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Mihic, Vladimir. "Are we Europeans?: Correlates and the relation between national and European identity." Psihologija 42, no. 2 (2009): 203–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/psi0902203m.
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Researches of the correlates of the national identity are plentiful both in Serbian and foreign literature. However, in the past decade or so, a new social identity starts to make its way into the researches of the social psychologists-European identity or the sense of belonging to the Europe and the Europeans. This paper deals with the relation between national and European identity, as well as with the correlates of both of these, or one of them. The sample consisted of 451 subjects, all residents of major cities in the Vojvodina region (northern Serbia), divided into several categories-ethnicity (Serbs and Hungarians), educational level (primary and secondary school or University degree), gender and age. Several scales have been used: Cinnirela's national and European identity scale, Collective self-esteem scale, scale measuring attitudes towards the European integration-STEIN and Social dominance orientation scale-SDO. The questionnaire with the demographic characteristics has also been the part of the instrument. The research has been conducted in 2005 and 2006 in the all of the major Vojvodinian cities. Results show the relation between national and European identity is foggy, but general conclusion is that we can observe them as independent identities. The correlates of the national identity were ethnicity, high social dominance orientation, high collective self-esteem and negative attitude towards the European integrations. Correlates of the European identity were fewer: ethnicity, positive attitude towards the European integration and low social dominance orientation.
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Pearson, Sevan. "The “national key” in Bosnia and Herzegovina: a historical perspective†." Nationalities Papers 43, no. 2 (March 2015): 213–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.1002463.
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The 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement in Bosnia and Herzegovina instituted ethnic quotas between Bosniaks, Serbs, and Croats: the three “constituent peoples.” This institutionalization of ethnicity, criticized by some contemporary authors, is often seen as a creation of the peace agreement. Interestingly, several scholars deem such proportional representation a legacy from socialist times. But the existing literature lacks a historical perspective on the question of ethnic quotas. In addressing this issue, this paper reminds one of the existence of ethnic quotas, called the “national key,” during socialist times. A deeper analysis of the “national key” in the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and of the ethnic quotas in the last two decades shows, interestingly, more differences than continuity. The article concludes that few similarities and more differences can be observed between the two periods, especially regarding the legal aspects of the “national key,” in ideological justification and in the conceptions based on parity or proportional representation.
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Greenberg, Robert. "Revisiting Language, Ethnicity, and Identity in the Former Yugoslavia." Aegean Working Papers in Ethnographic Linguistics 2, no. 2 (March 17, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/awpel.22589.
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This special edition on the language issues in the former Yugoslav space (AWPEL 2.1) provides some new perspectives and approaches to the study of the interplay of language, ethnicity and identity among the peoples of the former Yugoslavia. When I first began focusing on this topic in the early 1990s, the sociolinguistic and ethnographic linguistic literature on the peoples and languages of this multi-ethnic space seemed to be in its infancy. This volume reveals that the case of the former Yugoslavia has proven to be a fruitful field for scholarship in these areas of linguistic inquiry. It is pleasing to see here how younger researchers approach the complex issues arising from the breakup of Yugoslavia and the disintegration of the joint language formerly known as Serbo-Croatian or Croato-Serbian. [...]
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Krasniqi, Sanije, and Besnik Krasniqi. "Sport and peacebuilding in post-conflict societies: the role of Open Fun Football Schools in Kosovo." Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 11, no. 3 (June 27, 2019): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-07-2018-0369.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to fill the gap in the research literature on how sport can be used more productively as a peacebuilding device in post-conflict countries. Design/methodology/approach This paper uses interviewing method that includes both semi-structured and unstructured interviews with trainers, instructors and children involved in implementing Open Fun Football Schools (OFFSs) in Kosovo. Findings Findings show that OFFSs have played a vital role in peacebuilding in Kosovo by bringing together people from different ethnic backgrounds in Kosovo, which contributed to social inclusion of Albanians and Serbs, and other communities by changing their initial attitudes toward one another. Research limitations/implications The main research limitation is the usage of semi-structured and unstructured questionnaires instead of structured questionnaires, which would provide more generalized conclusions about the OFFSs. More research is needed on this topic to investigate the effect of similar programs in other country contexts. Practical implications The most important practical implication of the research is that conflict mitigation through football sports programs and activities can be used in other similar contexts by donors and the international community. OFFSs offer a hope for peacebuilding, and if adequately implemented can contribute to peacebuilding in post-conflict societies similar to Kosovo’s context. The positive attitude changes as a result of participation in the OFFS programs shows that these joint programs can promote better ethnic relations. There is a need for the expansion of such programs to reach more people. Originality/value The study provides an original contribution as there has been almost no prior research which actually measured the effects of OFFSs on change of youth attitudes through the integrated sport programs with different ethnicity in Kosovo.
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Stareţu, Ştefan. "Medieval name and ethnicity: Serbs and Vlachs." Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia 22, no. 1 (November 19, 2015): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bp.2015.22.7.
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Mironova, Vera, and Sam Whitt. "Ethnicity and Altruism After Violence: The Contact Hypothesis in Kosovo." Journal of Experimental Political Science 1, no. 2 (2014): 170–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/xps.2014.18.
