Academic literature on the topic 'Serge (1928-1991)'

THE IDEA OF A UKRAINIAN CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY: ITS ORIGINS AND ITS IMPLEMENTATION IN UKRAINE AFTER 1991 The historical predecessors of the today’s Ukrainian Catholic University were the Greek-Catholic Theological Academy founded in 1928 in Lviv by Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky, and the Ukrainian Catholic University of St. Clemens the Pope in Rome, established by Metropolitan Josyf Slipyj in December 1963, after his release from the Soviet imprisonment. In 1994, the Lviv Theological Academy was restored in the independent Ukraine, and in 2002 it was transformed into a university. The very name of the institution reflects the three consecutive stages of its history. As first, during the interwar period, when Western Ukraine was within the borders of Poland, the principal task was to provide Ukrainian youth with a possibility to pursue higher studies in their native language. During the Soviet period, when the Greek-Catholic Church in Ukraine was banned and persecuted, the top priority was to maintain links with the Catholic world. Nowadays, in the independent Ukraine, the UCU seeks to become a new type of university offering an alternative to the post-Soviet educational approach and forming leaders to serve with professional excellence in Ukraine and internationally – for the glory of God, the common good, and the dignity of the human person.

Outstanding surgeon, scientist, teacher and organizer of healthcare, founder of a large surgical school, Hero of Socialist Labor (1988), academician of the USSR Academy of Medical Sciences (1974), RAMS (1991) and RAS (1997), laureate of the USSR State Prize (1975), the State Prize of the Russian Federation (1992), Demidov Prize (2002) and the A. N. Bakulev Prize (2002), Professor Viktor Sergeevich Savelyev was born on February 24, 1928 in the village of Pakhotny Ugol of the Bondarsky district of the Tambov region in the family of Sergei Dmitrievich Savelyev, a wood sawmill worker, and Olga Kuzminichna, a housewife. In 1945, Viktor Sergeevich entered the 2nd Moscow Medical Institute (now the Pirogov Russian National Research Medical University). After graduating in 1951, he studied in residency at the Department of Faculty Surgery, which was headed by the academician A. N. Bakulev, and was stayed at the department as an assistant. After defending his PhD thesis in 1955, he was appointed a teacher. In 1959, V. S. Savelyev successfully defended his doctoral dissertation, in 1961, he passed the academic title of Professor, in 1967, he was elected the head of the Department of Faculty Surgery. Viktor Sergeevich fully became the successor of A. N. Bakuleva and made the very great contribution to the development of domestic cardiac surgery. The works of V. S. Savelyev played a huge role in the formation and rapid development of vascular surgery. The clinic he headed has accumulated the world’s largest experience in the treatment of acute thrombosis and embolism of the main arteries. Viktor Sergeevich is rightfully one of the founders of modern Russian phlebology. He also made a significant contribution to the development of surgery of the stomach, intestines, bile ducts and pancreas. He was one of the first in the country to use organ-preserving operations on the stomach for complicated duodenal ulcer. Many of Viktor Sergeevich’s works were devoted to various aspects of postoperative management of patients, infusion therapy and parenteral nutrition, pathogenesis, diagnosis and treatment of sepsis. V. S. Savelyev and his students made a significant contribution to the development of abdominal endoscopy. V. S. Savelyev was a major organizer of domestic healthcare, for 34 years he held the post of the chief surgeon of the Ministry of Health of Russia. He was the Chairman of the Scientific Society of Surgeons of Russia (ROH), founder and president of the Russian Association of Phlebologists, editor-in-chief of journals «Thoracic and Cardiovascular Surgery» and «Phlebolymphology». Under his leadership and with his participation as the scientific consultant, 70 doctoral and 180 candidate dissertations were defended. He was the author and co-author of more than 500 scientific papers, including 24 monographs and manuals. The academician Viktor Sergeevich Savelyev died on December 25, 2013 and was buried in Moscow at the Troyekurovo Cemetery.

Since ancient times India has been a multilingual society and languages in India have thrived though at times many races and religions came into conflict. The states in modern India were reorganised on linguistic basis in 1956 yet in contrast to the European notion of one language one nation, majority of the states have more than one official language. The Linguistic Survey of India (LSI) conducted by Grierson between 1866 and 1927 identified 179 languages and 544 dialects. The first post-independence Indian census after (1951) listed 845 languages including dialects. The 1991 Census identified 216 mother tongues were identified while in 2001 their number was 234. The three-language formula devised to maintain the multilingual character of the nation and paying due attention to the importance of mother tongue is widely accepted in the country in imparting the education at primary and secondary levels. However, higher education system in India impedes multilingualism. According the Constitution it is imperative on the “Union to promote the spread of the Hindi language, to develop it so that it may serve as a medium of expression for all the elements of the composite culture of India … by drawing, wherever necessary or desirable, for its vocabulary, primarily on Sanskrit and secondarily on other languages.” However, the books translated into Hindi mainly from English have found favour with neither the students nor the teachers. On the other hand the predominance of English in various competitive examinations has caused social discontent leading to mass protests and cases have been filed in the High Courts and the Supreme Court against linguistic imperialism of English and Hindi. The governments may channelize the languages but in a democratic set up it is ultimately the will of the people that prevails. Some languages are bound to suffer a heavy casualty both in the short and long runs in the process. References Basil, Bernstein. (1971). 