To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Sèvres, Treaty of, 1920.
Journal articles on the topic 'Sèvres, Treaty of, 1920'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Sèvres, Treaty of, 1920.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Watts, Nicole. "Expanding Kurdish Studies: A Review Essay." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 32, no. 1 (1998): 19–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400036117.
Full textAbstract:
The Failure to Implement the 1920 Treaty of Sèvres thwarted Kurdish hopes for their own state, but it did not write the Kurds out of history. From Sheikh Said’s rebellion against the Turks in 1925 to the legendary Mulla Mustafa Barzani and his son Massud, Kurds have grabbed the occasional headline and challenged central authorities more or less continually throughout the 20th century. Conversely, and in less chronicled fashion, they have also played powerful roles in consolidating state rule. Only after the Gulf War in 1991, however, did Kurds begin receiving sustained western attention and, in the last three years in particular, a new flood of articles and books by academics and journalists has swelled periodicals and library shelves. The Middle East Studies Association’s annual conferences from 1995 to 1997 all featured panels devoted to Kurds and Kurdish politics; at the MESA conference in San Francisco last December, papers concerning Kurds were also presented on thematic panels dealing with such diverse subjects as nationalism in the Middle East and youth in Turkey.
2
Armaoğlu, Fahir. "Amerika, Sèvres Antlaşması ve "Ermenistan" Sınırları." Belleten 61, no. 230 (April 1, 1997): 133–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.1997.133.
Full textAbstract:
I. Dünya Savaşı'nı sona erdiren barış antlaşmalarını hazırlamak üzere 1919 Ocak ayında toplantılarına başlayan Paris Barış Konferansı'nda Birleşik Amerika'nın Osmanlı Devleti'yle ilgili faaliyetlerini, Sèvres öncesi ve Sèvres Sonrası diye ikiye ayırmak gerekmektedir. Başka bir deyişle, birincisi 1919 yılını kapsamakta, ikincisi de 1920 yılına ait bulunmaktadır.
3
Cicek, Hüseyin I. "Der Friedensvertrag von Sèvres 1920 und die osmanische Haltung." Beiträge zur Rechtsgeschichte Österreichs 1 (2019): 444–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/brgoe2019-2s444.
Full text
4
Karčić, Hamza. "Sèvres at 100: The Peace Treaty that Partitioned the Ottoman Empire." Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 40, no. 3 (July 2, 2020): 470–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2020.1813988.
Full text
5
Laurin, Isabelle. "L’Atelier de faïence de la manufacture de Sèvres 1920-1930." Sèvres. Revue de la Société des amis du Musée national de la céramique 13, no. 1 (2004): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/sevre.2004.1466.
Full text
6
KRUTIKOV, Anton. "The Bolsheviks and the Tartu Peace Treaty of 1920." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 1 (21) (2020): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2020-1-97-112.
Full textAbstract:
For the Russian Soviet Republic and Estonia, the conclusion of the Tartu Peace Treaty resolved a whole range of diplomatic, military and economic problems, which have traditionally attracted attention of historians. However, the treaty did not serve as an act of equitable ending to the Civil War and helped lay the foundations for today's disagreements between Estonians and Russians. Having gone down in history as a monument to Bolsheviks’ party ambitions and early Soviet diplomacy, the treaty not only acquired the status of an important historical artifact. 100 years later, the Tartu Treaty is still an instrument of political manipulation and a matter of controversy for politicians and diplomats.
7
Putz, Orsolya. "Metaphor evolution and survival in Hungarian public discourse on the Trianon peace treaty." Metaphor and the Social World 6, no. 2 (October 14, 2016): 276–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/msw.6.2.05put.
Full textAbstract:
The peace Treaty of Trianon, which was signed by the representatives of Hungary and the Allies in 1920, caused substantial economic, political and social changes in the life of the Hungarian nation. The paper explores how far these changes have been conceptualized by conceptual metaphors in Hungarian public discourse from 1920 to the present day. Specifically, it looks at whether there is a conventionalized metaphoric conceptual system concerning the treaty, which began (or was current) in 1920 and has been developing for almost a hundred years. The paper applies a qualitative approach to a small corpus of written texts. The corpus contains twenty texts, which are taken from four different categories of public discourse (political, academic, informative and media) and four time periods (1920–1945, 1945–1990, 1990–2010, and 2010–2015). The paper concludes that, within the public discourse on the consequences of the Trianon peace treaty, the same metaphors have fundamentally survived over nine decades. This conceptual history of metaphors suggests heavy conventionalization, which can play a crucial role in the survival of a certain mental image of the nation and in maintaining negative emotions about the treaty. It also suggests that the Trianon frame is still an essential part of Hungarian national identity.
8
Mikhailova, Yulia. "“Remembering Historical Anniversary…”: the Riga Peace Treaty of 1920 in the Latvian Press, 1988—1990." ISTORIYA 13, no. 10 (120) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023400-9.
Full textAbstract:
The article considers the mechanisms of formation of historical memory about the peace treaty concluded between the RSFSR and the Republic of Latvia on August 11, 1920. The construction of historical memory about this peace treaty became an important part of the concept of political development in Latvia in the late Soviet era (1988—1990). This was based on the idea of restoring sovereignty. During the period of Perestroika, the idea of the legitimacy of the Soviet-Latvian peace treaty formed the basis for the formation of ideas about the statehood of Latvia and helped to build the concept of state continuity — from the First Republic to a sovereign state, reviving as a result of the collapse of the Soviet empire. The text of the agreement of August 11, 1920 was used in the declaration of the Supreme Council of the Latvian SSR of May 4, 1990 “On the restoration of the independence of the Republic of Latvia”. On August 21, 1991, the Supreme Council of Latvia adopted an act on the succession and legal identity of the Republic of Latvia 1918—1940 and modern Latvia. The inclusion of the treaty of 1920 in the so-called statehood continuity doctrine in modern Latvia is an attempt to overcome the difficult historical past associated with the loss of independence in 1940 and build a concept of legitimate international relations, in which the 1920 treaty plays one of the main roles as the basis for the birth of the sovereign Republic of Latvia.
9
Kucherepa, M. M. "Warsaw treaty of 1920: genesis, problems and results." Litopys Volyni, no. 21 (2019): 103–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.32782/2305-9389/2020.21.16.