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AbstractAn enduring question for the social sciences is whether increasing contact and exposure between in-groups and out-groups enhances prospects for social tolerance and cooperation. Using dictator experiments with ethnic Serbs in post-war Kosovo, our research explores how norms of altruism are impacted by proximity to former rivals. In the aftermath of violence, proximity appears to amplify solidarity with the in-group but also increases empathy toward former adversaries. Based on a March 2011 study of 158 ethnic Serbs from regions across Kosovo with varying degrees of contact and separation from ethnic Albanians, we find that both out-group bridging and in-group bonding norms increase with exposure to the out-group. The inclusion of extended controls and matching for displacement by violence and other forms of victimization helps alleviate concerns about sorting and selection driving our results.
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Pavlovic, Mirjana. "Ethnicity and integration in the historical context: Serbs in Timisoara." Glasnik Etnografskog instituta, no. 53 (2005): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gei0553093p.
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Daiute, Colette, and Maja Turniski. "Young people's stories of conflict and development in Post-war Croatia." Narrative Inquiry 15, no. 2 (December 22, 2005): 217–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ni.15.2.03dai.
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Scholars have begun to study the participation of children in war, but there is little research on the longer term consequences among those born during or after the war. This article explains how a socio-historical discourse perspective can expand research on the psycho-social effects of war. Drawing on a study of stories of conflict by children in post-war Croatia, the authors propose the concept “trans-generational development” to account for the legacies of war on social identity and knowledge. The focus of the analysis is 59 narratives written by 10 to 17 year olds identifying as Serb and Croat in the context of their participation in community center devoted to post-war recovery and development. The analysis identified complexity in young authors' representations of social relations across generations, especially around issues of ethnicity – a major issue fueling the 1990's wars in the former Yugoslavia. For example, the young authors characterized their parents' generation as divided, bitter, and socially impotent, their own generation as collaborative, wise, and resourceful, and future townspeople as active in the face of political and economic challenges. These patterns suggest how young people express identities and knowledge of the war period, yet, with support, also reason beyond the ideological and emotional legacies of war. Such story-telling complexity underscores the need for complex conceptualizations and applications of narrative theory to research and practice in war and other troubled settings.
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Karić, Tijana, Vladimir Mihić, and José Ángel Ruiz Jiménez. "STEREOTYPES IN YOUNG SERBS ABOUT CROATS AND BOSNIAKS PROVOKED BY COLLECTIVE MEMORY STIMULI." Primenjena psihologija 10, no. 4 (January 11, 2018): 437. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/pp.2017.4.437-462.
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Not many studies have dealt with how Serbs from Serbia see Croats and Bosniaks in the light of the wars from 1990s. In our study, we used a quasi-experimental approach to assess the type of stereotypes provoked in Serbs, and their relationship to social distance and the national identity. The sample consisted of 66 participants of Serbian ethnicity, born between 1991 and 1995, who are residing in Serbia. The instruments included Social Distance Scale, National Identity Scale, socio-demographic questionnaire and a set of collective memory stimuli followed by a set of questions. As stimuli, we used shortened versions of collective memories as described by Ruiz Jiménez (2013), in order to set a context which referred to the 1990s wars. The results have shown that the described stimuli have impactneither on stereotypes nor on the social distance and the national identity of participants. However, the social distance is lower than in previous studies in the region, and Croats are consistently seen in more negative terms than Bosniaks and Serbs.
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Wagner-Martin, Linda, Michael Awkward, and Trinh T. Minh-ha. "Ethnicity and Women's Literature." Contemporary Literature 31, no. 3 (1990): 392. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1208542.
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Music, Emina, Lars Jacobsson, and Ellinor Salander Renberg. "Suicide in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the City of Sarajevo." Crisis 35, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/0227-5910/a000232.
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Background: Besides the war experience (1992–1995), Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) constitutes an interesting area for studies on suicidal behavior from an ethnic and religious perspective with its mixed ethnic population of Bosniaks, Serbs, and Croats. Aims: The study investigates suicide in BiH and the capital city of Sarajevo before (1985–1991) and after the war (1998–2006), with special reference to gender and ethnicity. Method: Official suicide data were gathered for the two periods with regard to gender, ethnicity, and suicide methods used. Results: No differences in suicide rates were found in BiH and Sarajevo before and after the war. The male-to-female suicide rate ratio in BiH was significantly higher after the war than before the war, with an opposite tendency seen in Sarajevo. Before and after the war, the highest and stable suicide rates were among Serbs in BiH. In Sarajevo the highest suicide rates were found among Croats after the war. Hanging was the most common suicide method used, both before and after the war, while firearms were more commonly used after the war. Poisoning was a rarely used method in both periods. Conclusion: The stable suicide rates in BiH over the pre- and postwar periods indicate no evident influence of the Bosnian war on the postwar level of suicide rates, except for women in Sarajevo. Beside this exception, the findings indicate a long-established underlying pattern in suicide rates that was not immediately changed, even by war. The study supports earlier findings that the accessibility of means influences the choice of suicide method used.
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Vladisavljević, Nebojša. "Grassroots Groups, Milošević or Dissident Intellectuals? A Controversy over the Origins and Dynamics of the Mobilisation of Kosovo Serbs in the 1980s." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 4 (December 2004): 781–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000296113.
