the Drafting Committee as a governmental (multi-et

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Kasaš, Jovana. "Self-determination of the Timisoara Serbs to join the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians." Kultura, no. 159 (2018): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/kultura1859037k.

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Vlasidis, Vlasis. "The Serbian heritage of the Great War in Greece." Balcanica, no. 49 (2018): 189–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1849189v.

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During the First World War Serbian soldiers were encamped or fought in different parts of Greece. Many of them died there of diseases or exhaustion or were killed in battle. This paper looks at the issue of cemeteries of and memorials to the dead Serbian soldiers (primarily in the area of Corfu, Thessaloniki and Florina) in the context of post-war relations between Greece and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia), at the attitude of post-Second World War Yugoslavia towards them, and the Serbs? revived interest in their First World War history. It also takes a look at the image

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Selimović, Sead. "Vlasenica from 1991 to 2013: Changes in the ethnic structure of the population under the influence of the war against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (2021): 188–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.188.

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Before the aggression, Bosniaks, Serbs, Croats, Yugoslavs and Others lived together in Vlasenica. According to the 1991 census, there were 33,942 inhabitants in Vlasenica: 18,727 Bosniaks (55.17%), 14,359 Serbs (42.30%), 39 Croats (0.11%), 340 Yugoslavs (1.00%) and 477 Others (1.24%). At the same time, in the town of Vlasenica lived 7,909 inhabitants: 4,800 Bosniaks (60.69%), 2,743 Serbs (34.68), 26 Croats (0.33%), 242 Yugoslavs (3.06%) and 98 Others. 1.24%). The population of the Municipality lived in the town of Vlasenica and 90 other settlements. Vlasenica, as a strategically important city

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Francesko, Mirjana, Vladimir Mihic, and Jelena Kajon. "Social distance and stereotypes of Roma at the primary school age." Psihologija 39, no. 2 (2006): 167–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/psi0602167f.

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The sample of the research presented in this paper consisted of 575 children age 10 and 11 from four of Novi Sad`s primary school. 58 of them were Roma and the rest were Serbs, Hungarians, Croats, etc. The paper deals with the social distance toward the six ethnic groups (Roma, Serbs, Croats Hungarians, Slovaks and Ruthenians), as well as stereotypes of Roma both in Roma and non-Roma children. Sample has also been divided in two by the criteria of Roma children attending the same classes as the children in the sample or not. The results show that social distance toward the Roma is higher than

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Čeh Steger, Jožica. "Oton Župančič in začetki južnoslovanske tvorbe." Studia Historica Slovenica 20 (2020), no. 1 (2020): 227–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.32874/shs.2020-07.

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The paper presents the literary writings and cultural-political activities of Oton Župančič in the period before the World War I and during the war with the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes or the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, respectively. Based on the analysis of Župančič's cultural-political activities, his poems with national(istic) and political substance published in journals/newspapers, books of poetry – notably the collection V zarje Vidove (In the Vitus Dawn), selected essays, notes and correspondences, it was possible with respect to the m

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Martinovic, Borja, Jolanda Jetten, Anouk Smeekes, and Maykel Verkuyten. "Collective memory of a dissolved country: Group-based nostalgia and guilt assignment as predictors of interethnic relations between diaspora groups from former Yugoslavia." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 5, no. 2 (2018): 588–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v5i2.733.

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In this study we examined intergroup relations between immigrants of different ethnic backgrounds (Croats, Serbs, and Bosniaks) originating from the same conflict area (former Yugoslavia) and living in the same host country (Australia). For these (formerly) conflicted groups we investigated whether interethnic contacts depended on superordinate Yugoslavian and subgroup ethnic identifications as well as two emotionally laden representations of history: Yugonostalgia (longing for Yugoslavia from the past) and collective guilt assignment for the past wrongdoings. Using unique survey data collecte

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Vlasenko, Valerii. "Interwar Ukrainian Political Emigrants in Yugoslavia: Relations with the Authorities." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 132–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-8.