Full text
10
Matviienko, Matviienko, and Mykola Doroshko. "The 1920 Ukrainian-Polish Alliance and Its Implications." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXI (2020): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-3.
Full textAbstract:
The article describes the internal political situation in the UPR and Poland before the conclusion of the Treaty of Warsaw in 1920. The authors argue that in the context of the end of World War I and the rebuilding of the world geopolitical order the UPR and the Republic of Poland were destined to establish allied relations with a view to strengthening their restored statehood and ensuring security in the Baltic-Black Sea region. However, the signature of the Treaty of Warsaw failed to preserve stable interstate cooperation between Ukraine and Poland due to a range of internal political and external factors. This situation cast a shadow over the preservation of the independence of the UPR and Ukrainian-Polish partnership. The military and political alliance of Ukraine and Poland broke apart due to inextricable external and internal aspects. It was a rearguard action and could not struggle against the strengthened Bolshevist Russia without the support of the Entente states. In the meantime, the 1920 Treaty of Warsaw was significant not only for Ukrainians who continued to fight for the independence of the UPR with the assistance of Poland until the end of 1921. The authors assume that the joint opposition of Ukraine and Poland in the summer of 1920 dashed the Kremlin’s marches on Poland, Romania, and Germany that could turn into a tragedy for those states and Europe as a whole. The authors stress that the Baltic states such as Finland, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania gained their independence because of the military and political alliance of Ukraine and Poland and its struggle against the Bolshevist Russia. Poland got a chance to strengthen its statehood, as Moscow was significantly weakened by the war with the UPR and peasants’ insurrections in Ukraine. Keywords: UPR, Republic of Poland, Entente, Treaty of Warsaw, allied relations.
11
Chen, Li-Chiao. "The Signing of the Sino-Iranian Treaty of 1920." Iranian Studies 52, no. 5-6 (September 30, 2019): 991–1008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2019.1647094.
Full text
12
Todorov, A. "Century-Long Evolution of the Svalbard’s Legal Regime: Unresolved Issues." World Economy and International Relations 64, no. 12 (2020): 123–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-12-123-132.
Full textAbstract:
Despite ongoing turbulence in international relations, Arctic is reasonably considered to be a region of stability. This is possible not least due to a state of legal certainty in the region, which enables the Arctic governance to be predictable and transparent. Some topical issues, however, remain unsolved. One of them is the Svalbard case. By signing the Paris Treaty 1920, the parties recognized Norway’s sovereignty over the archipelago with several restrictions granting other signatories equal rights to engage in commercial activities on the islands, a special taxation regime, etc. However, since the times of the Treaty, the world economy and the international law had been actively developing, with fishing interests of coastal states and technologies for deep-seabed mining emerging. Such legal notions as Exclusive Economic Zones and Continental Shelf were adopted after 1920, and certainly could not have been regulated by the Paris Treaty. This rose the question of applicability of the Svalbard Treaty to the maritime zones off the islands, causing significant international attention and controversies. Since the late 1970s, Norway has been insisting that the provisions of the Treaty do not apply to the existing and potential maritime zones off Svalbard. Russia, Iceland, Spain, UK and some other countries disagree. The issue of maritime boundaries of the 1920 Treaty remains unsolved. It is obvious though, that the absence of a clear regulatory regime for fishing and deep-seabed mining in Svalbard’s waters is not in the interests of the Arctic states (especially in case of joint fish stocks of the Arctic Ocean). That is why it would be reasonable if the Arctic countries initiate informal consultations with other stakeholders. Though one should not expect fast achievements of this process, any positive and constructive advance would in the end contribute to strengthening the legal certainty and predictability for this region.
13
Cojocaru, Gheorghe. "Great Britain and the Paris treaty of Bessarabia of October 28, 1922. 100 years after the ratification." Revista de istorie a Moldovei, no. 1-2(129-130) (November 2022): 117–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.58187/rim.129-130.05.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyzes the position of Great Britain towards the union of Bessarabia with the mother country, Romania, at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919-1920. It is emphasized that English diplomacy firmly supported Romania’s rights over its province between the Prut and Dniester, also formulating certain conditionalities that the Romanian government had to take into account. England had a primary role in the drafting and signing of the Paris Treaty of Bessarabia on October 28, 1920. Among the Great Powers that signed the Treaty, Great Britain was the first to ratify it in 1922, urging the rest of the signatories to follow suit.
14
Serwin, Kazimierz. "Percepcja traktatu triańskiego/trianońskiego w węgierskiej kulturze." Wschodnioznawstwo 14 (2020): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.20.003.13331.
Full textAbstract:
Perception of the Treaty of Trianon in Hungarian culture The „Trianon” is perhaps the most famous historical term in Hungary. 100 years ago, on June 4, 1920, restrictive peace conditions were imposed on Hungary at the Grand Trianon Palace in Versailles. Apart of the loss of territory, 3,5 million Hungarians remained abroad. In Hungarian historical awareness, the Treaty of Trianon is a symbol of catastrophe and national humiliation. The change of „Greater Hungary” into „small” Hungary. To this day, the effects of the treaty have had an impact on Hungary’s politics, economy and culture.
15
Dubisz, Stanisław. "Język pism Józefa Piłsudskiego – Rok 1920." Poradnik Językowy 2020, no. 6/2020(775) (June 30, 2020): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/porj.2020.6.6.
Full textAbstract:
Rok 1920 (1920) is the most extensive text by Józef Piłsudski. The image of the author inferred from the linguistic features of the text is one of a typical user of general Polish in the interwar period, that is a representative of the Polish intelligentsia of those days. The idiolectal and regional characteristics are infrequent or occasional (in the phonetic, grammatical, and lexical layers). The stylistics of the treaty is primarily the stylistics of a realistic description and the author’s narrative, used effi ciently and displaying a great narrative talent and the knowledge of realities.
16
Hajdú, Zoltán. "Structural and administrative implications of the Trianon Peace Treaty, 1920." Regional Statistics 10, no. 1 (2020): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15196/rs100103.