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RESUMENEl objetivo de este artículo es reflexionar sobre los mecanismos de financiación y de control de las instituciones religiosas por los laicos en las primeras décadas de la conquista y colonización de Hispanoamérica. Investigar sobre la inversión laica en lo sagrado supone en un primer lugar aclarar la historiografía sobre laicos, religión y dinero en las sociedades de Antiguo Régimen y su trasposición en América, planteando una mirada desde el punto de vista de las motivaciones múltiples de los actores seglares. A través del ejemplo de restituciones, donaciones y legados en losAndes, se explora el papel de los laicos españoles, y también de las poblaciones indígenas, en el establecimiento de la densa red de instituciones católicas que se construye entonces. La propuesta postula el protagonismo de actores laicos en la construcción de un espacio cristiano en los Andes peruanos en el siglo XVI y principios del XVII, donde la inversión económica permite contribuir a la transición de una sociedad de guerra y conquista a una sociedad corporativa pacificada.PALABRAS CLAVE: Hispanoamérica-Andes, religión, economía, encomienda, siglos XVI y XVII.ABSTRACTThis article aims to reflect on the mechanisms of financing and control of religious institutions by the laity in the first decades of the conquest and colonization of Spanish America. Investigating lay investment in the sacred sphere means first of all to clarifying historiography on laity, religion and money within Ancien Régime societies and their transposition to America, taking into account the multiple motivations of secular actors. The example of restitutions, donations and legacies inthe Andes enables us to explore the role of the Spanish laity and indigenous populations in the establishment of the dense network of Catholic institutions that was established during this period. The proposal postulates the role of lay actors in the construction of a Christian space in the Peruvian Andes in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, when economic investment contributed to the transition from a society of war and conquest to a pacified, corporate society.KEY WORDS: Hispanic America-Andes, religion, economics, encomienda, 16th and 17th centuries. BIBLIOGRAFIAAbercrombie, T., “Tributes to Bad Conscience: Charity, Restitution, and Inheritance in Cacique and Encomendero Testaments of 16th-Century Charcas”, en Kellogg, S. y Restall, M. 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Gomez de León, vecino que fue de cibdad de Ariquipa, fecha el año MCXXXI a pedimento de sus hijos y herederos”, Revista del archivo nacional del Perú, Tomo VI, entrega II, Julio-diciembre 1928, pp. 95-148.Atienza López, Á., Tiempos de conventos: una historia social de las fundaciones en la España moderna, Madrid, Marcial Pons Historia, 2008.Azpilcueta Navarro, M. de, Manual de penitentes, Estella, Adrián de Anvers, 1566.Baschet, J., “Un Moyen Âge mondialisé? Remarques sur les ressorts précoces de la dynamique occidentale”, en Renaud, O., Schaub, J.-F., Thireau, I. (eds.), Faire des sciences sociales, comparer, Paris, éditions de l’EHESS, 2012, pp. 23-59.Boltanski, A. y Maldavsky, A., “Laity and Procurement of Funds», en Fabre, P.-A., Rurale, F. (eds.), Claudio Acquaviva SJ (1581-1615). 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Di Stefano (eds.), Invertir en lo sagrado: salvación y dominación territorial en América y Europa (siglos XVI-XX), Santa Rosa, EdUNLPam, 2018, cap. 1, mobi.Colmenares, G., Haciendas de los jesuitas en el Nuevo Reino de Granada, siglo XVIII, Bogotá, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, 1969.Comaroff, J. y Comaroff, J., Of Revelation and Revolution. Vol. 1, Christianity, Colonialism, and Consciousness in South Africa, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1991.Costeloe, M. P., Church wealth in Mexico: a study of the “Juzgado de Capellanias” in the archbishopric of Mexico 1800-1856, London, Cambridge University Press, 1967.Croq, L. y Garrioch, D., La religion vécue. Les laïcs dans l’Europe moderne, Rennes, PUR, 2013.Cushner, N. P., Farm and Factory: The Jesuits and the development of Agrarian Capitalism in Colonial Quito, 1600-1767, Albany, State University of New York Press, 1982.Cushner, N. P., Jesuit Ranches and the Agrarian Development of Colonial Argentina, 1650-1767, Albany, State University of New York Press, 1983.Cushner, N. P., Why have we come here? The Jesuits and the First Evangelization of Native America, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2006.De Boer, W., La conquista dell’anima, Turin, Einaudi, 2004.De Certeau M., “La beauté du mort : le concept de ‘culture populaire’», Politique aujourd’hui, décembre 1970, pp. 3-23.De Certeau, M., L’invention du quotidien. T. 1. Arts de Faire, Paris, Gallimard, 1990.De la Puente Brunke, J., Encomienda y encomenderos en el Perú. Estudio social y político de una institución, Sevilla, Diputación provincial de Sevilla, 1992.Del Río M., “Riquezas y poder: las restituciones a los indios del repartimiento de Paria”, en T. Bouysse-Cassagne (ed.), Saberes y Memorias en los Andes. In memoriam Thierry Saignes, Paris, IHEAL-IFEA, 1997, pp. 261-278.Van Deusen, N. E., Between the sacred and the worldly: the institutional and cultural practice of recogimiento in Colonial Lima, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 2001.Dictionnaire de théologie catholique, 1937, s.v. “Restitution”.Durkheim, É., Les formes élémentaires de la vie religieuse, Paris, Presses universitaires de France, 1960 [1912].Duviols, P. La lutte contre les religions autochtones dans le Pérou colonial: l’extirpation de l’idolâtrie entre 1532 et 1660, Lima, IFEA, 1971.Espinoza, Augusto, “De Guerras y de Dagas: crédito y parentesco en una familia limeña del siglo XVII”, Histórica, XXXVII.1 (2013), pp. 7-56.Estenssoro Fuchs, J.-C., Del paganismo a la santidad: la incorporación de los Indios del Perú al catolicismo, 1532-1750, Lima, IFEA, 2003.Fontaine, L., L’économie morale: pauvreté, crédit et confiance dans l’Europe préindustrielle, Paris, Gallimard, 2008.Froeschlé-Chopard, M.