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The mobilisation of Kosovo Serbs, barely noticeable from the capital initially but highly visible at the centre political stage between 1986 and 1988, played an important part in the political struggles of the late socialist Yugoslavia. The prevailing view in the literature is that Kosovo Serbs were little more then passive recipients of the attitudes and actions of high officials and dissident intellectuals. The elite thesis says that Belgrade-based dissident intellectuals initiated and guided the mobilisation of Kosovo Serbs, aiming to undermine the party's approach to Yugoslavia's national question and to initiate reassessment of the official policy on Kosovo and Serb–Albanian relations. According to the thesis, Milošević then took over and orchestrated the action of various groups of Kosovo Serbs in order to make the case for the removal of Kosovo's autonomy. The intellectuals and Milošević have generally supported this interpretation, claiming their role in the events leading to the constitutional change to the disadvantage of Kosovo Albanians in 1989–1990.
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Selimović, Sead. "Vlasenica from 1991 to 2013: Changes in the ethnic structure of the population under the influence of the war against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 188–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.188.
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Before the aggression, Bosniaks, Serbs, Croats, Yugoslavs and Others lived together in Vlasenica. According to the 1991 census, there were 33,942 inhabitants in Vlasenica: 18,727 Bosniaks (55.17%), 14,359 Serbs (42.30%), 39 Croats (0.11%), 340 Yugoslavs (1.00%) and 477 Others (1.24%). At the same time, in the town of Vlasenica lived 7,909 inhabitants: 4,800 Bosniaks (60.69%), 2,743 Serbs (34.68), 26 Croats (0.33%), 242 Yugoslavs (3.06%) and 98 Others. 1.24%). The population of the Municipality lived in the town of Vlasenica and 90 other settlements. Vlasenica, as a strategically important city in the plans and goals of the aggressors, has been the target of attacks since 1991. Aggression and war crimes against Bosniaks were planned, prepared and organized against this Bosnian town. Camps for Bosniaks were organized in Vlasenica, civilians were killed and then “buried” in mass graves, mass and systematic rapes and other forms of sexual violence were committed, the Bosniak elite was targeted and persecuted, civilians were expelled and deported en masse, and cultural goods and property and demolished religious buildings. After the war, he began returning to Vlasenica. However, this area has long been an area of precarious living for Bosniak returnees. Thus, on July 11, 2001, a 16-year-old girl, Meliha Durić, was killed in Vlasenica. This crime has not been solved. In the Bosnian entity of RS, the Bosnian language is denied. Teaching in the Bosnian language is prohibited, and the language is called the non-existent Bosniak language. This discriminates against students who want their language to be called Bosnian. The situation with employment in public administration is not good. Returnees are mainly engaged in agriculture and animal husbandry, but there is a problem with the placement of surplus products. In 2013, a census was conducted in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was the first census after the war and aggression. In the municipality of Vlasenica, a significant part of which belonged to the municipality of Milici, there were 11,467 inhabitants: 3,763 Bosniaks, 7,589 Serbs, 31 Croats, 22 persons who did not declare their ethnicity, 15 Others, 14 without answers. The town of Vlasenica had 6,715 inhabitants, which is 1,194 fewer than in 1991. There were 967 or 3,633 fewer Bosniaks than in 1991. There were 5,679 or 2,936 more Serbs than in 1991. The municipality of Vlasenica had, in the total population, 33.82% Bosniaks, which is 21.35% less than in 1991, and 66.18% Serbs, which is 23.88% more than in 1991. In the town of Vlasenica, there were 14.40% Bosniaks and 84.50% Serbs in the total population. There were 46.29% less Bosniaks and 49.89% more Serbs. The population of Vlasenica lived in 36 settlements of the municipality, which is 55 settlements less than in 1991. The causes of such changes in the ethnic structure of the population of Vlasenica can be traced to the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, ethnic cleansing and genocide against Bosniaks. Certainly, other causes of the decrease in the number of Bosniaks in Vlasenica should not be neglected, such as the security situation, economic situation, education, road and other infrastructure, etc. The formation of the municipality of Milići significantly affected the reduction of the population of Vlasenica. Milići has 11,441 inhabitants: Serbs 7,180 or 62.76%, Bosniaks 4,199 or 36.70% of the total population. The population of Milić lives in 51 settlements.
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Pavlović, Aleksandar. "Contribution to the research of attitudes about Albanians among Serbs in the Northern Kosovska Mitrovica." Bastina, no. 53 (2021): 437–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina31-30072.