Full text
17
Medijainen, Eero. "Article 5: Permanent Neutrality in The Tartu Peace Treaty, 1920." Journal of Baltic Studies 41, no. 2 (June 2010): 201–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01629771003731739.
Full text
18
SCURTU, Ioan. "THE TREATY OF TRIANON BETWEEN LEGEND AND REALITY." Annals of the Academy of Romanian Scientists Series on History and Archaeology 12, no. 2 (2020): 13–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.56082/annalsarscihist.2020.2.13.
Full textAbstract:
The Paris Peace Conference introduced a new international juridical concept as a decisive factor in their decisions: the right of all nations to selfdetermination. The Treaty of Trianon from June 4th 1920 was not a bilateral one (Hungary-Romania) as it was signed by Hungary along 22 other states from all the continents. The Treaty does not contain the word Transylvania, and the border between Hungary and Romania was established based on the will of the majority. The Treaty came into effect on July 26th 1921 after its ratification by Romania and Hungary along the other signatory states.
19
Churchill, Robin. "The Disputed Scope of the Svalbard Treaty Offshore: a New Approach to Resolving the Issue." Nordic Journal of International Law 91, no. 4 (December 5, 2022): 544–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718107-91040002.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The 1920 Treaty concerning the Archipelago of Spitsbergen confers sovereignty over Svalbard on Norway. It also provides that all parties to the Treaty enjoy equal rights of fishing and mining on Svalbard and in its ‘territorial waters’. Norway and various other States parties to the Svalbard Treaty disagree as to whether the Treaty applies to the continental shelf and Fisheries Protection Zone (fpz) of Svalbard. There has been much discussion as to the merits of each side’s legal position. This article does not contribute further to that discussion. Instead, it examines the three current principal issues where it makes a practical difference whether or not the Treaty applies – oil and gas exploration and exploitation, the catching of snow crab, and Norway’s fisheries jurisdiction in the fpz – and suggests how disputes relating to those issues could be resolved without having to determine whether the Treaty applies to Svalbard’s continental shelf and fpz.
20
McKercher, B. J. C. "The other German Treaty: Lloyd George and St. Germain 1919–1920." Beiträge zur Rechtsgeschichte Österreichs 1 (2019): 320–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/brgoe2019-2s320.
Full text
21
Dodds, Klaus J. "South Africa and the Antarctic, 1920–1960." Polar Record 32, no. 180 (January 1996): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247400027649.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe South African state has never made a formal claim to the Antarctic continent. In the inter-war period, the South African government prepared a number of memorandums and discussion papers on the subject of a ‘South African sector in the Antarctic.’ This paper not only critically interprets those government papers, but, more importantly, assesses the reasons why South Africa never made a formal claim. It is suggested that relations with Britain and the Empire, as well as the activities of Norway and the United States, were crucial determining factors. Finally, the implications for later South African involvement in the South Atlantic and the Antarctic Treaty System are briefly considered.
22
Jensen, Øystein. "The Svalbard Treaty and Norwegian Sovereignty." Arctic Review on Law and Politics 11 (2020): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.23865/arctic.v11.2348.
Full textAbstract:
A hundred years ago on 9 February 2020, the Svalbard Treaty was adopted in Paris, granting Norway her long-standing ambition: full and absolute sovereignty over the Svalbard archipelago. After a brief review of the negotiations that preceded the Paris decision, this article examines the main elements of the Treaty: Norwegian sovereignty, the principle of non-discrimination and the terra nullius rights of other states, peaceful utilization, scientific research and environmental protection. Focus then shifts to Norway’s policy towards Svalbard and the implementation of the Treaty’s provisions: what have been the main lines of Norwegian Svalbard politics; what administrative structures have evolved; to what extent has Norwegian legislation been made applicable to Svalbard? Importantly, the article also addresses how widespread changes in international law that have taken place since 1920, particularly developments concerning the law of the sea, have brought to the forefront controversial issues concerning the geographic scope of the Treaty’s application.
23
Kalmo, Hent. "Principles and Pragmatism in State Succession: Bargaining in the Economic Affairs Commission of the Tartu Peace Conference." Baltic Yearbook of International Law Online 17, no. 1 (December 20, 2020): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22115897_01701_002.
Full textAbstract:
The conventions of legal argumentation have the tendency to reinforce the notion that the development of international law is a principled affair. This article will examine the elaboration of one particular treaty – the Tartu Peace Treaty signed between Estonia and Soviet Russia in 1920 – in order to see to what extent it lends support to the idea that treaties grow out of principles. The Tartu Peace Treaty perfectly illustrates the point that the contents of a treaty can be entirely indeterminate with regard to their underlying principles. My conclusion is not that, in this case, pragmatism triumphed over principles: that the negotiating parties refrained from debates over abstract principles and took the more pragmatic route of finding an array of concrete solutions. Whilst it is true that the end result – the Treaty as it finally stood – was detached from any single foundational idea, it was not obtained by putting principles aside. The Tartu Peace Conference rather offers us a particularly good example of how principles can be used as rhetorical ploys.
24
Gurney, O. R. "The Treaty with Ulmi-Tešub." Anatolian Studies 43 (December 1993): 13–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3642962.
Full textAbstract:
The treaty of a Hittite king, whose name is lost, with Ulmi-Tešub, king of Tarhuntassa (KBo. IV 10 + KUB XL 69 + 1548/u, CTH 106) is a complex and problematic document. Published as a hand-copy by Forrer in 1920, no modern edition of the text has yet appeared in print. It contains an unusually full description of the boundaries of Ulmi-Tešub's vassal kingdom, and in order to provide a sound basis for the reconstruction of Hittite political geography I contributed a translation of the boundary description and of most of the other clauses to John Garstang's book The Geography of the Hittite Empire in 1959. J. Lorenz, a student of Marburg University, prepared an edition in 1986 as a dissertation, but this has remained unpublished. The same is true of a similar edition prepared in 1989 for the University of Amsterdam by T. van den Hout, though this is understood to have gone to press. Dr. van den Hout, however, has published his views on this treaty in some detail in an article “A Chronology of the Tarhuntassa Treaties” in JCS 41 (1989), 100–14, where he introduces the text in his first sentence as “KBo 4 10 (CTH 106), the treaty between Tudhaliya IV and Ulmi-Tešub, king of Tarhuntassa”.