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This article is devoted to the relationship between interwar Ukrainian political emigrants and local authorities in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia). A comparative analysis of the attitude of the Yugoslav authorities towards Russian and Ukrainian emigrants was conducted. The Russophilia of Yugoslav authorities, who viewed the Ukrainian question through the lense of the Russian emigrants, was described. The idea of Pan-Slavism had been spreading in the Balkans for a long time, which facilitated the legitimization of friendly relations between the southern Slavs (primarily

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ŽIVKOVIĆ, Tibor. "Sources de Constantin VII Porphyrogénète concernant le passé le plus ancien des Serbes et des Croates." BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 20 (June 1, 2010): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.963.

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<p><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 12pt"><span style="line-height: 150%; font-family: 'MgOldTimes UC Pol Normal'; font-size: 11pt">THE SOURCES OF CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS CONCERNING THE EARLIEST HISTORY OF THE SERBS AND CROATS</span></span></p><p><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 12pt"><span style="line-height: 150%; font-family: 'MgOldTimes UC Pol Normal'; font-size: 11pt">There are eight chapters (29-36) in <em>De Administrando Imperio</em> by Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogen

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Egorova, Maria A. "ON THE SOCIAL FUNCTIONS OF THE VARIANTS OF THE SERBO-CROATIAN LANGUAGE." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. "Literary Theory. Linguistics. Cultural Studies" Series, no. 2 (2021): 85–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7249-2021-2-85-116.

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The issue of the status of languages that emerged on the basis of the Serbo-Croatian language after the collapse of Yugoslavia remains relevant until now. The standard Serbo-Croatian language arose in the 19th century as a common language of Serbs, Croats, Bosnians and Montenegrins and existed in two main variants, “western” and “eastern”, from the very outset. These variants were close enough to maintain free communication, and at the same time, each variant had symbolic significance as a marker of the corresponding ethnic group. This article provides an outline of the history of the Serbo-Cr

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Drakić, Gordana, and Uroš Stanković. "Local self-government in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 51, no. 4 (2017): 1485–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns51-16451.

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Hashimoto, Tom. "Nikola Pašić and Ante Trumbić: Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes." Europe-Asia Studies 65, no. 8 (2013): 1683–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2013.834158.

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Jovanović, Vladan. "Land Reform and Serbian Colonization." East Central Europe 42, no. 1 (2015): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04201006.

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The disintegration of the Ottoman Empire caused major demographic shifts in the Balkans. After the forced exchange of Greek and Turkish populations, the experience of the new Yugoslav state has received the greatest historical attention. Western historiography has emphasized the statements and efforts of a Serbian-led government to replace Muslim Albanians and Turks with Serbs. This paper, based on relevant historiography and unpublished archival material, reexamines the process of Serb colonization in Macedonia and Kosovo between the Two World Wars, including the Muslim migration from Yugosla

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Perovšek, Jurij. "Politični položaj na Slovenskem leta 1919." Studia Historica Slovenica 20 (2020), no. 2 (2020): 359–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.32874/shs.2020-11.

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For Slovenes in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes the year 1919 represented the final step to a new political beginning. With the end of the united all-Slovene liberal party organisation and the formation of separate liberal parties, the political party life faced a new era. Similar development was showing also in the Marxist camp. The Catholic camp was united. For the first time, Slovenes from all political camps took part in the state government politics and parliament work. They faced the diminishing of the independence, which was gained in the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serb

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Živanović, Milana. "he designs of the Russian war memorials from the World War I in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes / Kingdom of Yugoslavia: Ideas, symbols, realization." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2020): 204–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2020.1-2.1.12.

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The paper deals with the actions undertaken by the Russian emigration aimed to commemorate the Russian soldiers who have been killed or died during the World War I in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes / Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The focus is on the erection of the memorials dedicated to the Russian soldiers. During the World War I the Russian soldiers and war prisoners were buried on the military plots in the local cemeteries or on the locations of their death. However, over the years the conditions of their graves have declined. That fact along with the will to honorably mark the locatio

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Milošević, Srđan. "Constitution without a state: The formation of The Kingdom of SCS and "The Vidovdan" Constitution in The constitutional law curriculum in Yugoslavia's successor states." Pravni zapisi 12, no. 1 (2021): 261–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/pravzap0-32156.