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In this paper the author presents a part of the results of field research conducted among Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica between 2011 and 2014. The motive of the research was to offer a contribution to the understanding of the position of the Serbs in this city in the conditions of the altered socio-political context after the war on Kosovo and Metohija in 1999. A part of the research was paid to the problem of the image of Albanians in the perception of Serbs in the context of mutual conflict and the division of Kosovska Mitrovica into two parts - northern, majorly Serbian, and southern - majorly Albanian. This topic has imposed itself practically from the very beginning of the research, due to the fact that the Serbs in Kosovska Mitrovica generally defined their everyday life after the war in 1999 through the picture of division towards Albanians. Theoretically, the research was relied on the concept of ethnic identity, or ethnicity. Starting from Roland Barthes' interpretation of this phenomenon, according to which it is reflective, what means defined by boundaries as a social product arising from the need of groups to differentiate between each other, the aim of the research was to provide ethnographic material useful for understanding the identity position of Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica in the conditions of conflict with Albanian ethnic group. Methodologically viewed, the research was conducted by using an anthropological approach, which meant that the studied problem was analyzed at the interpersonal level and through the experiences of individuals. Attention was focused on the discourse, which means that the research topic was observed from the point of view of the testimonies of the respondents included in the research. The testimonies of the respondents were obtained by using in-depth, ie qualitative research methods, in the first place formal and informal interviews. The research showed that the identity discourse of the Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica towards Albanians was marked by distance, imbued with feelings of threat and distrust. Members of the Albanian ethnic group were observed through the generalizing prism of opposing others, so that they were attributed characteristics with most often diametrically different sign compared to the characteristics that the respondents attributed to themselves, to their own, Serbian ethnic group. On the one hand, the respondents attributed negative characteristics to Albanians, which they considered as not appropriate for Serbs. These characteristics were observed at a double level: 1) regardless of contacts with Serbs ("uncultured", "primitive", "uncivilized"); and 2) in the context of mutual contacts (hypocritical, pretentious, cunning, calculated, etc), ie from the aspect of the attitude towards Serbs which was generally described as hostile. Negative characteristics attributed to Albanians respondents perceived as features opposite to the characteristics of Serbs, which means that by emphasizing them, according to the principal of mutual contrast, they implicitly pointed to the positive values of their own, Serbian identity. On the other hand, the respondents attributed certain positive characteristics to Albanians, namely those that they considered to be in favor of members of Albanian ethnic group in relation to Serbs, which the Serbs lacked. These characteristics were also treated in contrast to Serbian characteristics, and they meant patience, tact, wisdom, diligence, meekness, keeping a given word. The results presented in the paper upgrades the results of previous research that included the analyses of the image of Albanians in the perceptions of Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija in the conditions of the altered socio-political context in this area after the war in 1999. Presented ethnographic material, obtained in period between 2011 and 2014, showed that Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica perceived Albanians primarily through the prism of simplified ideas, which viewed from identity aspect implied the perception of members of the Albanian ethnic group as violent, and members of their own, Serbian ethnic group as victims. Generalization as a form of opinion about Albanians in the statements of respondents was colored with the intertwining of negative and positive attitudes about the characteristics of members of the Albanian ethnic group, with the fact that these attitudes were expressed in such a way as to compare the characteristics of their own group. Yet, the research obtained several views which softened the contrast between Serbs and Albanians, by pointing out the elements of a social character common to each other. The image of Albanians, in the end, gained some complexity thanks to the attitudes of those respondents who spoke about members of this ethnic group through the perception of direct connections and personal experiences. This brought to light the attitude towards Albanian that in some measure deviated from the prevailing generalizations, which, from an analytical point of view, suggested that the image of members of this ethnic group in the perception of Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica was not as simplified as in the context of mutual conflict it might seem so at first glance.
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Rakocevic, Selena. "Modes of interculturality: Dancing within the wedding ritual of the Banat Serbs." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 139 (2012): 209–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1239209r.
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The dance practice of the Banat Serbs has been significantly investigated within the ethnochoreology in Serbia. Although a lot of data have been recorded, ethnographic papers about dancing within the wedding ritual of the Banat Serbs are imprecise considering the positioning of the particular dances diachronically and synchronically. Beside that, intensive intercultural processes which have been shaping traditional practice of this multi-ethnic and multicultural region has been neglected. Using the ethnographic literature, and, in a greater measure, relying upon data collected within field research of this region (which I started in 1994), I will present comprehensive ethnography of dancing within the wedding ritual of the Serbs and focus on the identification of the intercultural drifts which shaped traditional cultural practice of the Banat.
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Gilman, Sander L. "Introduction: Ethnicity-Ethnicities-Literature-Literatures." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 113, no. 1 (January 1998): 19–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/s0030812900060995.
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Chandler, Karen. "Reading Ethnicity in Children's Literature." Children's Literature 39, no. 1 (2011): 289–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/chl.2011.0021.
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Kretschmer, Anna. "Some remarks about Slavic cultural and language identity (Slavia Orthodoxa in the enclave situation)." Juznoslovenski filolog 71, no. 3-4 (2015): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/jfi1504009k.
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The objective of the paper is to describe the internal variability within the cultural unity of Slavia Orthodoxa (a world with the uniform written culture, literature and the Church Slavonic language) from the times of christening in the Eastern Orthodox Church and up to the New Age. The contrastive analysis of the paper presents four enclave situations: Eastern Slavs during Mongolian reign, Eastern Slavs as the citizens of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, South Slavs (Serbs) under Turkish reign, South Slavs (Serbs) as the citizens of the Austrian Empire.
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Golubović, Jelena. "“To me, you are not a Serb”: Ethnicity, ambiguity, and anxiety in post-war Sarajevo." Ethnicities 20, no. 3 (September 10, 2019): 544–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796819873141.