25
حسن كريدي, زمن. "موقف الولايات المتحدة الامريكية من معاهدة تريانون 1920." Journal of Education College Wasit University 2, no. 47 (July 7, 2022): 659–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/eduj.vol2.iss47.3080.
Full textAbstract:
تعتبر معاهدات الصلح من اهم انواع المواثيق الدولية التي تربط مقدرات الدول لاسيما المنهزمة منها على المدى البعيد، اذ تترتب عليها تعهدات اقتصادية وسياسية تلزمها بالتنفيذ حتى وان كانت مجحفة بحقها وغير منصفة، مما يؤدي في بعض الاحيان الى انهيار انظمتها السياسية واستبدالها بأخرى او انهيار اقتصادها نتيجة اثقاله بالديون الدولية، لهذا خلقت معاهدات الصلح المختلفة قروحاً عدة، على الرغم من مكافحة مؤيدي المثل العليا الذين يدعون الى التهدئة والمصالحة، الا ان كفاحهم ذاك كان خاسراً وغير متكافئ مع من دعا الى الانتقام والقصاص والكراهية، ولعل معاهدة تريانون Treaty of Trianon 1920، من بين اهم تلك المعاهدات التي ادت الى تحجيم امبراطورية مهمة مثل امبراطورية النمسا والمجر واختزلتها في دولة بلغاريا.
26
Karnups, Viesturs Pauls. "Latvia-Mandated Palestine Economic Relations 1920–1940." Humanities and Social Sciences: Latvia 28, no. 2 (2020): 20–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/hssl.28.2.02.
Full textAbstract:
This paper provides an overview of Latvian-Mandated Palestine economic relations in the interwar period. In the interwar period Latvian and Mandated Palestine economic relations were mainly confined to foreign trade. Latvia’s foreign trade in relation to Mandated Palestine was more or less regulated by Latvia’s 1923 treaty with Great Britain. Latvia’s main imports from Mandated Palestine in the interwar period were fruits (including oranges, lemons, grapes, figs, pears, etc.), tobacco, and olive oil, whilst Latvia’s main exports to Mandated Palestine were fish and fish conserves (including “Sprotes”), timber and timber products, paper and paper products, plywood, butter, and wooden nails and pins for footwear. In general, despite a growth in trade in the 1930s, trade and thus economic relations were of marginal significance to both countries in the interwar period.
27
Hickford, Mark. "John Salmond and Native Title in New Zealand: Developing a Crown Theory on the Treaty of Waitangi, 1910-1920." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 38, no. 4 (March 1, 2008): 853. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v38i4.5545.
Full textAbstract:
This extended essay argues for a new approach towards the writing of constitutional histories of the Crown within New Zealand. It looks specifically at the conceptions of the relationship between the Treaty of Waitangi, the common law and customary interests that the Crown and its legal advisors actually employed in internal deliberation and external positioning. In looking at the processes for articulating the Crown's preferred legal position during John Salmond's tenure as Solicitor-General, this article notes the overwhelming prevalence of statute and Treaty-based conceptions in law (as well as areas of historical change and discontinuity). Common law approaches emerged in the later twentieth century through newly minted theories or doctrines of aboriginal title but were never regarded as distinct options by the historical actors themselves. The concern of this article is with how those actors – most notably Salmond – conceived, acted upon and adapted their perception of the Crown's constitutional obligations to Māori. In mapping the course of a Crown legal "register" or way of speaking about native title and the Treaty of Waitangi, the essay aims to reveal the rich and contested nuances of the approaches assumed by the legal advisors to the Crown on the question of the Treaty from 1910 until 1920 and its relevance to a governmental outlook on customary property.
28
Mikhailova, Yulia. "Roundtable Discussion “Soviet-Lithuanian Peace Treaty of 1920” (Moscow, November 25, 2020)." ISTORIYA 11, no. 11 (97) (2020): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207751800012896-4.
Full text
29
Zeidler, M. "The Trianon Peace Treaty of 1920. A View of Contemporary Hungarian Historiography." Historical Expertise 2, no. 19 (July 1, 2019): 133–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31754/2409-6105-2019-2-133-157.
Full text
30
Rossi, Christopher R. "Norway's Imperiled Sovereignty Claim over Svalbard's Adjacent Waters." German Law Journal 18, no. 6 (November 1, 2017): 1497–530. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200022409.
Full textAbstract:
The invasive but highly profitable snow crab has made its way into the waters of the High Arctic, precipitating a direct confrontation between the EU and Norway over the interpretation of the 1920 Svalbard Treaty. Norway claims the Treaty does not apply due to its strict interpretation of the Treaty's terms, which pertain only to the archipelago's terra firm and territorial sea. The EU claims the Treaty's equal access and non-discrimination provisions follow the evolution of the international law of the sea, and make the living (and mineral) resources of Svalbard's surrounding continental shelf and waters open to all states parties to the Treaty. The dispute has gone on for decades, but this Article maintains, through a review of Norway's increasingly isolated legal and political stance that time is out of joint for Norway and its long-term appropriative design and strategy to territorialize this area of the High North.
31
Polyakova, Elena. "Ireland During the War of Independence. From the Truce to the Treaty." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2022): 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640020639-0.
Full textAbstract:
The year 2022 marks the centenary of the formation of the modern, independent Irish state. The Anglo-Irish Treaty signed in December 1921 was crucial to its creation and political destiny, setting the direction of Irish state policy for a century and laying the foundations of modern Irish statehood. The treaty was signed after two years of Anglo-Irish war, in which the Republic of Ireland, proclaimed in 1919, had to defend its independence, when both sides found the will to declare a truce and agree to a five-month-long period of negotiations. The author examines the events that influenced the terms of the treaty, including the 1920 Government of Ireland Act, which provided for the creation of two Irish parliaments, for the South and the North, effectively dividing the country, and the complex and dramatic events between the truce and the signing of the treaty. Special attention is given to the positions of British Prime Minister David Lloyd-George and Irish republican leader Éamon de Valera on key issues of Irish sovereignty and territorial integrity, as reflected in their months-long correspondence. The peace treaty signed by Britain with the unrecognised Republic of Ireland was the starting point of its move towards genuine independence.