-H., La Religion populaire en Provence orientale au XVIIIe siècle, Paris, Beauchesne, 1980.Glave, L. M., De rosa y espinas: economía, sociedad y mentalidades andinas, siglo XVII. Lima, IEP, BCRP, 1998.Godelier, M., L’énigme du don, Paris, Fayard, 1997.Goffman, E., Encounters: two studies in the sociology of interaction, MansfieldCentre, Martino publishing, 2013.Grosse, C., “La ‘religion populaire’. L’invention d’un nouvel horizon de l’altérité religieuse à l’époque moderne», en Prescendi, F. y Volokhine, Y (eds.), Dans le laboratoire de l’historien des religions. Mélanges offerts à Philippe Borgeaud, Genève, Labor et fides, 2011, pp. 104-122.Grosse, C., “Le ‘tournant culturel’ de l’histoire ‘religieuse’ et ‘ecclésiastique’», Histoire, monde et cultures religieuses, 26 (2013), pp. 75-94.Hall, S., “Cultural studies and its Theoretical Legacy”, en Grossberg, L., Nelson, C. y Treichler, P. (eds.), Cultural Studies, New York, Routledge, 1986, pp. 277-294.Horne, J., “Démobilisations culturelles après la Grande Guerre”, 14-18, Aujourd’hui, Today, Heute, Paris, Éditions Noésis, mai 2002, pp. 45-5.Iogna-Prat, D., “Sacré’ sacré ou l’histoire d’un substantif qui a d’abord été un qualificatif”, en Souza, M. de, Peters-Custot, A. y Romanacce, F.-X., Le sacré dans tous ses états: catégories du vocabulaire religieux et sociétés, de l’Antiquité à nos jours, Saint-Étienne, Publications de l’Université de Saint-Étienne, 2012, pp. 359-367.Iogna-Prat, D., Cité de Dieu. Cité des hommes. L’Église et l’architecture de la société, Paris, Presses universitaires de France, 2016.Kalifa, D., “Les historiens français et ‘le populaire’», Hermès, 42, 2005, pp. 54-59.Knowlton, R. J., “Chaplaincies and the Mexican Reform”, The Hispanic American Historical Review, 48.3 (1968), pp. 421-443.Lamana, G., Domination without Dominance: Inca-Spanish Encounters in Early Colonial Peru, Durham, Duke University Press, 2008.Las Casas B. de, Aqui se contienen unos avisos y reglas para los que oyeren confessiones de los Españoles que son o han sido en cargo a los indios de las Indias del mas Océano (Sevilla : Sebastián Trujillo, 1552). Edición moderna en Las Casas B. de, Obras escogidas, t. V, Opusculos, cartas y memoriales, Madrid, Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, 1958, pp. 235-249.Lavenia, V., L’infamia e il perdono: tributi, pene e confessione nella teologia morale della prima età moderna, Bologne, Il Mulino, 2004.Lempérière, A., Entre Dieu et le Roi, la République: Mexico, XVIe-XIXe siècle, Paris, les Belles Lettres, 2004.Lenoble, C., L’exercice de la pauvreté: économie et religion chez les franciscains d’Avignon (XIIIe-XVe siècle), Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2013.León Portilla, M., Visión de los vencidos: relaciones indígenas de la conquista, México, Universidad nacional autónoma, 1959.Levaggi, A., Las capellanías en la argentina: estudio histórico-jurídico, Buenos Aires, Facultad de derecho y ciencias sociales U. B. A., Instituto de investigaciones Jurídicas y sociales Ambrosio L. Gioja, 1992.Lohmann Villena, G., “La restitución por conquistadores y encomenderos: un aspecto de la incidencia lascasiana en el Perú”, Anuario de Estudios americanos 23 (1966) 21-89.Luna, P., El tránsito de la Buenamuerte por Lima. Auge y declive de una orden religiosa azucarera, siglos XVIII y XIX, Francfort, Universidad de navarra-Iberoamericana-Vervuert, 2017.Macera, P., Instrucciones para el manejo de las haciendas jesuitas del Perú (ss. XVII-XVIII), Lima, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 1966.Málaga Medina, A., “Los corregimientos de Arequipa. Siglo XVI”, Histórica, n. 1, 1975, pp. 47-85.Maldavsky, A., “Encomenderos, indios y religiosos en la región de Arequipa (siglo XVI): restitución y formación de un territorio cristiano y señoril”, en A. Maldavsky yR. Di Stefano (eds.), Invertir en lo sagrado: salvación y dominación territorial en América y Europa (siglos XVI-XX), Santa Rosa, EdUNLPam, 2018, cap. 3, mobi.Maldavsky, A., “Finances missionnaires et salut des laïcs. La donation de Juan Clemente de Fuentes, marchand des Andes, à la Compagnie de Jésus au milieu du XVIIe siècle”, ASSR, publicación prevista en 2020.Maldavsky, A., “Giving for the Mission: The Encomenderos and Christian Space in the Andes of the Late Sixteenth Century”, en Boer W., Maldavsky A., Marcocci G. y Pavan I. (eds.), Space and Conversion in Global Perspective, Leiden-Boston, Brill, 2014, pp. 260-284.Maldavsky, A., “Teología moral, restitución y sociedad colonial en los Andes en el siglo XVI”, Revista portuguesa de teología, en prensa, 2019.Margairaz, D., Minard, P., “Le marché dans son histoire”, Revue de synthèse, 2006/2, pp. 241-252.Martínez López-Cano, M. del P., Speckman Guerra, E., Wobeser, G. von (eds.) La Iglesia y sus bienes: de la amortización a la nacionalización, México, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas, 2004.Mauss, M., “Essai sur le don. Forme et raison de l’échange dans les sociétés archaïques (1923-1924)”, en Mauss, M., Sociologie et anthropologie, Paris, Presses universitaire de France, 1950, pp. 145-279.Mendoza, D. de, Chronica de la Provincia de San Antonio de los Charcas, Madrid, s.-e., 1665.Mills K., Idolatry and its Enemies. 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Introduction This paper offers a survey of familiar popular music performers and songwriters who reference coffee in their work. It examines three areas of discourse: the psychoactive effects of caffeine, coffee and courtship rituals, and the politics of coffee consumption. I claim that coffee carries a cultural and musicological significance comparable to that of the chemical stimulants and consumer goods more readily associated with popular music. Songs about coffee may not be as potent as those featuring drugs and alcohol (Primack; Schapiro), or as common as those referencing commodities like clothes and cars (Englis; McCracken), but they do feature across a wide range of genres, some of which enjoy archetypal associations with this beverage. m.o.m.m.y. Needs c.o.f.f.e.e.: The Psychoactive Effect of Coffee The act of performing and listening to popular music involves psychological elements comparable to the overwhelming sensory experience of drug taking: altered perceptions, repetitive grooves, improvisation, self-expression, and psychological empathy—such as that between musician and audience (Curry). Most popular music genres are, as a result, culturally and sociologically identified with the consumption of at least one mind-altering substance (Lyttle; Primack; Schapiro). While the analysis of lyrics referring to this theme has hitherto focused on illegal drugs and alcoholic beverages (Cooper), coffee and its psychoactive ingredient caffeine have been almost entirely overlooked (Summer). The most recent study of drugs in popular music, for example, defined substance use as “tobacco, alcohol, marijuana, cocaine and other stimulants, heroin and other opiates, hallucinogens, inhalants, prescription drugs, over-the-counter drugs, and nonspecific substances” (Primack 172), thereby ignoring a chemical stimulant consumed by 90 per cent of adult Americans every day (Lovett). The wide availability of coffee and the comparatively mild effect of caffeine means that its consumption rarely causes harm. One researcher has described it as a ubiquitous and unobtrusive “generalised public activity […] ‘invisible’ to analysts seeking distinctive social events” (Cooper 92). Coffee may provide only a relatively mild “buzz”—but it is now accepted that caffeine is an addictive substance (Juliano) and, due to its universal legality, coffee is also the world’s most extensively traded and enthusiastically consumed psychoactive consumer product (Juliano 1). The musical genre of jazz has a longstanding relationship with marijuana and narcotics (Curry; Singer; Tolson; Winick). Unsurprisingly, given its Round Midnight connotations, jazz standards also celebrate the restorative impact of coffee. Exemplary compositions include Burke/Webster’s insomniac torch song Black Coffee, which provided hits for Sarah Vaughan (1949), Ella Fitzgerald (1953), and Peggy Lee (1960); and Frank Sinatra’s recordings of Hilliard/Dick’s The Coffee Song (1946, 1960), which satirised the coffee surplus in Brazil at a time when this nation enjoyed a near monopoly on production. Sinatra joked that this ubiquitous drink was that country’s only means of liquid refreshment, in a refrain that has since become a headline writer’s phrasal template: “There’s an Awful Lot of Coffee in Vietnam,” “An Awful Lot of Coffee in the Bin,” and “There’s an Awful Lot of Taxes in Brazil.” Ethnographer Aaron Fox has shown how country music gives expression to the lived social experience of blue-collar and agrarian workers (Real 29). Coffee’s role in energising working class America (Cooper) is featured in such recordings as Dolly Parton’s Nine To Five (1980), which describes her morning routine using a memorable “kitchen/cup of ambition” rhyme, and Don't Forget the Coffee Billy Joe (1973) by Tom T. Hall which laments the hardship of unemployment, hunger, cold, and lack of healthcare. Country music’s “tired truck driver” is the most enduring blue-collar trope celebrating coffee’s analeptic powers. Versions include Truck Drivin' Man by Buck Owens (1964), host of the country TV show Hee Haw and pioneer of the Bakersfield sound, and Driving My Life Away from pop-country crossover star Eddie Rabbitt (1980). Both feature characteristically gendered stereotypes of male truck drivers pushing on through the night with the help of a truck stop waitress who has fuelled them with caffeine. Johnny Cash’s A Cup of Coffee (1966), recorded at the nadir of his addiction to pills and alcohol, has an incoherent improvised lyric on this subject; while Jerry Reed even prescribed amphetamines to keep drivers awake in Caffein [sic], Nicotine, Benzedrine (And Wish Me Luck) (1980). Doye O’Dell’s Diesel Smoke, Dangerous Curves (1952) is the archetypal “truck drivin’ country” song and the most exciting track of its type. It subsequently became a hit for the doyen of the subgenre, Red Simpson (1966). An exhausted driver, having spent the night with a woman whose name he cannot now recall, is fighting fatigue and wrestling his hot-rod low-loader around hairpin mountain curves in an attempt to rendezvous with a pretty truck stop waitress. The song’s palpable energy comes from its frenetic guitar picking and the danger implicit in trailing a heavy load downhill while falling asleep at the wheel. Tommy Faile’s Phantom 309, a hit for Red Sovine (1967) that was later covered by Tom Waits (Big Joe and the Phantom 309, 1975), elevates the “tired truck driver” narrative to gothic literary form. Reflecting country music’s moral code of citizenship and its culture of performative storytelling (Fox, Real 23), it tells of a drenched and exhausted young hitchhiker picked up by Big Joe—the driver of a handsome eighteen-wheeler. On arriving at a truck stop, Joe drops the traveller off, giving him money for a restorative coffee. The diner falls silent as the hitchhiker orders up his “cup of mud”. Big Joe, it transpires, is a phantom trucker. After running off the road to avoid a school bus, his distinctive ghost rig now only reappears to rescue stranded travellers. Punk rock, a genre closely associated with recreational amphetamines (McNeil 76, 87), also features a number of caffeine-as-stimulant songs. Californian punk band, Descendents, identified caffeine as their drug of choice in two 1996 releases, Coffee Mug and Kids on Coffee. These songs describe chugging the drink with much the same relish and energy that others might pull at the neck of a beer bottle, and vividly compare the effects of the drug to the intense rush of speed. The host of “New Music News” (a segment of MTV’s 120 Minutes) references this correlation in 1986 while introducing the band’s video—in which they literally bounce off the walls: “You know, while everybody is cracking down on crack, what about that most respectable of toxic substances or stimulants, the good old cup of coffee? That is the preferred high, actually, of California’s own Descendents—it is also the subject of their brand new video” (“New Music News”). Descendents’s Sessions EP (1997) featured an overflowing cup of coffee on the sleeve, while punk’s caffeine-as-amphetamine trope is also promulgated by Hellbender (Caffeinated 1996), Lagwagon (Mr. Coffee 1997), and Regatta 69 (Addicted to Coffee 2005). Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night: Coffee and Courtship Coffee as romantic metaphor in song corroborates the findings of early researchers who examined courtship rituals in popular music. Donald Horton’s 1957 study found that hit songs codified the socially constructed self-image and limited life expectations of young people during the 1950s by depicting conservative, idealised, and traditional relationship scenarios. He summarised these as initial courtship, honeymoon period, uncertainty, and parting (570-4). Eleven years after this landmark analysis, James Carey replicated Horton’s method. His results revealed that pop lyrics had become more realistic and less bound by convention during the 1960s. They incorporated a wider variety of discourse including the temporariness of romantic commitment, the importance of individual autonomy in relationships, more liberal attitudes, and increasingly unconventional courtship behaviours (725). Socially conservative coffee songs include Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night by The Boswell Sisters (1933) in which the protagonist swears fidelity to her partner on condition that this desire is expressed strictly in the appropriate social context of marriage. It encapsulates the restrictions Horton identified on courtship discourse in popular song prior to the arrival of rock and roll. The Henderson/DeSylva/Brown composition You're the Cream in My Coffee, recorded by Annette Hanshaw (1928) and by Nat King Cole (1946), also celebrates the social ideal of monogamous devotion. The persistence of such idealised traditional themes continued into the 1960s. American pop singer Don Cherry had a hit with Then You Can Tell Me Goodbye (1962) that used coffee as a metaphor for undying and everlasting love. Otis Redding’s version of Butler/Thomas/Walker’s Cigarettes and Coffee (1966)—arguably soul music’s exemplary romantic coffee song—carries a similar message as a couple proclaim their devotion in a late night conversation over coffee. Like much of the Stax catalogue, Cigarettes and Coffee, has a distinctly “down home” feel and timbre. The lovers are simply content with each other; they don’t need “cream” or “sugar.” Horton found 1950s blues and R&B lyrics much more sexually explicit than pop songs (567). Dawson (1994) subsequently characterised black popular music as a distinct public sphere, and Squires (2002) argued that it displayed elements of what she defined as “enclave” and “counterpublic” traits. Lawson (2010) has argued that marginalised and/or subversive blues artists offered a form of countercultural resistance against prevailing social norms. Indeed, several blues and R&B coffee songs disregard established courtship ideals and associate the product with non-normative and even transgressive relationship circumstances—including infidelity, divorce, and domestic violence. Lightnin’ Hopkins’s Coffee Blues (1950) references child neglect and spousal abuse, while the narrative of Muddy Waters’s scorching Iodine in my Coffee (1952) tells of an attempted poisoning by his Waters’s partner. In 40 Cups of Coffee (1953) Ella Mae Morse is waiting for her husband to return home, fuelling her anger and anxiety with caffeine. This song does eventually comply with traditional courtship ideals: when her lover eventually returns home at five in the morning, he is greeted with a relieved kiss. In Keep That Coffee Hot (1955), Scatman Crothers supplies a counterpoint to Morse’s late-night-abandonment narrative, asking his partner to keep his favourite drink warm during his adulterous absence. Brook Benton’s Another Cup of Coffee (1964) expresses acute feelings of regret and loneliness after a failed relationship. More obliquely, in Coffee Blues (1966) Mississippi John Hurt sings affectionately about his favourite brand, a “lovin’ spoonful” of Maxwell House. In this, he bequeathed the moniker of folk-rock band The Lovin’ Spoonful, whose hits included Do You Believe in Magic (1965) and Summer in the City (1966). However, an alternative reading of Hurt’s lyric suggests that this particular phrase is a metaphorical device proclaiming the author’s sexual potency. Hurt’s “lovin’ spoonful” may actually be a portion of his seminal emission. In the 1950s, Horton identified country as particularly “doleful” (570), and coffee provides a common metaphor for failed romance in a genre dominated by “metanarratives of loss and desire” (Fox, Jukebox 54). Claude Gray’s I'll Have Another Cup of Coffee (Then I’ll Go) (1961) tells of a protagonist delivering child support payments according to his divorce lawyer’s instructions. The couple share late night coffee as their children sleep through the conversation. This song was subsequently recorded by seventeen-year-old Bob Marley (One Cup of Coffee, 1962) under the pseudonym Bobby Martell, a decade prior to his breakthrough as an international reggae star. Marley’s youngest son Damian has also performed the track while, interestingly in the context of this discussion, his older sibling Rohan co-founded Marley Coffee, an organic farm in the Jamaican Blue Mountains. Following Carey’s demonstration of mainstream pop’s increasingly realistic depiction of courtship behaviours during the 1960s, songwriters continued to draw on coffee as a metaphor for failed romance. In Carly Simon’s You’re So Vain (1972), she dreams of clouds in her coffee while contemplating an ostentatious ex-lover. Squeeze’s Black Coffee In Bed (1982) uses a coffee stain metaphor to describe the end of what appears to be yet another dead-end relationship for the protagonist. Sarah Harmer’s Coffee Stain (1998) expands on this device by reworking the familiar “lipstick on your collar” trope, while Sexsmith & Kerr’s duet Raindrops in my Coffee (2005) superimposes teardrops in coffee and raindrops on the pavement with compelling effect. Kate Bush’s Coffee Homeground (1978) provides the most extreme narrative of relationship breakdown: the true story of Cora Henrietta Crippin’s poisoning. Researchers who replicated Horton’s and Carey’s methodology in the late 1970s (Bridges; Denisoff) were surprised to find their results dominated by traditional courtship ideals. The new liberal values unearthed by Carey in the late 1960s simply failed to materialise in subsequent decades. In this context, it is interesting to observe how romantic coffee songs in contemporary soul and jazz continue to disavow the post-1960s trend towards realistic social narratives, adopting instead a conspicuously consumerist outlook accompanied by smooth musical timbres. This phenomenon possibly betrays the influence of contemporary coffee advertising. From the 1980s, television commercials have sought to establish coffee as a desirable high end product, enjoyed