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The siege of Sarajevo has altered the experience of ethnicity, reconfiguring ethnic categories into moral boundaries. From 1992 to 1995, the city was held under siege by the Army of Republika Srpska, and many Sarajevan Serbs still grapple today with the feeling that others view them as aggressors. Based on one year of ethnographic fieldwork with Serb women of the pre-war generations, I describe how they intentionally make small alterations in gesture and body language in order to perform ethnic ambiguity, and avoid being read by others as Serb. While anthropological accounts have tended to use performativity to emphasize the constructed and situational nature of ethnicity, here I focus on the anxiety that drives Serb women’s performances in order to capture the inherent and inescapable feeling of ethnicity in a post-war space. I also discuss the difficulty of capturing this anxiety through empirical methods, navigating the discrepancy between Serb women’s narrative accounts of ethnic stigmatization compared to the apparently unproblematic flow of everyday social life. Through this discrepancy, I demonstrate how the embodied and ever-accumulating feeling of ethnic anxiety can conjure threats where there may be none, and how it can charge even the most (seemingly) mundane encounters.
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Karić, Tijana, and Vladimir Mihić. "CONSTRUING RECONCILIATION – LAY PEOPLE DEFINITIONS IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA: A QUALITATIVE APPROACH." Primenjena psihologija 13, no. 2 (July 9, 2020): 211–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/pp.2020.2.211-242.
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To define intergroup reconciliation is still a dynamic topic in social-psychological research, and lay people are seldom included in the study. Given that post-conflict processes in the context of Bosnia and Herzegovina are still marked by ethnic divisions, the main aim of our research has been to explore how Serbs and Bosniaks define reconciliation. We applied focus groups methodology to investigate this question. Eight mono-ethnic focus groups were conducted with Serbs and Bosniaks, in Sarajevo and Banja Luka. 56 people participated in total. The results showed that both groups defined reconciliation in terms of accepting the outgroup, achieving ordinary life and political reconciliation. However, groups differed in certain definitions. Bosniaks conceptualized reconciliation as facing the past, resolving past issues, economic sustainability, and future orientation. Parts of definition provided mostly by Serbs included cooperation, respect, understanding, and building relationships. Results were discussed in the light of available reconciliation literature, as well as collective narratives about 1990s war.
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Zuparic-Iljic, Drago. "The number, status and organizational aspects of Serbs in Zagreb." Stanovnistvo 51, no. 1 (2013): 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv1301043z.
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This paper provides an overview of the basic characteristics regarding number, as well as normative and functional status, i.e. legal and institutional status of Serbs in Zagreb. Furthermore, the paper describes some distinctions among organizational levels of Serbian minority in Zagreb, concerning the most important aspects of socio-cultural, educational and religious integration. Serbian minority members? number in Croatia and Zagreb is analyzed using an official demographic statistics, focusing primarily on major socio-demographic indicators, on population density and ethnic composition data for the population of Zagreb municipality for the period of 1981-2011. Legal position of the Serbian minority in Zagreb is described using analysis of official documents, including legislative framework provisions, which are related to issues of national minorities? status and rights. Institutional and organizational status is elucidated by using descriptive analysis of cultural, educational, media and religious aspects of minority?s life. The number of Serbs in Croatia decreased drastically in last twenty years, affecting their number being reduced to approximately one-third of the prewar number. In the period 1981 to 2011 there was a continuous increase of number and proportion of Croatian majority population, and continuous reduction of national minorities in Zagreb. The biggest percentile decreasing in the municipality of Zagreb (during period 1991-2001) have undergone members of the Serbian (57.7%), Slovenian (48.9%), and Montenegrin (43.7%) minority. In the case of Serbs, this is primarily and predominantly a consequence of forced emigration (displacement) induced by the war in the 1990s. Moreover, negative demographic trends together with a possibility of ?false? national declaration in census, as well as the relentless process of assimilation are counted as specific factors in reducing the number of national minorities? members. Status of Serbs as the former "constituent people/ethnicity" in Socialist Republic of Croatia was modified in the status of "national minority" in (Democratic) Republic of Croatia, due to constitutional changes in 1990. Today, in accordance with the provisions of the Constitutional Law on National Minorities in 2002 national minorities in Croatia enjoy the rights in the area of cultural (linguistic, educational and religious) autonomy. Implementation of these rights still faces many problems in everyday praxis, which is reflected in organizational aspects and levels of Serbs in Zagreb. Cultural, artistic, and educational associations and initiatives among Serbian minority organize activities that contribute to promotion, preservation and expressing specific national minority?s identity. Although satisfactory level of normative (legal) integration does not guarantee functional integration of minorities into wider socio-economic, cultural and political matrix, that normative integration, along with political will and favorable social climate, sets an essential precondition for the willingness to implement laws and regulations in order to improve Serbian minority status.
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Velie, Alan. "Ethnicity, Indian Identity, and Indian Literature." American Indian Culture and Research Journal 23, no. 1 (January 1, 1999): 191–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicr.23.1.y8r3447q716l7545.
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Trbovich, Ana. "Nation-building under the Austro-Hungarian sceptre Croat-Serb antagonism and cooperation." Balcanica, no. 37 (2006): 195–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0637195t.