32
CONNOR, EMMET O. "COMMUNISTS, RUSSIA, AND THE IRA, 1920–1923." Historical Journal 46, no. 1 (March 2003): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002868.
Full textAbstract:
After the foundation of the Communist International in 1919, leftists within the Socialist Party of Ireland won Comintern backing for an Irish communist party. Encouraged by Moscow, the communists hoped to offset their marginality through the republican movement. The Communist Party of Ireland denounced the Anglo-Irish treaty, welcomed the Irish Civil War, and pledged total support to the IRA. As the war turned against them, some republicans favoured an alliance with the communists. In August 1922 Comintern agents and two IRA leaders signed a draft agreement providing for secret military aid to the IRA in return for the development of a new republican party with a radical social programme. The deal was not ratified on either side, and in 1923 the Communist Party of Ireland followed Comintern instructions to ‘turn to class politics’. The party encountered increasing difficulties and was liquidated in January 1924. The communist intervention in the Civil War highlights the contrast between Comintern and Russian state policy on Ireland, and was seminal in the evolution of Irish socialist republicanism.
33
DRECIN, Mihai D. "FREEMASONRY AND THE PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE (JANUARY 1919 – JUNE 1920)." Annals of the Academy of Romanian Scientists Series on History and Archaeology 12, no. 2 (2020): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.56082/annalsarscihist.2020.2.21.
Full textAbstract:
The Romanian delegation - headed by Prime Minister Ion I.C. Brătianu - accompanied by other well-known Romanian figures who were not part of the delegation, but represented the Romanian elite who had emigrated to the French capital, attended the Paris Peace Conference and recognised that the political decisions concerning the future borders of the nations emerging from the former Austrian-Hungarian Empire were made by the Roman Catholic Church, the Freemasonry and the Jewish Youth Organisation. These were the institutions behind the political decisions made by the political leaders of France (Georges Clémenceau), Great Britain (Sir David Lloyd George), the United States of America (Woodrow Wilson), and Italy (Vittorio Emanuele Orlando). When, after a conflict with the then French Prime Minister, who was failing to observe the provisions of the August 1916 Treaty concluded between Romania and the Triple Entente, Ion I.C. Brătianu left Paris, Alexandru Vaida-Voevod became his successor as head of the Romanian delegation. The Transylvanian political leader and some of his close associates would also become members of the Ernest Renan Masonic lodge in Paris, on 4 August 1919. The decision was made by Alexandru Vaida-Voevod after extensive consultations with Ion I.C. Brătianu, who had returned to Bucharest by then, and Iuliu Maniu, the Chairman of the Ruling Council in Sibiu. The masonic involvement of the Romanian delegation at the Paris Peace Conference was proof of the diplomatic abilities of its members as well as of the perfect cooperation with the local political decisionmakers, with the purpose of adjusting to the then current international context to the benefit of the country’s national interests. After Romania and Hungary signed the Treaty of Trianon (4 July 1920) whose clauses were favourable to Romania, the Romanian freemasons would leave their Masonic lodges in the coming years.
34
Mikhailova, Yu L. "Peace negotiations between Russia and Latvia in 1920: Premises, key issues, and outcomes." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 14, no. 3 (November 27, 2022): 227–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2022-14-3-227-264.
Full textAbstract:
The conclusion of the Peace Treaty between Latvia and the RSFSR on August 11, 1920 marked an important stage both in the process of international recognition of Latvia and in the normalization of international relations in the region in general, and charted a new course of the foreign policy of the Soviet state. On the basis of a wide range of archival sources (transcripts of the plenary meetings of the RSFSR and Latvia delegations, the meetings minutes of the Soviet-Latvian boundary commission, etc.), as well as recent Russian and foreign historical researches, the paper examines a set of issues related to the conclusion of the Treaty. The key issues that predetermined the agenda of the Soviet-Latvian peace negotiations included border demarcation, the exchange of war prisoners, the return of property evacuated to Russia, the return of refugees and the establishment of procedures for citizenship option. The author notes that the issue of border delimitation and demarcation was one of the most controversial and painful during the negotiations. The ethnographic principle for future borders was inextricably linked with economic and military-strategic considerations. The author examines territorial concessions made by the RSFSR to Latvia and concludes that they served as a demonstration of the Soviet Russia readiness to take into account the territorial claims of the Baltic republics, which allowed it to achieve peace in the region and fix new borders, as well as to establish trade relations indispensable for the survival of a young Soviet state during the Civil War. At the same time, the Soviet representatives took a hard line on compensations for the damage caused during hostilities and the return of property evacuated from Latvia. The author concludes that the Soviet-Latvian treaty and similar treaties with other Baltic states not only enabled the establishment of a new balance of power in the East Baltic region for the interwar period and laid the foundation for the Soviet foreign policy towards the Baltic republics, but also served as a vivid example of realization of ‘the right of self-determination of peoples up to secession’. Finally, these treaties became one of the means to break the diplomatic isolation of Soviet Russia.
35
Bagale, Dharma Raj. "Nepal–India water cooperation: consequences of mutuality or hegemony?" Water Policy 22, no. 6 (October 30, 2020): 1098–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2020.135.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article reviews the relationship between Nepal and India, particularly in water resources cooperation. The two South Asian neighbours have entered into a number of agreements/treaties in water resources, namely, Sarada Agreement (1920), Kosi Agreement (1954), Gandak Agreement (1959) and Mahakali Treaty (1996). Nepal is criticized within the country for being unable to secure its benefits, and that all the agreements are in India's favour. However, the Indian side claims that overpoliticization of water issues in Nepal is the reason for not achieving the benefits from these agreements. Since the Mahakali Treaty, there has been deadlock in Nepal–India water cooperation as the implementation of the treaty has not materialized even after more than two decades since its ratification. Therefore, all the forms of cooperation in the past between Nepal and India can be viewed as the consequence of hydro-hegemony rather than mutuality. The article concludes that both nations need to move forward to create mutual trust for the equitable utilization of water resources, as there is huge potential for constructive cooperation.