by bohemian lovers in a conspicuously up-market environment (Werder). All Saints’s Black Coffee (2000) and Lebrado’s Coffee (2006) identify strongly with the culture industry’s image of coffee as a luxurious beverage whose consumption signifies prominent social status. All Saints’s promotional video is set in a opulent location (although its visuals emphasise the lyric’s romantic disharmony), while Natalie Cole’s Coffee Time (2008) might have been itself written as a commercial. Busting Up a Starbucks: The Politics of Coffee Politics and coffee meet most palpably at the coffee shop. This conjunction has a well-documented history beginning with the establishment of coffee houses in Europe and the birth of the public sphere (Habermas; Love; Pincus). The first popular songs to reference coffee shops include Jaybird Coleman’s Coffee Grinder Blues (1930), which boasts of skills that precede the contemporary notion of a barista by four decades; and Let's Have Another Cup of Coffee (1932) from Irving Berlin’s depression-era musical Face The Music, where the protagonists decide to stay in a restaurant drinking coffee and eating pie until the economy improves. Coffee in a Cardboard Cup (1971) from the Broadway musical 70 Girls 70 is an unambiguous condemnation of consumerism, however, it was written, recorded and produced a generation before Starbucks’ aggressive expansion and rapid dominance of the coffee house market during the 1990s. The growth of this company caused significant criticism and protest against what seemed to be a ruthless homogenising force that sought to overwhelm local competition (Holt; Thomson). In response, Starbucks has sought to be defined as a more responsive and interactive brand that encourages “glocalisation” (de Larios; Thompson). Koller, however, has characterised glocalisation as the manipulative fabrication of an “imagined community”—whose heterogeneity is in fact maintained by the aesthetics and purchasing choices of consumers who make distinctive and conscious anti-brand statements (114). Neat Capitalism is a more useful concept here, one that intercedes between corporate ideology and postmodern cultural logic, where such notions as community relations and customer satisfaction are deliberately and perhaps somewhat cynically conflated with the goal of profit maximisation (Rojek). As the world’s largest chain of coffee houses with over 19,400 stores in March 2012 (Loxcel), Starbucks is an exemplar of this phenomenon. Their apparent commitment to environmental stewardship, community relations, and ethical sourcing is outlined in the company’s annual “Global Responsibility Report” (Vimac). It is also demonstrated in their engagement with charitable and environmental non-governmental organisations such as Fairtrade and Co-operative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere (CARE). By emphasising this, Starbucks are able to interpellate (that is, “call forth”, “summon”, or “hail” in Althusserian terms) those consumers who value environmental protection, social justice and ethical business practices (Rojek 117). Bob Dylan and Sheryl Crow provide interesting case studies of the persuasive cultural influence evoked by Neat Capitalism. Dylan’s 1962 song Talkin’ New York satirised his formative experiences as an impoverished performer in Greenwich Village’s coffee houses. In 1995, however, his decision to distribute the Bob Dylan: Live At The Gaslight 1962 CD exclusively via Starbucks generated significant media controversy. Prominent commentators expressed their disapproval (Wilson Harris) and HMV Canada withdrew Dylan’s product from their shelves (Lynskey). Despite this, the success of this and other projects resulted in the launch of Starbucks’s in-house record company, Hear Music, which released entirely new recordings from major artists such as Ray Charles, Paul McCartney, Joni Mitchell, Carly Simon and Elvis Costello—although the company has recently announced a restructuring of their involvement in this venture (O’Neil). Sheryl Crow disparaged her former life as a waitress in Coffee Shop (1995), a song recorded for her second album. “Yes, I was a waitress. I was a waitress not so long ago; then I won a Grammy” she affirmed in a YouTube clip of a live performance from the same year. More recently, however, Crow has become an avowed self-proclaimed “Starbucks groupie” (Tickle), releasing an Artist’s Choice (2003) compilation album exclusively via Hear Music and performing at the company’s 2010 Annual Shareholders’s Meeting. Songs voicing more unequivocal dissatisfaction with Starbucks’s particular variant of Neat Capitalism include Busting Up a Starbucks (Mike Doughty, 2005), and Starbucks Takes All My Money (KJ-52, 2008). The most successful of these is undoubtedly Ron Sexsmith’s Jazz at the Bookstore (2006). Sexsmith bemoans the irony of intense original blues artists such as Leadbelly being drowned out by the cacophony of coffee grinding machines while customers queue up to purchase expensive coffees whose names they can’t pronounce. In this, he juxtaposes the progressive patina of corporate culture against the circumstances of African-American labour conditions in the deep South, the shocking incongruity of which eventually cause the old bluesman to turn in his grave. Fredric Jameson may have good reason to lament the depthless a-historical pastiche of postmodern popular culture, but this is no “nostalgia film”: Sexsmith articulates an artfully framed set of subtle, sensitive, and carefully contextualised observations. Songs about coffee also intersect with politics via lyrics that play on the mid-brown colour of the beverage, by employing it as a metaphor for the sociological meta-narratives of acculturation and assimilation. First popularised in Israel Zangwill’s 1905 stage play, The Melting Pot, this term is more commonly associated with Americanisation rather than miscegenation in the United States—a nuanced distinction that British band Blue Mink failed to grasp with their memorable invocation of “coffee-coloured people” in Melting Pot (1969). Re-titled in the US as People Are Together (Mickey Murray, 1970) the song was considered too extreme for mainstream radio airplay (Thompson). Ike and Tina Turner’s Black Coffee (1972) provided a more accomplished articulation of coffee as a signifier of racial identity; first by associating