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In the nineteenth century many European nations, including Serbs and Croats became politically conscious of their "nationhood", which became a contributory factor in the crumbling of the two great empires in Central-East Europe - the Habsburg and the Ottoman - at the beginning of the following century. The Serbs had, since medieval times, an awareness of their long history and tradition, great medieval civilization and cultural unity regardless of the fact that they lived under several different adminis?trations. As in the case of Habsburg Serbs, language and literature became building blocks of Croat national consciousness in the nineteenth century. Unlike Serb nationalism centred on people, Croat nationalism was mainly territory-related. Since both Serbs and Croats inhabited the Austro-Hungarian provinces claimed by the Croats as their "historical Right" (absorption in 1097 of the small medieval Croat state by the Hungarians is interpreted, by many Croat historians, as a voluntary act of union), the different conceptions of nationalism resulted in competing claims. Croatian politics became one of opposing any recognition of Serbian institutions and cultural characteristics without Serbs previously accepting the concept that the only "political nation" in the Austro-Hungarian Province of Croatia was Croatian. Nonetheless, Croats compromised when in need of Serb assistance in opposing Hungarian domination. In turn, Serb politics was divided between those supporting cooperation with the Croats in order to achieve greater autonomy from the Hungarians in the Dual Monarchy, and those who supported some cooperation but insisted on forming an entity separate from the Croats in the future and joining with the Kingdom of Serbia, which regained its independence in 1878. The ensuing world and civil wars brought the Croato-Serb conflict to the fore, with the first and the second Yugoslavia failing to accommodate the two nations' opposing aspirations.
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FORTIER, ANNE-MARIE. "Ethnicity." Paragraph 17, no. 3 (November 1994): 213–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/para.1994.17.3.213.
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Sokolovska, Valentina, and Gordana Tripkovic. "Social and family life of the Serbs in Vojvodina at the beginning of the 20th century." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 139 (2012): 249–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1239249s.
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The willingness to improve the lives of the Serbs by using education primarily, led Tihomir Ostojic and the associates of Matica srpska to make an attempt to distinguish analytically the real state of Serbian ethnicity in the scope of economy, social life, moral and physical solidarity. That is how, we are proud to say, the first sociological survey in Vojvodina was created, and conducted in 1903. Gifted with scientific intuition and knowledge, the creators of the survey set the methodological rules professionally, hence, they conducted a research which, considering all its characteristics, can be compared to the principles and demands of contemporary sociological research. Questionnaire, the way the survey is named, provides the insight into the daily life of the Serbian peasantry within the scope of economy, hygiene, morale, education; the insight into the role of founded cooperatives, and much more. However, the primary goal of this survey is to analyze the desires of the readers, in order to improve and adjust the Books for the people and the other publications of Matica srpska to the population.
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Vajda, Maja Munivrana. "Domestic Trials for International Crimes – A Critical Analysis of Croatian War Crimes Sentencing Jurisprudence." International Criminal Law Review 19, no. 1 (January 30, 2019): 15–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01901002.
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This article will describe and critically reflect upon the sentencing practices of Croatian courts with respect to war crimes committed during the armed conflict in Croatia in the early 1990s. Over the past two and a half decades, more than 3,500 alleged war criminals have been put on trial, with some 600 finally being convicted. Yet many proceedings were initially commenced without sufficient evidence, in absentia and, arguably, with a bias towards ethnic Serbs. This article first seeks to determine whether ethnicity has played a role in prosecuting and sentencing for war crimes and then to identify to what extent sentencing goals and principles, including aggravating and mitigating factors, proclaimed by Croatian courts reflect the extraordinary nature of international crimes. An attempt is made to compare these sentences and principles with sentencing practices at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (icty).
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Cheng, Vincent J. "Ethnicity." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 113, no. 3 (May 1998): 449–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/463352.
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Goldie, Terry. "Ethnicity." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 113, no. 3 (May 1998): 450. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/s0030812900177764.
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Njegovan, Drago. "Vojvodina - a region based on the Serbian ethnicity and its denial." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 139 (2012): 259–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1239259n.
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The issue of regionalism and the autonomy of certain areas is mainly related to the ethnic composition of the population. The idea of the autonomy of Vojvodina as a Serbian region in the Habsburg Monarchy was created back in 1690. It came into being 150 years later by the decision of the 1848 May Assembly. In a significantly different form, it lasted ten years as the Serbian Voivodship and Temisvar (Timisoara) Banat. In the next fifty years, a autonomous Serbian Vojvodina was just a dream. At the end of World War I the areas of Vojvodina, on the basis of the right to self-determination, entered the Kingdom of Serbia and thus became part of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, i.e. Yugoslavia. The idea of the autonomy of Vojvodina was then discarded. Some liberal politicians, supported by the Croats, tried to restore it in the interwar period but this option did not receive any support of voters at the elections. The illegal Communist Party politically promoted the idea of the autonomy of Vojvodina in a federalized Yugoslavia, which was achieved during World War II. At the end of the war, the autonomous Vojvodina remained part of Serbia, and according to the 1974 Constitution, it became a part of federal Yugoslavia. During the disintegration of Yugoslavia, the autonomy of Vojvodina within Serbia was preserved but recently, after the so-called democratic changes of 2000, domestic and foreign (EU and NATO) political engagement in Serbia has been more directed towards the greater autonomy of Vojvodina, and even its separation from Serbia, despite the two-thirds Serbian majority living in the Province.