36
Both, Csaba Attila. "Hungarian Dialectology. Research of Hungarian Dialects in Romania." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Philologica 13, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ausp-2021-0029.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract After the Treaty of Trianon, the long history of research on the Hungarian dialects in the neighbouring countries did not cease. A previous article on the history of research on Hungarian dialect islands reviewed the significant achievements of Hungarian dialect research up to 1920 (Both 2020b). In the present article, we summarize the essential periods and results of Hungarian dialect research in Romania from 1920 to the present day. The article will show how in the last one hundred years a Hungarian-language department in a minority environment has redirected its research, resulting in a decreasing share of dialectological research, and how, despite these developments, the Hungarian dialectological community in Romania has enriched the Hungarian dialectology research with significant results.
37
Hajdú, Zoltán. "Relations between Hungary and countries of the Central and Eastern European region: collapse and reorganisation, 1918–1925." Wschodnioznawstwo 14 (2020): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.20.004.13332.
Full textAbstract:
The First World War caused very deep and fundamental changes in Central and Eastern Europe. The biggest loser of the war was the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. Kingdom of Hungary as one of its parts was dissolved in the framework of Trianon Peace Treaty. The new Hungary could retain only 28,6% of the former territory and 36,5% of its former population. After 1920 the League of Nations was planned a new collective European security system.
38
Ohorodnyk, Taras. "Participation of V. Starosolsky in the publicistic polemic of 1919–1920 on the Treaty of Warsaw." Obraz 34, no. 2 (2020): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/obraz.2020.2(34)-34-41.
Full textAbstract:
The article examines the publicistic polemic of 1919–1920 between the Social Democrats Volodymyr Starosolsky, Mykola Hankevych and Dmytro Dontsov on one side and the National Democrats Kost’ Levytsky, Pavlo Lysyak on the other about the Ukrainian-Polish understanding and the conclusion of the Treaty of Warsaw in 1920 between the Ukrainian People’s Republic and Poland. The main focus is on the polemic over the participation and role of Volodymyr Starosolsky in the Ukrainian-Polish negotiations. The object of the study is primarily the Lviv newspapers «Vpered/Forward», «Hromadska Dumka / Public Opinion», «Nova Rada/New Council» and the Vienna magazine «Ukrainskyi Prapor/Ukrainian Flag». To study newspaper articles and define the basic concepts of journalistic polemic, the methods of analysis, synthesis, comparative method and press clipping were used. Historical and logical methods were chosen to determine the objectivity of the facts stated by the polemists, as well as a biographical method to reveal the political activity of Volodymyr Starosolsky as the scholar and publicist.
39
Wyżlic, Tomasz. "Eastern Prussia’s border with Poland in the years 1919–1922." Masuro-Warmian Bulletin 308, no. 2 (August 10, 2020): 190–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.51974/kmw-134772.
Full textAbstract:
Signed on 28 June 1919 in the Hall of Mirrors of the Palace of Versailles, this peace treaty established a new political order in Europe. Poland gained the Poznań lands, excluding Wschowa, Babimost, Międzyrzecz and Skwierzyna, and a larger part of the Royal Prussia (a total of 45 463 km2 and a little over three million inhabitants). Determining Polish borders was a process largely affected by the British Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, who was reluctant in his attitude towards Poland. He opposed any solution that would increase the role of France in Europe. The final shape of the borders was to be a task of the Allied and Associated Powers. After a heated debate, the Legislative Sejm of Poland ratified a peace treaty with Germany on 31 July 1919. It took effect on 10 January 1920. The peace treaty also arranged a plebiscite in parts of Eastern and Western Prussia, which was to determine the Polish or German affiliation of Warmia, Masuria and Powiśle. Only after that event the Boundary Commission began its delimitation works. The results of the plebiscite were unfavourable for Poland as it gained only small territories. The commission in the field focused on establishing the borders in the light of the peace treaty, so along the former German-Russian border until the Vistula river and then along it up to the Free City of Danzig.
40
Miszewski, Dariusz. "Belarus in Polish eastern policy during the Polish-Soviet War (1919–1920)." Review of Nationalities 12, no. 1 (December 1, 2022): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2022-0014.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The late 19th century saw a national awakening of the Belarusian people. During World War I, under German occupation, the Catholic Belarusian national movement intended to create a sovereign Belarusian state (the Belarusian People;s Republic) or in union with Lithuania (a revived Grand Duchy of Lithuania). After the February Revolution of 1917 in Russia, Orthodox national activists wanted a sovereign Belarus within a federal and democratic Russia. The Belarusian People’s Republic, established in March 1918, was not recognized by any state. Poland, Lithuania and Soviet Russia intended to incorporate the Belarusian lands on an autonomous basis. As a result of the Riga Peace Treaty (1921), the Belarusian lands were divided between Poland and Soviet Russia.
41
Shumeiko, Michail F. "Influence of the Riga Peace Treaty on the fate of the Belarusian archives." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 2 (May 19, 2021): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2021-2-17-28.
Full textAbstract:
The author investigated the history of the development of the main provisions of the XI article of the Riga Peace Treaty, which regulated the delimitation of archives between the contracting parties. They were extremely unfavourably formulated for the Belarusian-Russian-Ukrainian side both because of the defeat of the Red Army in the Polish-Soviet war, and because of the internal problems that arose in Russia, the most important of which was the uprising in Kronstadt in February – March 1921. This article reveals the role of the future first rector of the Belarusian State University V. I. Picheta, who worked as the chief inspector of the Glavarchive of the RSFSR and took part in the peace negotiations in Riga in the fall of 1920 as an expert. The author comes to the conclusion that in the course of the implementation of the provisions of the XI article of the treaty, the Belarusian archives suffered significant losses. This explains the so-called «archival sabotage» that took place, the essence of which was to show the Polish side as non-existent certain archival complexes that were subject to transfer to Poland under the terms of the treaty.
42
Volodko, Anna. "“The Peace of Jurjev” Between Russia and Estonia: History and Consequences." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 3 (2022): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640020244-6.