it with the history of slavery and the post-Civil Rights discourse of African-American autonomy, then by celebrating its role as an energising force for African-American workers seeking economic self-determination. Anyone familiar with the re-casting of black popular music in an industry dominated by Caucasian interests and aesthetics (Cashmore; Garofalo) will be unsurprised to find British super-group Humble Pie’s (1973) version of this song more recognisable. Conclusion Coffee-flavoured popular songs celebrate the stimulant effects of caffeine, provide metaphors for courtship rituals, and offer critiques of Neat Capitalism. Harold Love and Guthrie Ramsey have each argued (from different perspectives) that the cultural micro-narratives of small social groups allow us to identify important “ethnographic truths” (Ramsey 22). Aesthetically satisfying and intellectually stimulating coffee songs are found where these micro-narratives intersect with the ethnographic truths of coffee culture. 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Le travail est consacré au texte de chanson en tant que phénomène. La chanson étant un genre synthétique, les modes de coopération entre ses deux principaux univers, le texte et la musique, sont étudiés, afin de voir quels effets de sens produit leur coexistence. Cela est réalisé sur l’exemple de la chanson française des années 1950-1980 : à l’intérieur de cette période, trois auteurs (Serge Gainsbourg, Boby Lapointe, Nino Ferrer) ont été choisis, dont la similitude des styles permet de les regrouper sous la même appellation de « chanson formaliste ». Ce type de chanson affiche un intérêt particulier pour les jeux linguistiques (calembours, allitérations) et autres procédés rhétoriques ou ludiques (pastiches, parodies) et met en œuvre une intertextualité riche. Ce caractère est souvent paradoxal, car la musique, qui dicte des contraintes comparables à l’état du vers français à l’époque métrique, gomme certains de ces effets formels, et le genre chanson en général tolère mal les jeux linguistiques complexes. Le statut problématique du texte de chanson est lié au fait que, techniquement, il ne diffère guère du poème et peut être mis dans le même contexte culturel (notamment en étant publié ou récité), alors que son mode de fonctionnement n’est pas le même. L’analyse des textes de la chanson formaliste révèle que si les procédés utilisés par Gainsbourg, Lapointe et Ferrer existent aussi dans la poésie, le texte de chanson possède des caractéristiques qui lui sont propres, notamment un rapport nécessaire avec les autres éléments de la chanson (la musique, la performance), ainsi que la linéarité temporelle
The thesis studies song lyrics as a concept. As the song is a synthetic genre, the modes of interaction between its two main domains, words and music, are studied, along with the effects of their coexistence. The example used it that of the French chanson of the 1950s – 1980s. Within this period, the study focuses on three authors (Serge Gainsbourg, Boby Lapointe, Nino Ferrer), whose songs, on account of their stylistic similarities, can be considered examples of the “formalist chanson”. This type of chanson prefers linguistic play (puns, alliteration) and other rhetorical or play-oriented devices (pastiche, parody), and makes heavy use of intertextuality. This is often a paradox, as music, as it entails constraints comparable to those of metric poetry, often minimizes formal effect; indeed, the genre of chanson in general is ill-suited to complex wordplay. The song lyric is problematic because whereas it is technically identical to the poem, and can also be put in the same cultural context (in particular, by being published or read aloud), the principles of its functioning are not the same. The analysis of “formalist chanson” lyrics reveals that while the devices used by Gainsbourg, Ferrer and Lapointe can also be found in poetry, the song lyric nonetheless possesses distinguishing features: in particular its dependency on the other elements of the song (music and performance), but also its temporal linearity

Notre corpus (Doubrovsky, Guibert, Leiris et Perec) porte sur l'autobiographie contemporaine. Après avoir repéré le moment de crise individuelle (et souvent de catastrophe) au centre de chaque livre étudié, ainsi que les champs lexicaux de l'abîme et les structures d'emboîtement qui caractérisent le gouffre, nous avons étudié ce qui dans le texte tend à annoncer la crise, et codifie sous le nom d'ironie tragique le discours rhétorique qui l'encadre, voire les superstitions intimes, dont nous avons retracé le fonctionnement littéraire. Sans placer la problématique générique au centre de notre thèse, nous avons envisagé l'autofiction comme une nouvelle voie de l'autobiographie, tendant elle aussi à se poser comme un moment de crise. Le jeu des mots est à la fois ce qui sous-tend la pratique autofictive, et ce qui produit certains effets d'ironie tragique. L'intrusion du tragique dans la vie individuelle racontée à la première personne tend à remettre en cause les stratégies classiques de l'autobiographie, entre les deux pôles de l'indicible et du silence. Nous n'avons pas cherché à tout prix à comparer les textes, mais, pour chaque parcours individuel d'écriture, à repérer des moments mettant en cause la pratique autobiographique dans l'extrême contemporain
The books we study (Doubrovsky, Guibert, Leiris et Perec) are contemporary autobiographies. They are the stories of lives broken by individual crisis which are very often desasters. This crisis, in the center of each book, is characterized by the lexical field of the abyss, and also by interlocking structures around the gulf figur. We studied what announces the crisis in the text, and we codified, under the name of tragical irony, the rhetorics dealing with it; we also studied the literary functionning of the authors' personal superstitions. Our purpose was not to do a generic study; but we considered autofiction as a new way for contemporary autobiography, being a moment of crisis of this genre. The play on words is both what enables the autofictional writing, and what produces certain effects of the tragical irony. The irruption of the tragical in the individual life told on the first person threatens the classical strategies of autobiography, between the inexpressible and the silence of the desaster. We didn't force the texts in order to compare them, but we tried to mark out in each of them the critical moments that question autobiography at the end of this century