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Mumovic, Ana M. "DAM ON THE GREAT RUSSIAN SEA (Contribution to the interpretation of the Review of the History of Serbian Literature by A. N. Pipin)." Folia linguistica et litteraria XII, no. 35 (2021): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31902/fll.35.2021.6.
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The paper aims is to present and evaluate the Review the History of Serbian Literature A. N. Pipin's as a classical history of Serbian literature that became part of the national culture. The development of the history of literature among Serbs, as an independent discipline and its modest beginnings, can be found in the first decades of the 19th century, in the time of Dositej and Vuk. In its beginnings, the history of literature was a "story" about the literary past of a nation and at its core was - criticism. This main idea as an axiom is a signpost that leads from the history of literature, which has long performed the function of criticism, to the genesis of literary criticism as the youngest branch of literary science and the way it formulated and exercised its functions in conditions when literary history was in a certain measures and history of the people. The Serbs received the first History of Serbian Literature (1865) from the pen of Pavel Jozef Šafarik (1795–1861), a Protestant and German student who served in Novi Sad. The next history of Serbian literature was also written by a foreigner, the Russian Alexander Nikolaevich Pipina (1833–1904). His Review the History of Serbian Literature (1865) has not been fully translated into Serbian. When marking questions from the new Serbian literature, Pipin's approach leads to a synthesis of ideas about cultural and political and national development. Slavery replaced the idea of revival "among Orthodox Serbs who fled to Austria". From that perspective, he views the development of national literature as an important part of culture and identity. Pipin also deals with the issue of national identity and the awakening of the national consciousness of the Slavs in his extensive study "Panslavism in the Past and Present" (1878), in which "the Serbian national question is incorporated into the general critique of Russian official policy and Slavophile orientation in the Balkans during Eastern Europe crisis". In this paper, we value his competence, cultural mission, the gift of the comparator, without which there is no great literary historian, and his practical contribution to classifying Serbian literature and culture in the European context.
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Eckstein, Barbara. "Ethnicity Matters." American Literary History 7, no. 3 (1995): 572–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/7.3.572.
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Dench, Emma. "GREEK ETHNICITY." Classical Review 50, no. 1 (April 2000): 209–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/50.1.210.
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Luraghi, Nino. "Messenian Ethnicity." Classical Review 55, no. 2 (October 2005): 572–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clrevj/bni312.
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Varshaver, E. A. "Neurophysiology of Ethnicity (based on foreign literature)." Social Psychology and Society 8, no. 4 (2017): 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/sps.2017080404.
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This article contains a review of research in the realm of neurophysiology of ethnicity. According to this body of research, there are zones of the brain which get active in response to demonstration of ethnic stimuli. Among these zones are amygdala, anterior cingulate cortex, fusiform face area and others. The article describes the research focused on each of these zones, discusses their weaknesses and projects further research on the crossroads of neurophysiology, cognitive science, psychology and sociology.
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Kaup, Monika. "The Architecture of Ethnicity in Chicano Literature." American Literature 69, no. 2 (June 1997): 361. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2928275.
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Latinovic, Goran, and Nikola Ozegovic. "“St. Bartholomew’s night” of Banja Luka the Ustasha crime against the Serbs in the Banja Luka area on 7 february 1942." Balcanica, no. 51 (2020): 207–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2051207l.
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Based on the preserved and accessible sources from seven archives and from the relevant literature, the authors seek to reconstruct the causes, course and consequences of the crime committed by the Ustashas against the Serbs of the villages of Drakulic, Sargovac and Motike, and in the Rakovac mine, near Banja Luka on 7 February 1942. The authors attempt to point to the main instigators and perpetrators of the crime and to estimate the number of victims. For understanding the broader context of the events, they point out the ideological roots and main features of the genocidal policy pursued by the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) against the Serbs from 1941 to 1945. Special attention is paid to the events in the area of Banja Luka during 1941, because they provided the chronological and spatial context for the crime that followed in February 1942.
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Vojnovic, Zarko. "Benjamin Franklin incognito among Serbs: New mask of Joakim Vujic." Prilozi za knjizevnost, jezik, istoriju i folklor, no. 80 (2014): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pkjif1480063v.
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Joakim Vujic?s book Istino i verojatno sredstvo obogatiti se i svoju kesu puniti (Istino i verojatno sredstvo obogatiti se i svoju kesu puniti, Buda, 1829) was so far little noticed in serbian book and literature history. It was found, however, that it is not his original text, but translation of famous Bejamin Franklin?s Father Abraham?s Speech (widely known as The Way to Wealth), which was translated by then in many world languages. Paper also deals with Franklin?s presence in serbian culture of the 19th century.
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Parks, Amy Noelle, and Mardi Schmeichel. "Obstacles to Addressing Race and Ethnicity in the Mathematics Education Literature." Journal for Research in Mathematics Education 43, no. 3 (May 2012): 238–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5951/jresematheduc.43.3.0238.
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This Research Commentary builds on a 2-stage literature review to argue that there are 4 obstacles to making a sociopolitical turn in mathematics education that would allow researchers to talk about race and ethnicity in ways that take both identity and power seriously: (a) the marginalization of discussions of race and ethnicity; (b) the reiteration of race and ethnicity as independent variables; (c) absence of race and ethnicity from mathematics education research; and (d) the minimizing of discussions of race and ethnicity, even within equity-oriented work.