Full textAbstract:
The article focuses on the Treaty of Tartu of February 2, 1920 between the Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic and the Democratic Republic of Estonia, which laid the foundation for relations between the two countries for 20 years. As a result of the annexation of Estonia to the USSR in 1940, it ceased to have legal force. However, since the collapse of the USSR, the Estonian side has been trying to “bring it back to life” by declaring it a “cornerstone” of its independence, defining, inter alia, its land border. The article traces the history of the treaty, examines its consequences, briefly analyses the current political controversy surrounding it, and evaluates its assessment in contemporary Russian and Estonian historiography. Having studied the documents and experts' opinions, the author concludes that, although the Treaty of Tartu has no legal force, it is an instructive example of how an imperfect “compromise” international agreement has affected the subsequent relationship between the states. This article draws on documents from the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation, published in the collection of documents of Foreign Policy of the USSR, and from the State Archive of the Republic of Estonia.
43
Jolicoeur, P., and F. Labarre. "Risking Border Instability: the Russian-Estonian Case." Journal of International Analytics 11, no. 3 (December 31, 2020): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2020-11-3-113-128.
Full textAbstract:
In international relations, the last three decades have been marked by national and institutional fragmentation. The fate of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, and the regrettable way that events played out (especially in the former case), could befall other federative entities as well. Canada and Belgium come to mind, as do countries like Spain, all of which effectively function as federations. However, while federations usually have dispute settlement and mechanisms for secession embedded in their constitutions, sub-constitutive territories are often excluded from such considerations. What territories such as Kosovo, Sandjak, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, etc. have in common is that they share a desire for independence from their parent country. However, achiveing independence would present risks to the territorial integrity of other countries (what can be termed the domino principle), as well as risks to the endurance of flexible international law. The cases we have alluded to above culminated in the Crimean crisis. The problems between Estonia and the Russian Federation stem from the choice of precedent and founding text on which to base the former’s renewed independence. While Estonia was founded on the basis of the 1920 Tartu Peace Treaty that put an end to the country’s War of Independence, its experience as a Soviet Republic added another legislative filter in the form of the 1977 Constitution of the Soviet Union. However, the principle of uti possidetis had evolved to apply to more than cases of colonialism. Thus, when Estonia seceded from the USSR with the borders it had been since 1945, it was doing so under the principle of uti possidetis. The current dispute stems from the fact that the Estonian political elite seek to have the 1920 Tartu Peace Treaty recognized as the foundational document for the country’s renewed independence. Under the Treaty, Estonian sovereignty applied over a much larger territory. By insisting that any new border arrangement with Russia be based on that Treaty, Estonia is invalidating the principle of uti possidetis and the validity of the Constitution of the Soviet Union as a vehicle for independence. It implies a latent Article 5 situation between NATO and Russia, and threatens the legitimacy of other post-Soviet secessions.
44
Derzhaliuk, M. "The Treaty of Trianon as a Source of Instability in the Central-Eastern Europe (Part 3)." Problems of World History, no. 14 (June 10, 2021): 26–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-14-2.
Full textAbstract:
The article notes that the Trianon Peace Treaty of June 4, 1920 between the Entente countries and Hungary, as a result of the First World War, turned out to be, like all the other six treaties of the Versailles system, mostly unfair. Forcibly the territory of Hungary decreased by 2/3, the population decreased 2,7 times, a third of the Hungarian ethnic group became part of neighboring states.
It is noted that during 1920-2020. In Hungary, there were no powerful political forces of various trends and trends that would recognize the Trianon Peace Treaty as just. At the same time, the ruling political elites of the neighboring states of Hungary considered and still consider the conditions of the Trianon fair. Such opposite assessments of the consequences of Versailles engendered antagonism, making it impossible to reach a compromise between the countries of Central-Eastern Europe.
Attention is drawn to the fact that during the domination in Europe of the coalition of countries led by Germany of the Versailles Peace Treaty, including the Trianon, were dismantled, a new order was introduced, in which opponents of Versailles – Germany, Italy, Japan, the USSR, Hungary, Bulgaria. played an active role.
It is noted that the winners of the World War ІІ restored the borders of the countries of Germany’s allies in Europe, in accordance with their own geopolitical interests, which corresponded by 70% to the borders established by the Entente after the World War І. The Trianon borders were restored over Hungary by the Paris Peace Treaty of February 10, 1947. The USSR, Great Britain, France and the United States acted from a hegemonic position, were guided by the right of the winner and in many respects imposed on the defeated countries the conditions of the Versailles system were discredited, did not draw proper conclusions and did not build international relations on principles close to justice, but preserved the complicated territorial contradictions of the past with the corresponding treaties.
It is indicated that the threat of assimilation and disappearance of foreign Hungarians is one of the main reasons for the revitalization of modern Hungary. Measures to overcome the syndrome of the dismemberment of the Hungarian nation in Central-Eastern Europe have been going on for centuries with little results; The rate of decline in the number of Hungarians in neighboring states over the past century is the highest, so Budapest believes that there is no time to delay the introduction of autonomy for foreign Hungarians, because in the next 25 years the very need for it will disappear through their disappearance.
It is emphasized that the level of ensuring the rights of the Hungarian minority in Transcarpathia especially affects the relationship of Hungary with Ukraine. The improvement of relations between Hungary and Ukraine has minimal chances, since the positions of the parties on the procedure for the application of educational and language laws in Transcarpathia do not coincide.
Taking into account the decisive activity of Hungary and the Hungarian foreign communities in 2020 (the century of the signing of the Trianon Peace Treaty on June 4, 1920), it is concluded that this problem will not lose its relevance, but will significantly increase.
45
Derzhaliuk, M. "The Treaty of Trianon as a Source of Instability in the Central-Eastern Europe (Part 2)." Problems of World History, no. 13 (March 18, 2021): 53–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-13-3.
Full textAbstract:
The article notes that the Trianon Peace Treaty of June 4, 1920 between the Entente countries and Hungary, as a result of the First World War, turned out to be, like all the other six treaties of the Versailles system, mostly unfair. Forcibly the territory of Hungary decreased by 2/3, the population decreased 2,7 times, a third of the Hungarian ethnic group became part of neighboring states.
It is noted that during 1920-2020. In Hungary, there were no powerful political forces of various trends and trends that would recognize the Trianon Peace Treaty as just. At the same time, the ruling political elites of the neighboring states of Hungary considered and still consider the conditions of the Trianon fair. Such opposite assessments of the consequences of Versailles engendered antagonism, making it impossible to reach a compromise between the countries of Central-Eastern Europe.