Le travail est consacré au texte de chanson en tant que phénomène. La chanson étant un genre synthétique, les modes de coopération entre ses deux principaux univers, le texte et la musique, sont étudiés, afin de voir quels effets de sens produit leur coexistence. Cela est réalisé sur l’exemple de la chanson française des années 1950-1980 : à l’intérieur de cette période, trois auteurs (Serge Gainsbourg, Boby Lapointe, Nino Ferrer) ont été choisis, dont la similitude des styles permet de les regrouper sous la même appellation de « chanson formaliste ». Ce type de chanson affiche un intérêt particulier pour les jeux linguistiques (calembours, allitérations) et autres procédés rhétoriques ou ludiques (pastiches, parodies) et met en œuvre une intertextualité riche. Ce caractère est souvent paradoxal, car la musique, qui dicte des contraintes comparables à l’état du vers français à l’époque métrique, gomme certains de ces effets formels, et le genre chanson en général tolère mal les jeux linguistiques complexes. Le statut problématique du texte de chanson est lié au fait que, techniquement, il ne diffère guère du poème et peut être mis dans le même contexte culturel (notamment en étant publié ou récité), alors que son mode de fonctionnement n’est pas le même. L’analyse des textes de la chanson formaliste révèle que si les procédés utilisés par Gainsbourg, Lapointe et Ferrer existent aussi dans la poésie, le texte de chanson possède des caractéristiques qui lui sont propres, notamment un rapport nécessaire avec les autres éléments de la chanson (la musique, la performance), ainsi que la linéarité temporelle
The thesis studies song lyrics as a concept. As the song is a synthetic genre, the modes of interaction between its two main domains, words and music, are studied, along with the effects of their coexistence. The example used it that of the French chanson of the 1950s – 1980s. Within this period, the study focuses on three authors (Serge Gainsbourg, Boby Lapointe, Nino Ferrer), whose songs, on account of their stylistic similarities, can be considered examples of the “formalist chanson”. This type of chanson prefers linguistic play (puns, alliteration) and other rhetorical or play-oriented devices (pastiche, parody), and makes heavy use of intertextuality. This is often a paradox, as music, as it entails constraints comparable to those of metric poetry, often minimizes formal effect; indeed, the genre of chanson in general is ill-suited to complex wordplay. The song lyric is problematic because whereas it is technically identical to the poem, and can also be put in the same cultural context (in particular, by being published or read aloud), the principles of its functioning are not the same. The analysis of “formalist chanson” lyrics reveals that while the devices used by Gainsbourg, Ferrer and Lapointe can also be found in poetry, the song lyric nonetheless possesses distinguishing features: in particular its dependency on the other elements of the song (music and performance), but also its temporal linearity

La thèse s’intéresse à la réception de l’œuvre de Marcel Proust par la Nouvelle Critique Française. Après avoir défini ce mouvement critique, on propose d’analyser études de Roland Barthes, Gérard Genette, George Poulet, Jean-Pierre Richard, Jean Rousset et Serge Doubrovsky du point de vue de leurs présupposés et de leurs enjeux en distinguant l’étude de l’histoire de la réception et la poétique du commentaire. Dans la première partie, on montre par quel moyen l’objet de la lecture présente aussi comme la source de la méthode des critiques en évoquant la lecture des œuvres de Proust, puis leur utilisation pour légitimer les protocoles herméneutiques employés, le rejet du recours à la biographie et la mise en cause de l’histoire littéraire. Dans la seconde partie, on s’intéresse aux procédures métatextuelles mise en œuvre dans les travaux critiques cités, que l’on répartit entre d’une part des opérations de fragmentation et d’autre part des opérations de réunification.

A travers Fils de S. Doubrovsky, Le Miroir qui revient d'A. Robbe-Grillet et A l'ami qui ne m'a pas sauvé la vie d'H. Guibert, notre étude abordera par une approche psychanalytique le fantasme à l'oeuvre dans l'autofiction. Reprenant la formule d'A. Robbe-Grillet sans toutefois nous imputer le propos, notre réflexion s'articulera autour de deux axes rendant compte du discours autofictionnel. Dans un premier temps, l'autobiographe est appréhendé dans cette pente à " faire sa propre statue ". Dans un second temps, l'autofictionnaliste y oppose cette volonté à " se projeter hors de soi ". Peu à peu se construit face au père-analyste ou au père-médecin l'imaginaire adolescent d'un fils en proie à ses apories : l'un devient une figure rivale et gémellaire de l'autre autour de cette parole-pulsion et de son économie. Dans ce rapport d'addiction à la Loi qui est autant de désintrication et d'ironie que de nostalgie et d'adhésion, le gynogenre autofictionnel ne semble exister qu'en miroir du phallogenre autobiographique. L'autofictionnaliste ne cesse d'évoquer par une ironie tenant lieu d'exorcisme cet autobiographe qui sommeille en lui. Par une rhétorique psychanalytique volontairement simple, il se présente sous l'image d'un fils soumis à une structure hystérique face à un père dont il déjoue la censure et les pudeurs. Cette figure d'ultra-autobiographe, plus intègre que le père lui-même, ferait de ses voeux autobiographiques une promesse donjuanesque à seule fin de susciter le désir de l'auteur. L'autofictionnaliste jouant à être cet autobiographe plus " ultra " que le père essaimerait quelques leurres se révélant être des figures gratuites, abandonnerait çà et là quelques aveux véridiques mais insignifiants, tendrait à séduire le lecteur et à le faire entrer dans une mécanique du désir dont la fin serait de dominer sa victime par l'indécidable. Il tiendrait le jeu de l'énigme autant qu'il écrirait. Il soutiendrait le désir du lecteur plus qu'il ne dévoilerait. Ainsi, se construirait un texte blanc qui serait ce secret d'un texte à venir sans cesse promis mais qui neviendrait pas, tout le jeu consistant à le faire oublier.