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Farley, Brigit, Tim Judah, John Lampe, and Marcus Tanner. "The Serbs: History, Myth and the Destruction of Yugoslavia." Slavic and East European Journal 42, no. 3 (1998): 582. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/309721.
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Gilman, Sander L. "Ethnicity - Reply." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 113, no. 3 (May 1998): 451–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/s0030812900177776.
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Trivunović, Bojana, and Maja Kosanović. "Contribution of educators Avram Mrazovic and Dositej Obradovic to the development of education among Serbs." Norma 25, no. 2 (2020): 141–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/norma2002141t.
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At the time of the Enlightenment, the Serbian people were divided between the territories that were under the rule of Turkey, on one hand, and the Habsburg Monarchy, on the other. The transformation of man and his opinion were the guiding ideas of the Enlightenment movement, and one of the ways to achieve that goal was the path of education. The aim of this paper is to present the development of education among Serbs, with an emphasis on the contribution of educators Avram Mrazović and Dositej Obradović. By a descriptive method and analysis of relevant literature, the paper presents different historical and social contexts of their work, as well as the development of schools founded by their initiatives. The conclusion of the paper will place special emphasis on the similarities and differences in their work, but also on their contribution to the development of education, schools and the teaching profession among Serbs in the late 18th and early 19th century.
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Jupp, James. "Immigration and ethnicity." Australian Cultural History 27, no. 2 (October 2009): 157–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07288430903165303.
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Mitchell, Lynette G. "MYTH AND ETHNICITY." Classical Review 50, no. 1 (April 2000): 99–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/50.1.99.
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Smith, Curtis C. "Werner Sollors' Beyond Ethnicity and Afro-American Literature." MELUS 14, no. 2 (1987): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/467353.
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Swartz, J. Randolph, Karl Burgoyne, Michael Smith, Rangaswamy Gadasally, Jambur Ananth, and Kartik Ananth. "Tardive Dyskinesia and Ethnicity: Review of the Literature." Annals of Clinical Psychiatry 9, no. 1 (March 1, 1997): 53–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/10401239709147773.
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Jesús, Amarilis Hidalgo de, and Marvin Lewis. "Ethnicity and Identity in Contemporary Afro-Venezuelan Literature." Chasqui 23, no. 2 (1994): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/29741152.
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Smith, M., J. R. Swartz, K. Burgoyne, R. Gadasally, and J. Ananth. "Tardive dyskinesia and ethnicity: Review of the literature." European Neuropsychopharmacology 6 (June 1996): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0924-977x(96)87629-2.
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Sarah Wilson. "The Evolution of Ethnicity." ELH 76, no. 1 (2009): 247–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/elh.0.0032.
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Umeljic, Vladimir. "A paradigm shift in German historiography: In the state of Croatia (1941-1945) there was no genocide against the Serbs?" Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 141 (2012): 523–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1241523u.
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At the Humboldt University of Berlin, German historian Alexander Korb defended, with the highest grade (summa cum laude), his doctoral thesis in historical studies ?In the Shadow of the World War II. Mass violence by the Ustasa against Serbs, Jews and Roma?. His radically new thesis are as follows: 1) in the State of Croatia (1941-1945) ?there was no genocide against the Serbs?; 2) clerical component (Croatian Catholic clergy and the Vatican) ?played no significant role? in the mass violence against the Serbs in the State of Croatia (1941-1945), so the forced catholicization of the Serbs was ?purely secular in character?. Korb, therefore, enters into absolute conflict with the vast majority of previous research papers and their conclusions. Korb?s theses are challenged from three aspects in this analysis: a) scientific and historical, b) linguistic and philosophical (definitionism theory) and c) political. Regarding scientific and historical aspects, Korb approached this problem one-sidedly, in a selective way, and from the very beginning drastically reduced i.e. excluded an enormous part of primary historical sources and scientific literature. He excluded all Serbian sources, including testimonies of Serbian survivors and victims, on the grounds that they were either ?Serbian nationalists? or ?Serbian communists?, then all testimonies of eye-witnesses from the opressors side - German Nazis and Italian Fascists - with justification that they are manipulated by ?Serbian nationalists? or ?Serbian communists?, as well as all primary historical sources and scientific literature which testify of the role of Croatian Roman Catholic clergy and the Vatican, on the basis that they are ?anti-clerical?. From linguistic and philosophical aspect, Korb?s argumentations clearly belong to the principle of ?usurpation of power over definitions and psychagogy? recognized by classical theory of concepts as a convenient redefinition, virtualization of reality and psychagogic establishment of the new ?real reality? in the minds of the target group through its internalization. Korb?s work is, therefore, rather relativistic linguistic and philosophical treatise clad in historical science than scientific study of history. As for the aspect of political science, it can be concluded that paradigm shift in social sciences and humanities in Germany, due to his indisputable efforts, obtained a new quality, a completely different level of arbitrary and virtual reflection of reality. Namely, these sciences are rapidly getting mutual and dominant ideological and political connotation.
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Shear, Walter. "Saroyan's Study of Ethnicity." MELUS 13, no. 1/2 (1986): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/467224.
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