Attention is drawn to the fact that during the domination in Europe of the coalition of countries led by Germany of the Versailles Peace Treaty, including the Trianon, were dismantled, a new order was introduced, in which opponents of Versailles – Germany, Italy, Japan, the USSR, Hungary, Bulgaria. played an active role
It is noted that the winners of the World War ІІ restored the borders of the countries of Germany’s allies in Europe, in accordance with their own geopolitical interests, which corresponded by 70% to the borders established by the Entente after the World War І. The Trianon borders were restored over Hungary by the Paris Peace Treaty of February 10, 1947. The USSR, Great Britain, France and the United States acted from a hegemonic position, were guided by the right of the winner and in many respects imposed on the defeated countries the conditions of the Versailles system were discredited, did not draw proper conclusions and did not build international relations on principles close to justice, but preserved the complicated territorial contradictions of the past with the corresponding treaties.
It is indicated that the threat of assimilation and disappearance of foreign Hungarians is one of the main reasons for the revitalization of modern Hungary. Measures to overcome the syndrome of the dismemberment of the Hungarian nation in Central-Eastern Europe have been going on for centuries with little results; The rate of decline in the number of Hungarians in neighboring states over the past century is the highest, so Budapest believes that there is no time to delay the introduction of autonomy for foreign Hungarians, because in the next 25 years the very need for it will disappear through their disappearance.
It is emphasized that the level of ensuring the rights of the Hungarian minority in Transcarpathia especially affects the relationship of Hungary with Ukraine. The improvement of relations between Hungary and Ukraine has minimal chances, since the positions of the parties on the procedure for the application of educational and language laws in Transcarpathia do not coincide.
Taking into account the decisive activity of Hungary and the Hungarian foreign communities in 2020 (the century of the signing of the Trianon Peace Treaty on June 4, 1920), it is concluded that this problem will not lose its relevance, but will significantly increase.
46
Ljubičić, Šime. "Predškolske ustanove Grada Zadra do Rapalskog ugovora." Magistra Iadertina 15, no. 2 (May 25, 2021): 19–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/magistra.3377.
Full textAbstract:
The intention of this paper is to present the city of Zadar’s preschool institutions in the period following the adoption of the 1872 order by the Minister of Public Worship and Education in Vienna until the end of the First World War, i.e. the signing of the Treaty of Rapallo (1920). These institutions in Zadar have not been reviewed so far, which is why we refer exclusively to the texts of four district school supervisors along with some texts from the Zadar press at the time.
47
Okumuş, Ali. "San Remo conference and the foundation of Turkey." Global Journal of Business, Economics and Management: Current Issues 5, no. 2 (March 4, 2016): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/gjbem.v5i2.366.
Full textAbstract:
The partition of the Ottoman State and the formation of new countries in the Near East are the main issues during the peace treaties after the First World War. When the Treaty of Versailles effectuated in 10 January 1920, these issues became unsolved and important questions for the European Powers. For this reason many conferences and meetings had hold in between the countries which won the War. After the First London Conference the allies came together and hold a meeting in San Remo City in Italy (18-26 April 1920) and they gave decision most of the issues about the Middle East. This paper will consist with, how the result of the San Remo Meting affected the partition of Ottoman Empire and the foundation of modern Turkey. Generally San Remo Conference is not known as much as Lausanne Conference. However it had a crucial role during the other peace treaties from the perspectives of discussions and topics. Especially the Petroleum Treaty in between Britain and France during the San Remo Conference had affected not only the other treaties in Europe but also the formation of new states in Near East and appearing of modern Turkey besides portion of Ottoman State. This article will focus on these important issues using by the Archive of Ottoman State, Turkish Republican Archive, American National Archive, British National Archive, Turkish and English Newspapers, Memoirs of people who attended the meeting and the other works, books, and articles. Keywords: San Remo; Turkish, Conferences
48
Mikhailova, Yulia Leonidovna. "Soviet-Latvian treaty of August 11, 1920: Legislative regulationand practice of refugee exchange and option." Петербургский исторический журнал, no. 4 (2021): 168–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.51255/2311-603x_2021_4_168.
Full text
49
Wołkonowski, Jarosław. "„Neutralność” Litwy podczas Bitwy Warszawskiej." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 12, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.6862.
Full textAbstract:
After the First World War, three concepts clashed in Eastern Europe: the model of the nation state, the expansion of the Bolshevik revolution implemented by Russia and the union of nation-states (Poland, Lithuania, Ukraine, Belarus and Latvia) according to Piłsudski resulting from the threat. Russia in the years 1920-1921 signed five peace treaties, but only the treaty with Lithuania contained secret arrangements regarding the neutrality of Lithuania in the Bolshevik-Polish war. The analysis of the source material shows that Russia used the secret provisions of the peace treaty in its plans for the expansion of bolshevism, and after the defeat of the Polish army, it was to carry out a Bolshevik coup in Lithuania. Despite the proclaimed neutrality, Lithuania turned out to be on the side of Russia in this conflict, causing additional difficulties for Polish troops in the Battle of Warsaw. The Polish victory over the Vistula impeded the expansion of Bolshevism to Europe.
50
Ward, Martin. "Moses or Meddler? CMS Missionary J.R. Wolfe in Post-Tianjin Treaty Fujian." Mission Studies 36, no. 3 (October 9, 2019): 458–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341679.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract By 1920 Fujian became one of the most missiologically prominent regions in China. This article examines the development of the veteran missionary of the Church Missionary Society, J.R. Wolfe’s missiological ideology in relation to the implementation of the Treaty of Tianjin in Fujian from 1862–1878. Amidst considerable frustration at perceived scant manpower and finances commensurate to his evangelistic zeal, he discovered the expedience of consular intervention in cases of persecution and came to seek it as a matter of course. His subsequent experiential epiphany of the British Government’s slighting of the articles in the Treaty relating to the safeguarding of the missionary enterprise exacerbated his sense of frustration. This article argues that the disparity between his hagiographical title of “Moses of Fujian” and the controversy surrounding his politicalness is irreconcilable, and that the example of Wolfe demonstrates the complexities of the evolution of missionary ideology and the importance of a thorough archival reappraisal.