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"The Vidovdan" Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, rendered on 28 June 1921, one hundred years after its adoption, remains an unavoidable topic and an occasion for discussions about the reasons for the failure of the Yugoslav state. The unitarian-centralist system unanimously criticized today as an inadequate constitutional form for the functioning of a complex community such as Yugoslavia was once legitimized by the concept of national unity of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. The national conception, the type of state system, and the related disagreements are part of both

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Krejčí, Pavel, Elena Krejčová, and Nadezhda Stalyanova. "A (Non)Existing Language – Serbo-Croatian after WWII." Balkanistic Forum 30, no. 1 (2021): 233–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i1.15.

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After the Second World War, Serbo-Croatian was formally declared on the basis of the so-called Novi Sad Agreement (1954). Its demise is connected to the demise of the Yu-goslav Federation (1992). The sociological, historical, political and ideological rea-sons of the rejection of this glossonym (and with it the rejection of the common lan-guage) were clearly the decisive factor, but they were not always the same. The Serbs, Croats, Bosniaks and Montenegrins had specific reasons for this. These reasons can be revealed, inter alia, by analyzing a number of declarative, proclaiming, explanatory,

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Dronov, Aleksandr M. "The Military Frontier of the Habsburg Monarchy between the Croatian and Serbian Ideas of National Integration (1826–1848)." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 15, no. 3-4 (2020): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2020.15.3-4.01.

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From the 1820s to the 1840s, the borderland between the Austrian and Ottoman empires witnessed the creation and development of national movements among Serbs and Croats who lived in administrative and political units with special legal status. One of these territories was the Military Frontier, which turned into a battlefield between the Croatian “Illyrians” (Zagreb) and the Serbian “rodoljubs” (Matica Srpska) for the sympathy of the population. The massive territory and dense population of the Military Frontier attracted the architects of territorial and national integration, and the paramili

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Korepin, Valery Andreevich. "FEDERATIVE TRENDS IN ROYAL YUGOSLAVIA." Chronos 6, no. 6(56) (2021): 6–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.52013/2658-7556-56-6-2.

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After the First World War, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was created on the territory of the Balkan Peninsula. Later, the state changed its name to Yugoslavia. Due to the large ethnic, cultural and religious diversity of the population, the territorial division of the state and the degree of local self-government are becoming acute issues of domestic policy. This article examines federal trends in Royal Yugoslavia.

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Stanković, Marko. "Territorial organization of Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Kingdom of Yugoslavia)." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 53, no. 4 (2019): 1033–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns53-22977.

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Foster, Samuel. "Dejan Djokić, Pašić and Trumbić: The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes." European History Quarterly 43, no. 2 (2013): 351–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691413478542k.

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Jezernik, Božidar. "Celebrating the National Unity in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes." Łódzkie Studia Etnograficzne 58 (October 28, 2019): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/lse.2019.58.03.

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Nedeljkovic, Sasa. "Ljuba Jovanovic: Statesman from Boka." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 133 (2010): 145–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1033145n.

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Ljuba Jovanovic belongs to the generation that prepared, organized and carried out the liberation and union of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes into a single state. In 1876, as a grammar school student, together with friends, he organized the student organization 'Branko Radicevic', spreading the spirit of liberty among the youth of Boka Kotorska Bay. When the Second Boka Uprising broke out in Krivosije in 1882, the members of the organization decided to leave the grammar school and join the insurrectionists. After the uprising was put down, he fled to Serbia. In this new and unfamiliar setting,

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Milošević, Srđan. "A contribution to the study of Rodolphe Archibald Reiss's activities in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (1919-1929)." Nauka, bezbednost, policija 26, no. 1 (2021): 91–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/nabepo26-31514.

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In this paper two hitherto unknown letters related to the activity of Dr Archibald Reiss in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (1919-1929) are presented and commented on. While Reiss's activities during WWI (1914-1918) are well documented and thoroughly researched, the knowledge about his engagement in the first post-war decade remains fairly scarce, due to the lack of sources. However, the available sources generally confirm that there was insurmountable tension in the relations between R. A. Reiss and the authorities of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, almost from the very

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